The Collectivism of American Neo-Nazis After 1945
by Nevin Gussack
These American neo-Nazi and racialist movements supported a collectivist society which snubbed individualist capitalism and limited government with checks and balances. Some even supported outright socialist measures to reconstruct the US economy. American neo-Nazis often differentiated “free enterprise” and “capitalism” from each other. In the eyes of various neo-Nazi leaders and groups, “free enterprise” was actually a form of economy where the private sector is controlled by the government and small/medium-sized firms were accorded special treatment. “Capitalism” was a system that exploited workers and created class struggle within the Aryan national-racial community. Other neo-Nazi groups even proposed the nationalization of certain, key economic sectors. All neo-Nazi and neo-fascist groups strongly favored labor-management cooperation as opposed to the class atomism of Marxism, libertarianism, and modern “conservatism.”
Even American patriots and ex-servicemen could be radicalized against their own government and society. In some cases, it appears that the forces of globalized capitalism and the social atomism ever-present in post-1981 America contributed to the alienation from the American economic and political system. Such a state of affairs would open the door to individuals becoming sympathetic to either communist or fascist ideals. Domestic terrorist Timothy McVeigh wrote a letter titled “America Faces Problems,” which was published in the Lockport Union-Sun & Journal in March 1992. McVeigh noted that “Maybe we have to combine ideologies to achieve the perfect utopian government. Remember, government-sponsored health care was a Communist idea. Should only the rich be allowed to live long? Does that say that because a person is poor, he is a lesser human being; and doesn’t deserve to live as long, because he doesn’t wear a tie to work?”1
Sometimes, ultra-leftists who displayed an admittedly healthy distrust of the corporate internationalists found themselves sometimes attracted to far rightist conservatives and populists. An essay in American Opinion dated from 1968 was read to a group of SDS members which castigated the “ruling class” in America. These SDS members reportedly applauded the text of this essay and were then stunned that it appeared in the conservative John Birch Society publication.2
Sometimes even members and even occasional leading scholars and officials of the Birch Society renounced their individualistic ideology and embrace racial collectivism, no doubt due to the frustrations with the Establishment and the “cultural de-nationalization” of the modern “conservative” movement. Former Birch Society bigwig and scholar Professor Revilo Oliver wrote a laudatory article in a neo-Nazi publication on the anti-US regime in Iran under Ayatollah Khomeini. In March 1988, Professor Oliver observed that “The spiritual strength of Iran is shown by the willingness of the Iranians to fight and die for their Ideal, and the rottenness of the Judaized United States is shown by the reluctance of even its most thoughtless tares to risk abrasion of their hides for any purpose, except perhaps for rioting and crimes of violence against the minority of civilized Americans...it is well to remember that the population of Iran still contains a considerable amount of Aryan blood--in some proportion which we now have no means of measuring.”3 Oliver reflected on his work with conservative circles in America’s Decline and their support for social-racial atomism. Oliver found the capitalist-individualism of the conservatives wanting and supported racial collectivism. He wrote: “The increasingly proletarian structure of American society did not alleviate the inherent difficulties, for there remains the divergence of interest between ‘management’ and ‘labor,’ and, as in all the societies infested by Jews, there is a reciprocal hostility that is always latent and is evoked by talk about ‘free enterprise’ and the other socioeconomic principles that were traditionally esteemed as virtues by the middle class. The only conceivable basis for a political movement that could transcend differences in income and manners is, of course, the biological unity of race-and that, of course, is precisely what the Birch hoax is now used to prevent enemies, both sophisticated and savage, while toiling to subsidize them. Many of those estimable persons would have been shocked by a suggestion that they had a right to consider first their own welfare and that of their children, for that would have been ‘selfish’ and even skeptics have been imbued with the hoary Christian hokum that we must love those who hate us.”4
The National Renaissance Party (NRP) was one of the earliest neo-Nazi movements in the post-World War II political scene in the United States. It served as a starting point for a variety of American racists and neo-Nazi leaders and activists. The NRP was formed in 1949 by fascists and old pro-Axis figures such as James Madole. It believed in fascist collectivism as a matter of economic policy. Madole noted in a leaflet titled “Asiatic Barbarism Versus Western Civilization” that “only the superbly efficient totalitarian economic systems of Fascists, National Socialist, and Communist regimes are adaptible (sic) to the strain of TOTAL WAR as practiced in the 20th century...The spirit of democracy is a glorification of weakness and cowardly conduct. It glorifies the coward instead of the fighter, it raises feeble weaklings to leadership rather than a trained, iron-hard, and youthful elite...”5 He remarked that the NRP “believes in subordinating the interests of the individual citizen to the interests of the national community as a whole. The nation represents the totality of the American people; their hopes, their needs, and their ideals...and as such the welfare of the nation must always supersede the private interests of any race, class or individual.” The program of the NRP called for “The creation of an American Corporate Economy wherein labor and management will be equally represented in an Economic Department of the Federal Government. All disputes will be settled by impartial labor tribunals. (Labor and management exist to serve the interests of the State, which represents the totality of the American people. Class warfare and inflationary prices create universal economic chaos hence prices and wages must be stabilized by the State in order to meet the needs of the American people as a whole.)”6
The American Nazi Party (ANP) of George Lincoln Rockwell was formed in the late 1950s. It was globalist in its intentions and sought to create a united world super state of White Nations. Rockwell noted that the ANP would withdraw the United States from the “Marxist United Nations” and create an “organic Union of Free Enterprise National Socialist States, with a world police force to maintain order, and to bring the blessings of REAL peace, international responsibility and political sanity to the peoples of the earth.” The ANP supported the welfare state with its conception of “Social Sanity.” The ANP promised to “protect every honest working citizen from unforeseeable and ruinous catastrophes of all kinds; to assure him of education and training to the top level of his capacity, but ONLY to that level; to assure him of vital medical and hospital facilities by providing medical coupons usable with any physician and redeemed by the government; to protect him from ‘easypayment’ debts by insuring that every working man can earn enough to live decently without mortgaging his future to do it; to make easily available to all citizens major recreation facilities such as vacation cruises, which give life zest and color, but which are presently dependent on wealth; to make all defense lawyers in criminal cases paid officers of the court, like the prosecutor, not paid by the accused, to remove the weight of money from the processes of justice involving the life or liberty of a citizen; and to protect the people from political and economic exploitation by any individual group.”
The ANP sought to combine certain conservative-populist themes with National Socialist totalitarian economic policies. The Federal Reserve Bank would be abolished. The ANP also intended to “cancel all illegal debt resulting from the semiprivate issuance of INTEREST- BEARING money instead of genuine National Money, and issue all currency solely by the National Government, with no interest.” The ANP intended to “establish a National Economic Integrity Commission to eliminate speculation, the immoral gambling by idle men in the labor of others as a sole means of earning money. The Commission will insure that no able man is permitted to enjoy a lion’s share of the luxury, products and services created by the labor of others without contributing his own share of goods and services by his own management, invention or labor. The mere delivery of some of the tokens called ‘money’ with absolutely no productive effort...is a fraud on society, disintegrates the character of such an individual, and destroys the honesty and strength of the society which permits it. No one man or group will be permitted to profit from ownership of any public necessity which constitutes a monopoly. All monopolies shall be owned by the whole people. We shall abolish the Marxist progressive income tax and establish, in so far as possible, direct taxes on the users of schools, roads, etc., with a manufacturer’s tax to finance the facilities needed by all the people.”
The ANP pledged to “assist each group to form its own control councils, on a local basis, to maintain order and communication, and national industrial councils to establish policies of mutual benefit. The government will keep hands off all honest enterprises, labor and farmers so long as they do not coerce one another, take unfair advantage, or threaten the whole people, when compulsory arbitration will take place. As a temporary measure, to protect all honest producers during the necessarily chaotic conditions following removal of the present crazy patch-work of controls and subsidies, we shall guarantee all honest producers a decent level of family income, until genuine free enterprise can bring genuine and natural order to the economy.” The ANP intended to create an “honest free press” and the formation of the National Free Opinion Network of Newspapers, TV, Radio, Books and Magazines. In reality, such a reorganization of the press, radio, and television would entail severe state control and censorship. The youth would be organized into Police Youth Auxiliaries to suppress crime and political opposition.7
Rockwell and other ANP figures were extremely critical of conservative organizations and figures. They believed that conservative policies alienated labor from the battle against communism. Rockwell and the ANP believed that communism was to be fought by racial collectivism. Conservatives also came under fire by the ANP on the account of their lack of focus on racism and anti-Semitism. George Lincoln Rockwell wrote in his book White Power: “... in America, the very ‘captains of industry’ who have the most to gain by winning back their crew from the Jewish labor agitators, are the very men who endlessly join and support the hopelessly reactionary, anti-labor Birch Society, etc., thus driving the millions of working men further into the waiting arms of the Jewish ‘friends of the crew!’...So the sly Jews, observing this, have worked tirelessly to convince the upper classes in America that Hitler’s ‘socialism’ is the ‘same thing’ as ‘Communism’!!! The result of this is simply to help the Jews split the managers and upper classes even further and further from their own people, the workers. The working people of America want ‘social security;’ they want ‘Medicare;’ they want a paternalistic and welfare-conscious government. This is a fact. The endless blasting of ‘socialism’ in the conservative movement is planted by the Jews men like George Sokolsky, who started much of it - to accomplish precisely this crazy decapitation of the American economy, to cut off the management ‘head’ of the people from the working body and make both parts hate each other...The shortsighted, reactionary ‘conservatives’ are forever harking back to the self- sufficient days of pioneering, individualistic America, pretending to themselves that there was no ‘socialism’ in those golden days...”
Rockwell wrote that “It is to the benefit of society to have a happy, satisfied and healthy working population of ordinary folks. When naked ‘capitalism’ forgets this, which it does, and says ‘let the common man look out for himself’ (as much of the short-sighted reactionary class does), it cuts itself off from the mass support of its own people, as does the Birch Society, and most of the rest of the ‘conservative’ movement, which is why the conservative movement is so pitifully powerless. To fly in the face of this fact and insists that we can survive the onslaught of the Red ‘friends of the crew’ (who are preaching all these things) by convincing the people they don’t want welfare, social security, Medicare, free college, etc., is to act in the manner of the madman. To stop the devilish division of our people by Jewish, Marxist class-warfare, to prevent a total, Red ‘mutiny’ of the crew such as they promoted in Russia, our top managers and upper classes must come to see that they must find a way to regain the leadership of their own masses - their crew - rather than continue driving them away as they do with their reactionary constant talk of more profits, less taxes, elimination of welfare, etc...The Jews seek to keep labor and management divided by their clever provocation of workers against the wealthy and vice versa. To foil them, the managers, the wealthy (not the people), are going to have to make the first move. And the first move is not more reactionarism, but a program of honest and workable social care by the captain for his crew.”8
Rockwell and his ANP lieutenants sought to push anti-establishment conservatives such as the John Birch Society (JBS) to the Left (i.e. towards collectivism and away from liberal- nationalist capitalism). George Lincoln Rockwell noted to an audience of Texas Birchers that the Goldwater platform was middle class and not a people’s platform like that of the ANP. In 1964, Rockwell noted at a rally that “When Goldfink9 fails, and he will fail, patriotic Americans will realise that there is no easy way to victory over communism. The masses of patriotic Americans have no other option-but to fight...and the American Nazi Party will be there when they wake up.” Rockwell noted to an audience of Dallas conservatives that “capitalism” was evil, while “free enterprise” was a positive social good. This was an all-too-familiar Nazi formula. “Free enterprise” was a system of private economy which served the racial community, while “capitalism” exploited the workers and was based on atomistic selfishness. At the Dallas meeting, Rockwell noted that “... the mass must be entertained with soft soap and garbage. I am not in any sense a socialist. However, the common man is our people and he has been stolen from us...you cannot fight labour...but we’ve got to get rid of class.”10
The ANP transformed itself to the National Socialist White Peoples’ Party (NSWPP) in 1967. After Rockwell was assassinated in 1967, Matt Koehl assumed the position of Commander of the NSWPP. The NSWPP continued to support national socialist collectivism and lacerated bourgeois values. A NSWPP flyer noted that “by rejecting bourgeois-capitalist values Adolf Hitler solved the unemployment problem in just two years after coming to power in Germany, while the Western democracies were still floundering in the Depression of the 30s. Unlike the capitalist regimes in the US, Britain, and France Hitler did not have to resort to war preparations to bring his country back to social and economic health, as lying propagandists of the liberal-democratic System have claimed.”11
In the period 1967-1973, the National Socialist White People’s Party (NSWPP) posited itself as the anti-system and revolutionary party of American youth. Commander Matt Koehl of the NSWPP noted “The System under which we live is a liberal materialistic Jewish system which is thoroughly alien decadent and incurable...Both Right and Left-despite surface differences-share a common economic-materialist outlook. They differ over how to distribute material wealth. Whereas liberal capitalism is the materialism of the have’s, Marxist communism is the materialism of the have not’s. But neither the Right nor Left aims at replacing the System itself with a new set of values. The only true revolutionary alternative to the System is National Socialism which is based on racial idealism rather than economic materialism. It seeks not compromise with the present decadent order and its values, but there complete replacement.”12
The ANP still exists today, led by former Rockwell supporter Rocky Suhayda. The contemporary ANP program supported racial collectivism: “We believe that a true community can function successfully only as a unified, organic whole in which all members of society join together in a great common cause and in turn are accorded personal respect as well as equality of opportunity.” The ANP also heavily criticized the system of capitalism and the welfare state as evils of the current economic order. Clearly, the ANP supported a productive National Socialist economy which eschewed the current variant of the welfare state. Its program noted that “We believe that the proper function of an economy is to serve the economic needs of the people, not to make profits for big bankers and huge multinational corporations. We must put an end to both economic freeloading and economic exploitation in America. There must be no place for parasites who draw their sustenance from society without giving anything in return. We also believe that HONEST WORK is the only legitimate basis for wealth - not speculation, usury, or money-manipulation - and that a sound economic system must rest, not on debt or some extraneous metal, but on the productivity of the Aryan worker alone. We believe further, that money is properly a medium of exchange and store of value, not a commodity like bread or steel, and that therefore money and credit should not be issued for profit, but to serve the legitimate needs of the people without interest. Finally, we believe that it is unnecessary for any rational society to suffer unemployment when there is work to be done and people who want jobs. We must have an economy based on the long-term interests of the man who works for a living, not the chronic loafer or the man who lives by renting out his capital.”13
The main successor to the ANP/NSWPP is the New Order based in Wisconsin. It supported blatant totalitarian forms of racial collectivism. In its essay “What Is National Socialism?,” the New Order noted that “We believe that society can function successfully, and therefore happily, only as an organism; that all parts benefit when each part performs the function for which it is best suited to produce a unified, single-purpose whole, which is then capable of outperforming any one part, the whole thus vastly increasing the powers of all cooperating parts, and the parts therefore subordinating a part of their freedom to the whole.” It also stated that “We believe that an honest man can never be happy in a naked scramble for material gain and comfort, without some goal which he believes to be greater than himself, and for which he is willing to sacrifice his own egoism. That goal, for us, is the upward struggle of our race and the fight for the common good of our peoples.”14 The New Order refused to be cast in terms of leftwing or conservative: “The truth is that National Socialism is neither Capitalist nor Communist. It is neither of the right nor of the left. It is not a part of the interplay of forces under the existing order... Despite superficial differences, Capitalism and Communism — right and left — represent nothing more than the two secular aspects of the Old Order. They are generically similar, with a common worldview based on economic materialism, according to which they both view the world in terms of money and mass.”
The New Order believed that it needed to fight capitalism, communism, and Zionism as a means of paving the way for the assumption of power by a National Socialist dictatorship: “Today there are two equally dangerous ideological forces rampant in the world. One is represented by the leveling doctrine of Marxism-Leninism, or Communism. The other is international Zionism, the insidious doctrine of Jewish supremacy over all non-Jews. Whereas in the East, Communism is the dominant reality, in the West it is Zionism — aligned with monopoly capital and politically represented by liberalism/conservatism — which exercises effective control and dominance. Consequently, the destabilization and demolition of the Zionist power structure must be the primary concern of National Socialists in the Western countries.”15
Liberty Lobby was an example of a covert neo-Nazi group which sought to utilize a populist American nationalism to promote a fascist state in America. For decades, the newspaper of the Liberty Lobby was titled The Spotlight (which became the American Free Press). Congressman Larry McDonald (D-GA) noted that the Liberty Lobby sought “to use American populist causes as the method to bring about a National Socialist (Nazi) regime.”16 Liberty Lobby opposed a large measure of economic freedom under the rubric of strong criticism of big business. Willis Carto, the founder of the Liberty Lobby, wrote that “The disintegration of American society which has accompanied the decline of America’s strategic position in the world since 1945 is a direct result of the system of monopoly finance capitalism and economic royalism which came to dominate the nation during the 20th century.”17
Carto criticized “capitalism” as a destabilizing force, while the racial-populist economic system of “free enterprise” ensure the collective survival of the nation: “Capitalism as distinguished from free enterprise is a force for instability and revolution...A stable society develops and thrives when populist principles are applied because the primacy of the nation, culture, family, people and race in public policy is ensured; to the survival and growth of all of these, all other considerations are subordinate.” Carto also defined capitalism as a “degenerate form of free enterprise. The means of production, money, banking and the political process are controlled by a small group of oligopolist/monopolist capitalists for their own personal gain.” On other hand, Carto believed that “free enterprise” displayed the following characteristics:
“Regulated public utilities.”
“Monopolies broken up by government.”
The imposition of “protective tariffs.”
The prohibition of “absentee ownership.”
The retention of family farms.
People, no profits come first.
Carto and Liberty Lobby also expressed a dislike of the class and racial atomism propounded by conservatives and libertarians. He wrote that “Conservatives (are) preoccupied with their profit and loss sheets, disregard the real dynamics of history, which are nationalism and race.”18
Carto and the pro-Nazi elements of the Liberty Lobby leadership were devout disciples of the ideology of American fascist Frederick Parker Yockey. He authored Imperium, which became the Yockeyites within the Liberty Lobby and the National Youth Alliance. Yockey supported a Nazi form of socialism which eschewed class struggle from the Right and Left. He wrote that “The instinct of Socialism however absolutely precludes any struggle between the component parts of the organism. It is as hostile to the mistreatment of manual laborers by employers as it is to the sabotage of society by class-warriors.” Yockey believed that trade unions were an instrument of capitalism: “Trade-unionism is simply a development of capitalistic economy, but it has nothing to do with Socialism, for it is simply self-interest.” Yockey believed that socialism was spiritual method of organizing society and not merely a specific blueprint for administration of the economy: “Socialism is also an ethical-social principle, and not an economic program of some kind. It is antithetical to the Individualism which produced Capitalism.” According to Yockey, socialism had nothing to do with wealth or economic classes. Instead, Yockey’s socialism was predicated by the authority of the state over all classes of society: “Social rank in Socialism does not follow Money, but Authority. Thus Socialism knows no ‘classes’ in the Marxian-Capitalistic sense. It sees the center of Life in politics, and has thus a definite military spirit in it. Instead of ‘classes,’ the expressions of wealth, it has rank, the concomitant of authority.”19
Carto and his fellow activists within the Liberty Lobby and its political front, the Populist Party, all supported a form of free enterprise regulated by the state on certain levels. Carto’s populism melded racial collectivism, legitimate economic nationalism and reforms, and socialism into a deadly ideological brew. Carto wrote of his support for “public control over the issuance of money” and “heavy taxation of the super-rich to reduce their corrupt and perverse influence.”20 Such programmatic solutions actually would enhance the power of a potentially new ruling class led by Carto and his supporters. Campaign finance laws and anti-lobbying legislation are arguably more effective tools in limiting the influence of the large moneyed classes in American politics. Heavy taxation would only result in heavy economic controls of wealth by a state dominated by Liberty Lobby and its supporters. The wealth of the super-rich is not in itself directly translated into automatic control of American legislators. The Spotlight reportedly praised the government-run railroad Amtrak and supported the nationalization of electric power companies in the United States.21 Carto observed that “... populists advocate the breaking up of concentrations of monopoly capital and the fostering of free enterprise competition.” 22
Liberty Lobby also cleverly recognized that it could separate American workers and middle class professionals from the conservative and libertarian movements through class-based politics and opposition to the economic and social devastation wrought by free trade and globalization. Liberty Lobby sought to also capitalize on any discontent with the American Right’s support for anti-labor “Right to Work” laws and its well-funded lobbyists and proponents. Carto wrote that “Many modern ‘conservatives’ and libertarians, interestingly, have been lulled by decades of leftist propaganda into accepting various Marxist claims, such as the ‘inevitability’ of class warfare. This is why so many ‘conservative’ groups foolishly antagonize members of trade unions by attacking the union members or trade unionism, and not merely leftist and/or corrupt union bosses who discredit unions as a whole. Many ‘conservatives’ fear industrial workers, and these fears are cunningly exploited by glib promoters, whose mailing lists bring in lucrative responses to computerized letters filled with labor-baiting rhetoric. The only way a populist revival occur is when the entire middle class perceives its mutual interests with labor and uses its unbeatable voting strength to secure control of American politics. The idea that ‘blue-collar’ and ‘white collar’ members of the middle class somehow have differing basic interests ignores the truth that, as members of the great, producing middle class, they have much more in common than not.”23 Class polarization as seen from the American Right and Left served to dissolve an American people and then “unify” them under fascist principles. In December 1980, The Spotlight conducted an interview with the late Congressman Hamilton Fish (R-NY). The Liberty Lobby journalist posed the following loaded point to Congressman Fish: “Some ‘conservatives’ today, particularly the self-styled ‘right-to-work’ groups, seem to delight in antagonizing union members, thereby blocking the emergence of a populist coalition that could control the direction of the country.”24 Such anti-labor crusades conducted by the pro- corporate Right in the United States could potentially be exploited by clever neo-Nazi groups such as Liberty Lobby in times of economic crisis or collapse and pave the way for a fascist revolution. Such polarizing anti-labor rhetoric could also serve the interests of the Left and the Russians/Chinese in driving people into an anti-capitalist direction through the short-sighted anti-union politics. Alienation from capitalism would be one of the end results of such extreme pro-“Right-to-Work” activism and legislation.
Liberty Lobby also sought to open up a united front with the organized Left on the basis of a common anti-Zionism. In 1969, Liberty Lobby leader Willis Carto wrote former John Birch Society Major Coordinator-turned neo-Nazi collectivist Louis Byers: “...I think there should be more stuff in it (Liberty Lobby newspaper) about the Wall Street Jew...Remember that we are trying to reach the Leftist goyim...”25 In October 1976, the Liberty Lobby praised the LaRouche National Caucus of Labor Committees (NCLC) as an “honest” Marxist group.26 Some of the more consistent anti-communists objected to Liberty Lobby’s cooperation with the NCLC. Managing Editor of The Spotlight James Tucker noted in a letter (1982) to Congressman McDonald: “My struggle began with the direct orders to publish stories reflecting favorably on the Labor Party which had made statements which some people at Liberty Lobby appreciated. I argued then and now that there is no way to quote self-avowed communists, even if, on a single matter, they should be right and maintain credibility.”27 Even Carto himself admitted that a wide ideological gap separated Liberty Lobby and the NCLC. He stated “Their derivations are entirely different from ours. They’ve never dropped their basic socialist positions. Every socialist likes high taxes and every populist hates high taxes. There’s a fundamental difference there.”28
During the 1980s, the Liberty Lobby developed a political front known as the Populist Party. It ran two presidential candidates in the 1984 and 1988 elections. The Populists incorporated many of the economic themes as propounded by Carto and Liberty Lobby. The 1984 Platform of the Populist Party called for:
The imposition of anti-usury laws.
The implementation of tariffs.
The imposition of price parity for small family farms but not got big business.
The prohibiting of foreign land ownership.
State-subsidize public works programs.
The emphasizing that free enterprise is incompatible with parasitic capitalism.
The implementation of anti-monopoly policies to restore market competition.
Heavy government regulation of public utilities.
Making welfare only available for the truly needy.
David Duke, when he was the 1988 Populist Party presidential candidate, supported the
The imposition of protective tariffs.
Ending all support for the state of Israel.
Support for free enterprise not monopoly capitalism.
Government protection of small businesses against multinational conglomerates.
The creation of a National Bank.
Government defense of consumers from price fixing and artificial manipulation of the economy. 29
The ultranationalist, anti-Semite, and racist author and activist Gerald L.K. Smith was susceptible to collectivist tendencies. Smith merged economic nationalism with statist-populism and racialism. Smith originally started his political career as someone sympathetic to the Left. Gerald L.K. Smith was a stalwart political supporter of the reformist, yet authoritarian Louisiana Democratic Governor Huey Long. Smith wrote that Governor Long’s reforms were opposed by “the feudal lords and their prostituted press.” Smith noted in almost pseudo-Marxist terms that “The exploiters of natural resources, whether it involved timber, gas, oil or agriculture, had no concern for the welfare of the people who did the hard work. This complex, plus the big banks and the great international interests, just assumed that their henchmen would be able to buy the legislators, regardless of who was elected, and prostitute them into a behavior satisfactory to the greedy combines that continued to ‘bootleg slavery’ of both the whites and the blacks-the emancipation proclamation notwithstanding.”
Smith also praised the dictatorial measures of Governor Long in respect to the bank failures in Louisiana. Smith recalled that Governor Long “called the top officials of every bank in the state to Baton Rouge for a conference, He gave them a big dinner at the Governor’s Mansion and after the dinner, he stood up and asked his guests how they enjoyed the dinner. They gave him a hand and expressed appreciation for the good food. He then gave them what seemed to some of them as bad news. He said, ‘Make yourselves at home. You are going to be my guests for a while,’ and as they looked toward the doors, there stood the State Troopers. He said, ‘I have arranged cots on the top floor of the Mansion and I want you men to get together and count your money. I want the banks with plenty of cash to take care of the ones that are short of cash. We are going to audit every bank and we are not going to save the neck of any bank that is not honestly and sincerely in trouble.’ To make a long story short, when the compulsory conference was finished and the smoke cleared away, the State of Louisiana lost only eleven banks, compared to the hundreds and thousands that had been lost in the three adjoining states and in all the other states of the nation. It was the work of a genius. This story alone should be the subject of a complete book.”30 From the start, Smith supported highly authoritarian measures to deal with dissent within the United States. Smith believed that “there are about a million people in this country that will have to be put away into work camps and guarded concentration camps if we are to save America.”31
After World War II, Smith supported nationalist capitalist and some statist-populist measures in respect for the US economy. He also indulged in rhetoric that bordered on fascism. It should be noted that Smith rejected Communism and other forms of dictatorial collectivism. He noted in testimony in 1946 that the United States “did not need to follow Wall Street or Moscow.”32 Smith reportedly desired an economic system that avoided the evils of monopoly finance capitalism and communism. Smith stated in 1945: “No matter how much you hate communism do not be tricked into playing the game of the reactionaries. Certain big industrialists and Wall Street money manipulators would like to exploit the anti-communist attitude. They want us to be anti-communist but they are opposed to anything that benefits the great mass of the people. They want feudalism, poverty, subservience...Millions of unemployed cannot eat a copy of the Constitution they cannot dine on the Stars and Stripes. If we are to reach the American people, we must have a plan. It must be an American plan and it must deal courageously, boldly, and generously with the veteran, unemployed, the worker, the little businessman, and the aged. Good Americans will not only fight communism but they will stay out of the camps of reaction. I would rather be as a crackpot for defending the people than to be publicized as a statesman for conspiring with those who would starve and oppress the people. The most tragic mistake that good Americans can make is to allow the general impression to go out that the communists are the only ones who are for the welfare of the people.” In 1945, Smith stated “Plutocratic industrialists and feudal lords who laugh at me today unless some such plan as this is carried out will have their throats slit tomorrow by the bloody disciples of Joe Stalin and rue the day they laughed at Gerald Smith and those of us who are fighting and have been fighting for a plan to distribute the abundance of our nation among those who need it and can consume it.”33 Smith also noted “True Nationalists are not reactionary. They hate feudalism just as they hate communism. We seek abundance for the common man but believe this abundance can best be obtained under the American system of free enterprise which means an America 1) free from monopoly 2) free from communism 3) free from the manipulations of the money changer.”34Smith supported government regulations to break up private monopolies. Ferkiss noted that these anti-monopoly efforts would result in a large government bureaucracy, despite Smith’s assertions to the contrary. Smith supporters are advocates of high tariffs and dumping of farm products via the Surplus Export Plan. Smith also advocated government-mandated profit sharing in industry.35
The National States’ Rights Party (NSRP) adhered to a partially socialist/populist platform. The bedrock of NSRP ideology was white racial collectivism. The platform of the NSRP noted “We believe that the workers, farmers, businessmen, and professional people of our nation should work together as a team placing the greater good of our White Folk Community above any individual or group interest.” The NSRP platform supported a mixture of economic nationalism, subsidies for farmers, and populist statism. Specifically, the NSRP called for the following forms of economic interventionism:
Strict controls on trade imports.
The implementation of protective tariffs.
Government-funded slum clearance programs.
The guaranteeing of fair prices to farmers for his products.
The establishment of non-leftist trade unions.36
It is noteworthy to mention that the longtime NSRP fixtures such as J.B. Stoner and Dr. Edward Fields were also founders of the now-defunct Christian Anti-Jewish Party. The Christian Anti- Jewish Party supported government-dictated “high wages” and “large old age pensions.” This party also called for the government to “confiscate their (Jews) ill-gotten wealth for the benefit of the American people.”37 Previously, Fields and other NSRP members were also involved with the Georgia-based neo-fascist Columbians organization. The Columbians attacked African- Americans, Jews, communists, the rich, newspapers, labor unions, and other political opponents. The founder of the Columbians, Homer Loomis, believed that his organization would be a “White Working Man’s Party” which would pledge state-mandated higher pay and racial separation for the white proletariat.38 The Columbians sought to remake the United States into the “American nationalist state.” Loomis noted that his “sense of social justice forced me to start” the Columbians.39 Loomis also announced the Columbians sought to create a racial collectivist society. He urged that white Americans to “think in terms of Race, Nation and Faith, and to work for a national moral awakening in order to build a progressive white community that is bound together by a deep spiritual consciousness of a common past and a determination to share a common future.”40 The NSRP disliked conservatives of most stripes and distrusted wealthy Americans. Fields noted in opposition to conservatives: “We don’t believe in going back to the cave era.” He opposed candidates such as Senator Barry Goldwater (R-AZ) who propounded “moss-backed Republicanism.” He noted that the NSRP membership consisted of “working-class people; we have no rich people.”41
The NSRP clearly opposed the spirit and ethics of liberal capitalism. Dr. Edward Fields noted in the NSRP newspaper The Thunderbolt that Carl Icahn’s “business philosophy is so anti- social, un-Christian and against all ethics of fair play and honesty that they defy description...The Jewish raiders and money changers are continuing to enrich themselves and a tiny number of Jewish investment bankers AT THE EXPENSE OF THE AMERICAN WORKER AND THE STABILITY OF US INDUSTRY.”42 In 1985, the Thunderbolt reiterated the old Christian Anti-Jewish Party’s call for the nationalization of all Jewish-owned properties and businesses: “The time has come to nationalize all the ill-gotten wealth of the Jews. An end to usury, ‘greenmail,’ financial crime must come before working people can be truly free.”43 In May 1983, Dr. Fields called for an:
An import ban on foreign goods.
The implementation of farmer cooperatives and profit-sharing.
The implementation of strong regulations on private-enterprise.
The nationalization of all private banks.44
The Thunderbolt was particularly hostile towards free trade and corporate globalization.
One article in the Thunderbolt warned in 1983 that “Unless the American people wake up and stop this sell out of our rights as a free people by a small number of selfish millionaires we will soon all be Third World People...The only recourse is join a White American Workers political movement such as the National States Rights Party.”45
The NSRP occasionally engaged in labor agitation against various businesses who were perceived as harming the interests of white workers. In 1980, the NSRP and Klan organized white workers at Zartic Foods into an American Workers Union (AWU) to protest poor working conditions. The AWU desired the termination of all illegal alien workers employed at Zartic Foods. The AWU also conducted a labor strike at the plant. Klan members, white employees, and even some African-American workers picketed the Zartic Foods plant. The strikers carried signs which demanded “better pay” from Zartic Foods, “decent working conditions,” and for the Federal government to “deport the Wetbacks.” NSRP leader Edward Fields noted that “the white working class is losing power in this country” and that the United States was being destroyed by “Jew bankers” based in New York.46
Elements of the Youth for Wallace and the Yockeyites merged to form the neo-fascist National Youth Alliance in 1969. The candidacy of former Governor George Wallace for President on the American Independent Party ticket embraced elements of the socialist welfare state and government involvement in the economy. It also attracted good nationalist conservatives, populist-minded patriots, along with an ugly collection of individuals with neo- Nazi and racialist tendencies. Contrary to popular perception, Governor Wallace was not a traditional conservative, let alone a comprehensive opponent of overpowering government. Robert Sherrill noted in respect to Governor Wallace: “there was a time when some Alabamians considered him a dangerous radical. Indeed some still do.” A staff member in Governor Wallace’s office observed “He was the leading liberal in the legislature, no doubt about that. He was regarded as a dangerous left-winger, a lot of people even looked on him as a downright pink.” Wallace expanded the welfare state in Alabama, along with the size of the public sector. However, there was also a regressive streak in Wallace’s statist economic policies. Sherrill noted that “in the last analysis, one must judge the degree of populism behind a welfare or public works program according to who pays for it. In Alabama it is the consumer who pays.” Indeed, the citizens faced increases in the sales taxes as a tool to fund Wallace’s governmental expansion. When Wallace ran for president on the American Independent Party (AIP) ticket, he reiterated his support for:
Federal programs for job training.
Increasing Social Security payments .
Increases in Medicare spending.
Increased Federal intervention in labour affairs through a National Labor Relations Board (NLRB).
The improvement of working conditions.
Increasing the minimum wage.
Increasing disability payments.
Massive public works programs.
Lipset observed that “The planks in the AIP platform presented above are not those of a conservative laissez-faire party. Most of them are clearly far to the left of Barry Goldwater and the National Review. And during the campaign, Goldwater, William Buckley, and other writers in the National Review and Human Events attacked Wallace as a New Deal populist who was closer in his welfare and trade-union planks to liberal Democrats than to themselves.”47 John Ashbrook, the head of the American Conservative Union (ACU) and a Republican Congressman from Ohio warned: “True conservatism cannot be served by George Wallace. At heart he is a Populist with strong tendencies in the direction of a collectivist welfare state...We find George Wallace’s candidacy repugnant to ideals of American conservatism.”48 AIP candidate Wallace himself observed that “The Republicans now, they’re having to meet in banks, tryin’ to figger out what they gonna do about us down here. I’m not talking about the good banks of Chilton County or Alabama, I’m talkin about the Chase National and the Wall Street crowd. You know, they used to meet in little bitty banks to talk about us, but this time we've got ‘em meetin’ in the biggest bank in the world talkin’ about you’n me and what they gonna do about guvnuh Wallace down here in Alabama...”49 Wallace was openly contemptuous of conservative and classical liberal economic ideas. He once noted to a reporter from a Northern state that “I’m not one of these ultraconservatives. They against everything. The only thing they for is the dollar, that’s all they want to conserve...Well that’s not me...”50
While some of Governor Wallace’s economic positions were laudable, it also provided a door for populists and racialists to push his presidential campaign further along the road of collectivism. One such group of racial-populists broke away from the Wallace campaign and adopted leftish, neo-Nazi sounding policies which advocated revolution in the United States. Once again, that was the National Youth Alliance (NYA). Its journal was titled Attack.
One of the founders of the NYA, Dennis McMahon noted in 1969 that “Those who seek to put bourgeois values over the hopes and aspirations of the people are enemies of the Right Front.” According to McMahon, the “reactionary right” was an ally “of the red front.” The NYA did not concern themselves with the “intricacies of economic conservation.”51 A March 1971 article in Attack noted that the NYA “examined and found wanting both the drugs and sex libertinism of the left and the economic libertinism of the right.” The same article noted “The youth of America are smart enough to recognize these things for themselves and consequently are not to be blamed for having few tears to shed for the demise of either the Constitution or laissez faire capitalism.”52 A May 1972 article in Attack noted that the libertarian and conservative right desired “a feudal society ruled by Wall Street robber barons with the ordinary wage earner cast in the role of serf and no government at all to impede the free play of economic and social forces.”53 Attack noted in July 1972 that “In a sense this necessary curbing of the power of super-capitalism may be called socialism, but we should not let labels frighten us. What is important is that whether we call it socialism or not it be national in its essence and that it be based upon the fundamental values of race and personality rather than on any purely economic theory Marxist or otherwise.”54 Attack in 1974 supported “A new government based on a profound sense of responsibility to the American people and with the authority to regulate commerce for the general good is the first step. That in itself however will go a long way toward rebuilding the sense of social responsibility on the part of all the elements of our society which is ultimately required for a stable and fair economy.”55 Attack in February 1974 noted that “What America needs most of all is a new attitude toward work on the part of the employers and employees alike. Work whether of the brain or the hand must come to be regarded as a vital contribution to the welfare of the whole community not just an unpleasant prerequisite to the receipt of one’s weekly pay envelope. And the employee himself must be looked upon by his employer as a co-worker in the service of the community not as an exploitable commodity which can be used to accumulate more capital. If such a view is socialistic well let it be so.” The employer must be seen as filling an “essential role to fill in the economic life of the national and racial community.”56
By 1974, the NYA became the National Alliance (NA). The National Alliance criticized liberal capitalism: “...Without a unifying principle, however, a capitalist society easily can fall prey to certain inherent weaknesses. One of these weaknesses is the instability which leads the rich to become richer and the poor to become poorer, not solely because of differences in ability but because the possession of capital gives the possessor an enormous advantage in the competition for more capital. When personal gain is the only motivation in a society, those who already are rich can arrange things to favor themselves: they can buy the legislation they want, and they can block threats to their power in ways that may be destructive to the welfare of the society as a whole. They can hold down the price of labor, limit healthy competition within the society, and exploit the environment without regard for the long-range consequences. The overly rigid social stratification resulting from unrestricted capitalism can lead to endemic class hostility and even to class warfare. It can slow racial progress by making the ability to acquire and hold capital the supreme survival trait.”57
One of the splinter groups from the NYA called Youth Action blended a conspiracy- minded worldview which appropriated themes from the New Left and the neo-Nazi camp. The neo-Nazi group We Accuse explained C.B. Baker’s Youth Action’s role this fashion: “Youth Action was formed in the Fall of 1971 by a group of concerned young people who saw the need for a dynamic new concept of political action...The CFR, spoken of so much by the political right, is identical to the Military-Industrial Complex, spoken of so much by the political Left...In reality, the Right and Left have for years worked separately against a COMMON ENEMY...Youth Action was specifically created to end the artificial factions dividing politically active young people. Our purpose is to unite young activists from both the Left and Right in joint political action towards the common goal of combating the CFR Military Industrial Complex and the super-rich international financial oligarchy. The first action of the new coalition was the YOUTH ACTION War Crimes Trial of members of the CFR Military Industrial Complex held in Los Angeles on September 2, 1972. The success of the Trial proved that the Left and the Right could actually work together and achieve results...WE ACCUSE is designed to shock people into political action...The mass distribution of WE ACCUSE will help to greatly foster the growth of politically aware youth. The spread of political awareness amongst young people is absolutely vital to the expansion of the new political coalition of Left and Right.”58
The Turner Diaries by Andrew MacDonald (Dr. William Pierce) provided the most comprehensive portrait of the type of society that white supremacists envisioned upon their conquest of the United States. Dr. Pierce was the founder of the National Alliance in 1974. He was previously a high-level officer in the National Socialist White Peoples’ Party (NSWPP) and an astrophysics professor. Previous to his involvement with neo-Nazis, Dr. Pierce was an active member of the John Birch Society. The Turner Diaries was a novel that portrayed a liberal-left government deeply committed to political correctness, private firearms confiscation, and a suppression of white racialism. A neo-Nazi terrorist group called the Order engaged in attacks against the US government. In time the Order captured the state of California and thus created a Nazi-style racist dictatorship that seemed to combine the most radical excesses of the German SS and the communist Khmer Rouge in Cambodia. The Order, as depicted in The Turner Diaries was committed to a thoroughgoing revolution in the United States that uprooted the old elites and individualist and leftist attitudes. In reference to the creation of a third way of a national socialist state in the United States, McDonald (Dr. Pierce) wrote: “And, while they last, it is interesting to have living, breathing examples of three types of social orders simultaneously before us: in the north, a conservative regime; to the east, liberal-Jewish democracy; and here, the beginning of a whole new world rising out of the ruins of the old.”59
The Order set out to severely control the economy in the zones of the United States under their control. The Order’s Department of Food and other regulatory bureaucracies and labor services were described in this fashion: “Many in the last group are now doing the first really productive work in their lives. This means DF (Department of Food) is performing an important function of social rehabilitation as well as food production, and our Department of Education is working closely with DF on this. Every worker receives ten hours of lectures each week, and he is graded not only on his general attitude toward his work and on his productivity but also on his responsiveness to these lectures. There is a continual sifting process going on, with workers being reassigned to new work groups on the basis of attitude and performance in their previous groups. In this way there are already beginning to emerge from the general mass the first leader- trainee work groups. From the latter will be selected candidates for Organization membership. On several occasions during my tour of DF’s operation I stopped to talk with workers in the fields. The morale varied considerably from the groups with a high proportion of former social parasites to the leader-trainee groups, but nowhere could it be called poor. Everyone has been made to understand that, despite the dislocations and the hardships caused by the revolution, we are now sure that there will be enough food to go around-but those who will not work will not eat either. My most profound impression comes from the fact that every face I saw in the fields was White: no Chicanos, no Orientals, no Blacks, no mongrels. The air seems cleaner, the sun brighter, life more joyous. What a wonderful difference this single accomplishment of our revolution has made. And the workers all feel the difference too, whether they are ideologically with us or not. There is a new feeling of solidarity among them, of kinship, of unselfish cooperation to complete a common task.”60 The Order sought to bridge the old social classes in the United States into a giant community based on a common white racial brotherhood. Common, forced labor tore down the walls of class arrogance and individualism and built a racially-based socialism amongst the population of California, now controlled by the Order.
The violent purges of racial and classes enemies of the Order were described in this fashion: “Today has been the Day of the Rope-a grim and bloody day, but an unavoidable one. Tonight, for the first time in weeks, it is quiet and totally peaceful throughout all of southern California. But the night is filled with silent horrors; from tens of thousands of lampposts, power poles, and trees throughout this vast metropolitan area the grisly forms hang...Squads of our troops with synchronized watches suddenly appeared in a thousand blocks at once, in fifty different residential neighborhoods, and every squad leader had a long list of names and addresses. The blaring music suddenly stopped and was replaced by the sound of thousands of doors splintering, as booted feet kicked them open. It was like the Gun Raids of four years ago, only in reverse-and the outcome was both more drastic and more permanent for those raided. One of two things happened to those the troops dragged out onto the streets. If they were non-Whites-and that included all the Jews and everyone who even looked like he had a bit of non- White ancestry-they were shoved into hastily formed columns and started on their no-return march to the canyon in the foothills north of the city. The slightest resistance, any attempt at back talk, or any lagging brought a swift bullet...There are also a number of men wearing the l- defiled-my-race placard, but the women easily outnumber them seven or eight to one. On the other hand, about ninety per cent of the corpses with the I-betrayed-my-race placards are men, and overall the sexes seem to be roughly balanced. Those wearing the latter placards are the politicians, the lawyers, the businessmen, the TV newscasters, the newspaper reporters and editors, the judges, the teachers, the school officials, the ‘civic leaders,’ the bureaucrats, the preachers, and all the others who, for reasons of career or status or votes or whatever, helped promote or implement the System’s racial program. The System had already paid them their 30 pieces of silver. Today we paid them.”61 The Turner Diaries provided a comprehensive insight into exactly what form of government and social structure was desired by the American neo-Nazi movement and particularly Dr. William Pierce of the National Alliance. In a 1981 speech before a white supremacist gathering, the founder of the neo-Nazi terrorist group the Order, Robert Matthews noted “Let us not only preach, let us live, racial economics. In (our movement), we are not only eating, breathing, and sleeping, we are growing together as one mind and one body...(W)e know not the meaning of the word ‘mine,’ it is ‘ours,’ our race, the totality of our people...”62 It should also be noted that Mathews was involved with the John Birch Society. However, he renounced conservatism and moved into neo-Nazi circles in the National Alliance and Aryan Nations. He then formed the Order in September 1983. Mathews remarked in his “Declaration of War on the Jewish Occupied US Government” that “All about us the land is dying. Our cities swarm with dusky hordes. The water is rancid and the air is rank. Our farms are being seized by usurious leeches and our people are being forced off the land. The capitalists and communists pick gleefully at our bones while the vile, hook-nosed masters of usury orchestrate our destruction.”63 Hence, class and racial war was declared by the Order.
Somewhat surprising was the Klan’s support for statist-populist and even socialist policies. KKK Imperial Wizard Hiram Evans warned that “increasing economic inequalities threaten the very stability of our society.” The Klan fundamentalist Christian minister E.F. Stanton warned that “this love of money was the root of all evil.” The Klan carried out an anti- chain store campaign in Athens GA. Klan leader Edward Young Clarke lamented “In the strenuous rush of big business we have forgotten the spirit from which we come...this great nation.” Klan propagandist Leroy Curry stated that “materialism is poisoning the minds and shriveling the hearts of America’s young men who looked out only for themselves now with no thought for the advancement of the commonweal.” Klan-owned businesses only hired workers who were Klansmen and people bought only at Klan-owned shops and businesses. The Atlanta Klan newspaper Searchlight condemned the “well organized commercial clubs and autocratic Chamber of Commerce.” Another Klan campaign opposed Athens’ “exclusive patrician aristocracy.” The Klan also condemned financiers and “Wall Street bankers” for squeezing the people, small businesses, and farms. They condemned “speculators and gamblers in manipulating the market.”Another Klan statement noted that “In all ages the financiers have been able to completely rule and ruin the nations.” Klansmen George Bennett campaigned in 1926 on a platform calling for strict bank regulation. The Klan occasionally condemned capitalists as a whole for being insufficiently racist and patriotic and for importing immigrants to perform labor normally held by white Anglo-Saxon workers.64 A 1924 survey of Klan members in New Jersey and Pennsylvania published in Outlook magazine noted that 1⁄4 of respondents supported the nationalization of railroads and coal mines.65 Thirty percent of the KKK members supported Federal Aid for Farmers’ Co-operatives. Twenty percent of Klansmen supported the Federal purchase of wheat. Twenty three percent of Klansmen supported price fixing of staple farm products. Thirty seven percent of KKK members supported the establishment of a Federal Employment Bureau. Ninety one percent of Klansmen supported the extension of the principle of Federal aid for education. Thirty three KKK members supported Government control and distribution of high-power transmission.66 The Klan in Alabama attacked the Alabama Power Company and the influence of the ruling Bankhead family, while campaigning for public control of the Muscle Shoals dam project and government medical insurance.67
On occasion, it appeared that various early Klan groupings worked with leftist or progressive-oriented organizations and parties. A 1922 federal raid on a Communist Party hideout in Bridgman, Michigan, revealed secret Communist penetration and use of Klan organizations already by 1920.68 Several Southern KKK members became communists. One Klan convert declared at a 1931 CPUSA meeting: “We got to get together and organize the niggahs and whites into one strong general union.”69 Sometimes the Klan even borrowed the old communist tactics of boring from within different organizations that it intended to infiltrate and ultimately control. The Knights of the Ku Klux Klan (KKKK) had a plan to enter US national politics via “sleepers” or secret Klan members who penetrated the Democratic and Republican Parties.70
Despite its reputation as being anti-union, the Klan cooperated with organized labor and even socialistic organizations. The KKK sided with strikes by rail workers in La Grande, Oregon and Kansas. At a 1924 United Mine Workers (UMW) convention, the KKK joined with leftists in an effort to increase the power of the rank and file members over the union bosses. In 1927, some Colorado Klansmen aided an International Workers of the World (IWW)-led strike in the mines. Members of the Colorado section of the American Federation of Labor (AFL) joined the Klan, along with those in Indiana, Pennsylvania, Louisiana, Alabama, and Wisconsin.71 The Socialist Party and the Klan formed a 1924 electoral alliance in Milwaukee to elect John Kleist, a Socialist and a Klansman, to the Wisconsin Supreme Court. Robert O. Nesbitt noted in Wisconsin that there was a “tendency for German Socialists, whose most conspicuous opponents were Catholic clergy, to join the Klan.” The economic populist Walter Pierce was elected Governor in Oregon in 1922 and was endorsed by the Klan and the Socialist Party. The Klan in LaGrande, Oregon revealed that it “played a substantial role in supporting the strikers” during the nationwide rail workers’ strike of 1922. In a state-wide railroad strike in Kansas in 1922, the strikers “actually did flock into the Klan in what seems to have been large numbers.” The rubber workers employed at the tire works of Akron Ohio were penetrated by Klan members. In 1934, militants in the Southern Tenant Farmers Union were former Klansmen. Klansmen were also some of the most militant activists United Auto Workers (UAW). 72
Contemporary Klan groups continued to believe in a corporative form of racial collectivism. Like many neo-Nazis, the Klan also capitalized on the unpopularity and real dislocations resulting from free trade globalism. The United Klans of Alabama (UKA) stated in their 1974 platform “We believe in a closer relationship of capital and labor. And that the leadership of the American labor movement be white American born with a knowledge of American customs and principles. Instead of being antagonistic one towards the other, capital and labor should work in harmony, this would be the case if men observed the teaching of Christ in His Word and if they would observe the teachings embodied in the Klan motto: Non Silba Sed Anthar-Not for the self but for others.”73 Johnnie Pipes, the Grand Titan and Regional Coordinator for the KKK in Florida, noted that “One of the worst things I ever thought could have happened was this NAFTA deal that took away so many American jobs.”74 The Knights Party called for the withdrawal of the United States from NAFTA and GATT. It rightfully noted that these crony free trade treaties are “damaging to the American worker and will eventually put millions upon millions into desperate poverty.” The Party also called for the rejuvenation of Social Security, Medicare, national public works, and free college education through the elimination of all foreign aid. The Knights Party also supported environmental regulations and the prohibition “of the purchase of American property and industry by foreign corporations and investors.”75 The Knights of the KKK opposes free trade and supports “economic nationalism.” The Knights of the KKK also committed itself to supporting “private property and ownership of business, but an end to high-finance exploitation.”76 The Klan-descended White Patriot Party (WPP) blamed “international Jewish bankers” on the impoverishment of American farmers. The WPP allegedly won support amongst native North Carolina farmers for such assertions.77
Many of the neo-Nazi skinhead groups adhered to a radical leftwing doctrine which combined racialism and anti-capitalism. In 1985, the neo-Nazi and skinhead-oriented National Democratic Front (NDF) described itself as “a revolutionary political movement which seeks to radically change both the social and the political order in America.” The NDF also stated “We reject the materialism of communism and we reject the materialism of capitalism...It is this National Ethic that will destroy and replace the present barren and corrupt philosophy of Individualism and its Self Interest Ethic.” The NDF believed in the economic philosophy of “distributism” as opposed to capitalism and socialism. Government-organized cooperatives would be created for farming and low interest loans would be provided to small businesses. Large businesses with 100 workers or more would be organized into cooperatives and controlled by their employees. The workers would elect the Board of Directors of the cooperatives, thus eliminating “labor-management conflict.” New bureaucracies would be created by an NDF government such as a Department of Economics, Foreign Trade Office, National Health Program, and National Employment Agency to manage industry, finance, health care, and unemployment. The NDF would nationalize defense industries, banks, and energy companies, while inherited wealth would be confiscated by the State.78
The White Aryan Resistance (WAR) was a notable example of a leftist, almost near- Marxist neo-Nazi group that was very influential in the skinhead movement. It was founded by Tom Metzger. Metzger was formerly involved in the John Birch Society and then moved to anti- tax protests and the KKK. By the early 1980s, he transitioned into neo-Nazi ideology. In 1984, WAR noted in its Whiteman’s Platform that it:
Opposes Usury.
Opposes corporations purchasing federally owned land.
The implementation of laws to prevent the rise of mega-corporations that base their power on shoddy products, unfair labor practices, and bribery.
Outlawing foreign ownership of US farms.
Sidings “the assets of all corporations who openly flaunt the people’s interest.”
Demands that corporations conducting business with the government would set aside a percentage of their profits for a national system of universities and technical schools.79
Communists and other leftists trickled into WAR. An anti-capitalist National Socialist racial collectivism provided somewhat of a fertile ground for disgruntled leftists to gather in WAR. Metzger noted that “We’re getting people who used to be SDS and stuff. The managing editor of my paper is an ex-Trotskyite; one of my main writers is John Jewel, who was on the executive board of the IWW up in Canada and fought in the streets as a flaming left-winger during the Vietnam War.”80 The American Front viewed the Right and Left as “opposite ends to the same stick of materialism.” A flyer issued by the American Front noted that the “conservatives have mutated the tenets of democracy in favor of the wealthy. The power in our country lies not with the people, but with the rich and elite.”81
America’s first neo-Nazi skinhead gang Romantic Violence claimed “Skinheads of America...are working class Aryan youth...We oppose the capitalist and communist scum that are destroying our Aryan race. The parasitic Jewish race is at the heart of our problem.”82
Another radicalized former Klansman was Pastor Robert Miles of the Mountain Church, which was based in the areas of Michigan most ravaged by free trade and globalized capitalism. The Mountain Church espoused a mixture of Christian Identity and revolutionary doctrines which supported collaboration with the Left. Robert Miles clarified in January 1979 that “We are not ‘conservatives.’ We are Racial Revolutionaries. I am proud of it. I do not want to be classified with conservatives, those pale imitations of their liberal sheep-like counterparts. We stand for a new order. True, nothing is new. Life is a cycle. We seek to come full turn around that cycle and restore the racial form of society and life which our primordial forebears established and which is the natural way of life for our people. So, Reagan, Birchers, etc. ad nauseam are merely one more foe in the coterie of Jewish ranks.” In 1986, Miles was asked in reference to neo-Nazi outreach to the Left: “Q: Was there any response from the leftists?” Miles responded that “There was some but the racism continually was a barrier you couldn't overcome. We could bring some of our people to a meeting and there would be some blacks there who would be of the same mind. Absolutely the same mind. But because of racial concerns on both sides...And the government knew it.” In 1972, Miles noted that “I have spoken to some Student for a Democratic Society types in the past few weeks. Of course, I can't say who they were. We thought they might meet with us to discuss the problems common to us; the growth of federal police power. But they were pretty hostile and suspicious.”83
In the late 1960s, David Duke started his career in National Socialist politics in the NSWPP and the NSLF. He then broke away and formed the White Youth Alliance and then moved into the Klan. He later became active in mainstream politics in the Populist Party and the nationalist wing of the Republican Party in the 1980s and 1990s. As the 1990s progressed, Duke unveiled his open racial collectivist, neo-Nazi beliefs.
While supportive of private property and controlled free enterprise, Dr. Duke also lapsed into leftish-sounding anti-capitalist and socialistic rhetoric. He objected to capitalism undermining the white racial community through a variety of policies, along with its social atomism. Duke noted in My Awakening that “The leaders of America and the West also must take a share of responsibility for the disaster, for their idiotic charity of aid and special trade policies have sustained both the birthrate and given the despoilers the economic incentives of this ecologic nightmare. The unrestrained money lust of international capitalism has also been a large player. It is not surprising that the same ultra-capitalists who have historically favored the importation of slaves, and, since then, the immigration of cheap Third World labor, increasingly locate their manufacturing plants in areas of the world where labor and environmental standards are inferior to those in America and Europe.” Duke also outlined his vision of the new society in this fashion: “I can see a healthy economy based on free enterprise, ingenuity, and competition, but one also based on honor and honesty rather than greed.”84 Duke referred to capitalism as “an unfortunate system by which the United States is run.” Duke was quoted as stating “I am not trying to defend the system because the capitalist system is almost as corrupt as the communist one.”85
In November 1969, Duke noted that “The NSLF has different views from the run-of-the- mill political groups on campus, whether they support the right or the left. Their approach to the problems confronting our civilization is completely mechanical, economic, and materialistic. National Socialism, on the other hand, is unique! Instead of stressing materialistic economic dogma as democratic-Liberalism has in its Eastern version or Western version, we believe that the quality and spirit of our people are by far the most important issues of our time.”86
Duke noted that National Socialism “stands for cultural, spiritual and racial values to become the primary emphasis of a system...It stands for instilling into our people the self- discipline, self-respect and personal toughness which we need to build a society which gives the individual a positive relationship between himself, his community, his race and Nature...The Jewish people as a whole control both systems (Marxism and capitalism) and have been a driving force for the disintegration and degradation of Western Civilization and the white race.” Duke noted in the September 1970 issue of the Racialist that “Racial idealism, or racialism, is the idea that a nation's greatest resource is the quality of its people...It means examining all questions of government on the basis of whether the proposed measure is good or bad for our race. It means that racial interests should never be subordinated for momentary materialistic advantage. And it means that although economics must play a vital role in our system, the primary emphasis of our system must be the physical, mental and spiritual health of our people...Neither Communism, Capitalism, nor any other materialistic doctrine can save our race; our only racial salvation lies in a White racial alliance uniting our people with the common cause of racial idealism.” In 1970, a NSWPP newspaper reported that “In his remarks, Dave Duke appealed to the anti-establishment sentiments of young people present by emphasizing that National Socialists also want to smash the System. He pointed out that unlike our Bolshevik opponents, we recognized the true nature--the Jewish nature--of the System and that therefore only we could be considered true revolutionaries capable of destroying that System.” Duke noted in a 1985 that the Nazis had “a real sense of unity with nature and believing in non-pollution and relocating factories to the countryside and creating a whole community around nature walks and that outlook on life.” It was reported that David Duke “blasted large companies because, as he told (doctoral student Evelyn) Rich, he thought they were part of the Jewish financial network that controlled the world.”87
Although Duke agreed with some of the principles of private enterprise, he felt that capitalism came under the control of international bankers who limited true competition and free enterprise. Duke stated that “our nation was not founded for any economic doctrine.” Duke advocated a system where workers “no longer have to work one third of his life just to pay interest on his home.” Duke’s publication The Racialist termed high interest rates as “economic robbery.” The same publication felt that all working people should be secure in their jobs where everyone was assured a high standard of living as long as “he did work efficiently and to the best of his ability.” Duke was quoted as stating “I am not trying to defend the system because the capitalist system is almost as corrupt as the communist one.”88
Libertarians and corporate “conservatives” were frightened by Duke’s criticism of free market capitalism and globalization. They also correctly believed that Duke was for a form of statist-populism anathema to modern conservatives. Andrew Ferguson noted in The American Spectator that “Duke seems uncomfortable with issues that he can’t trace to the underclass, and when questioned about them he often arrives, foundering, at positions more commonly associated with liberal Democrats...He has proposed strict limits on the amount of foreign investment in the United States, and when I asked him about Louisiana’s economic troubles-the state has been in recession for most of the decade-he blamed an uneven distribution of federal aid among the states (Louisiana ranks 47th in return on federal revenue) and emphasized the need for high tariffs ‘to keep American jobs here.’ Richard Gephardt couldn’t have put it better.”89
Aside from holding up Hitler as a model ruler, Duke’s publications also admired other collectivist nationalist dictators. The Duke publication, the National Association for the Advancement of White People (NAAWP) News praised the Turkish statist-nationalist dictator Kemal Ataturk. NAAWP News praised Ataturk’s expulsion of foreigners and the execution of a Jewish financial expert. The article noted that “The odds are that every nation will have one or more dictators during its existence...Even England had its Cromwell. When it is America's time to go totalitarian, we should pray that we get a Kemal, who was more aware than any other great public figure of modern times that national resurrection depends first and foremost on the distillation process of racial separation.”90
Duke supported various institutions and figures within America’s adversaries such as Russia, China, Iran, and Syria. He also issued supportive statements for the extreme leftist Occupy Wall Street movement. After all, white nationalists and leftists commonly believed in the severe control or destruction of private banking in the United States. Duke remarked that “I cheer the men and women on the streets condemning the international banks that hold America financially hostage. These Wall Street banks are not the product of free enterprise; they are the product of crime...Yes, occupy Wall Street...Finally, Americans are rising up and it feels great.” Duke complained at one point that while Americans lost much of their savings, “Zionist owners of the predatory banks made more shekels.”91
The founder of the World Church of the Creator, Dr. Ben Klassen was originally a member of the Florida State Legislature and a member of the John Birch Society. However, Klassen left the Society as a result of its stance against anti-Jewish and racialist ideologies. He thus moved leftward to a collectivistic ideology based on race. Before inaugurating the World Church of the Creator, Klassen created the Nationalist White Party. It combined National Socialist racial collectivism, populism, and nationalist-conservative features into its economic program. The Nationalist White Party supported aspects of the social welfare state and government-controlled unions: “We believe that the productive White American worker is the backbone of the nation and its greatest strength. He is entitled to the protection of social legislation in his work, in sickness and in old age. His unions should have the honest constructive leadership that he deserves and his work should receive the reward, the dignity of recognition that he has so well earned.” The Party also supported the development of government protected family farms and the enactment of policies to eliminate large agribusinesses: “We intend to protect the farmer from cheap foreign competition. We intend to have a program to encourage more people to return to the land. We intend to reverse the trend of larger and larger farms in the hands of fewer and fewer large operators.” Also, the Nationalist White Party sought to destroy the influence of multinational banks in the American economy: “We are determined to free the economy of continued manipulation by the clique of international bankers and the perennial uncertainty created by such manipulations. We want to create stability and confidence.”92
In 1973, Klassen and his followers formed the World Church of the Creator and issued various tracts over the years which explained its philosophy. The Church supported the concept of private enterprise within the confines of “Racial Socialism” (i.e. strong state control and oversight for the benefit of the white racial community. Klassen wrote in Nature’s Eternal Religion: “...Socialism, in short, is organized society. It can truly be said that the measure of human progress can be directly computed by the willingness of the individual to sacrifice his own interests for that of the common good, and this is the essence of socialism. There is absolutely nothing wrong, we repeat, with socialism, per se, or collectivism...” Klassen also stated “We of the Creativity Movement believe, not in democracy, but in Racial Socialism, which is teamwork elevated to its highest perfection for the welfare of the whole race, led by its ablest leaders. It combines the best elements of both teamwork and competition. If ‘team spirit’ and rooting for the ‘home team’ are such noble attributes (and they are) then, certainly, having a whole race united in a team effort for their common good is the highest goal we can strive for. That is what we mean by Racial Socialism as the ultimate in organized society for the White Race.”
Klassen was very critical of libertarian-capitalist economic theory: “Let us now also take a look at the term ‘individual enterprise.’ It, too, is a theoretical myth and a deceptive fraud. Anyone who has ever played the parlor game ‘Monopoly’ knows what the end result of wide open free enterprise is: before the game is over, one party gains a powerful stranglehold over all the rest, and from then on out, no matter which way the dice roll, when the game is over, he owns everything—houses, land, factories, banks. This, too, happens in real life. It is easily discernible that, say Standard Oil, left free to play the rules of the game proudly known as ‘free enterprise’ could from the beginning, have driven every other company out of the oil business and acquired the oil business in totality. It could easily have acquired a total monopoly in worldwide oil. It could have owned every service station and gas station in the world through squeeze play and financial strength. It could have then moved into the banking business until it acquired every bank in the country. Left unchecked, it then could have started acquiring manufacturing businesses such as the electrical industries, etc. As its financial powers snowballed, it could then easily have taken over the railroads, real estate, etc., until, in fact, one company owned everything and held every individual at their mercy. This is ‘free enterprise’ in clear essence, the same ‘free enterprise’ that the Kosher Konservatives just love to prattle about...”93 Despite the flaws of libertarian capitalism, a government dominated by the World Church of the Creator would implement authoritarian economic policies that would exceed the scope of legitimate reforms such as anti-monopoly laws.
Other neo-Nazi splinter groups advocated strong statist and even outright socialistic economic policies for the United States. The SS Action Group noted that “We support the free enterprise system, but wish to smash capitalism because of its abuse and exploitation of the true working class. Massive unemployment, the highest in our nation’s history combined with a government in Washington DC that has no concern whatsoever for the welfare of the White Race, are reasons enough for a National Socialist State.”94 The SS Action Group noted in the “Ten Points of American National Socialism” that they supported the notion that the “Jewish domination” of American finance “must be smashed;” “productive free enterprise, large and small business, and neighborhood stores must be encouraged and protected;”“every productive working American must have a decent job, life time economic security and wholesome living conditions for himself and his family;” and “youth our future leaders must have unlimited educational opportunities and help in setting up family life.”95 Some neo-Nazi leaders and activists were very open about their totalitarian intentions and programs for an America under their thumb. The White Student Union founder and leader Matthew Heimbach noted on the Traditionalist Youth Network in July 2013 that “This is our home and our kith and kin. Borders matter, identity matters, blood matters, libertarians and their capitalism can move to Somalia if they want to live without rules, in the West we must have standards and enforce them. The ‘freedom’ for other races to move freely into white nations is nonexistent. Stay in your own nations, we don’t want you here.” In July 2013, Heimbach noted over the Traditionalist Youth Network that “Those who promote miscegenation, usury, or any other forms of racial suicide should be sent to re-education centers, not tolerated.”96
The National Socialist White Workers Party stated “A strong state can build a strong economy...the opposite is impossible.”97 A splinter group from the NSWPP called the National Socialist Party of America (NSPA) stated in their Handbook (1975) that “capitalism is the accumulation of too much wealth in the hands of too few men at the expense of too many people. Capitalism is the abuse of the free enterprise system by crushing out competition, resulting in the production of cheap merchandise, and the economic destruction of the skilled craftsman. Capitalism is the religion of materialism, the elevation of greed to the highest human virtue. In a capitalist society a man’s worth is measured by his bank balance.” Capitalism was the system of “class division” while National Socialism is the philosophy of “class collaboration.” The NSPA also denounced conservatives by stating “we are not conservatives because we do not want to conserve the democratic and capitalist old order. Conservatives are cowards and/or weaklings who either do not recognize or do not wish to recognize the real causes behind the world’s problems...Conservatives are really more interested in preserving their money than in preserving their race. Their opposition to communism and liberalism is entirely selfish and materialist.”98
In 1974, the National Socialist Movement (NSM) was formed by former members of the Rockwell-era ANP. The NSM also backed standard National Socialist principles for the economic reorganization of America. NSM Commander Jeff Schoep wrote that his movement combines “the best of both Socialism and Capitalism to create a system that will stop the decay while bringing innovation, prosperity, and security to America.”99 In its “25 Points of American National Socialism,” the NSM supported the:
“The abolition of incomes unearned by work... the breaking of interest slavery.”
The concept that “personal-enrichment from war must be regarded as a crime against the nation. We therefore demand the ruthless confiscation of all war profits.”
The “nationalization-of all businesses which have been for made inti corporations (trusts).”
Implementation-of “economic reform suitable to our National requirements.”
The prohibiting of Marxist trade unions for a National Socialist trade union.
The implementation of profit-sharing for all large businesses.
The creation of a living wage.
The expropriation of all land for communal purposes without compensation.
The ruthless prosecution of those deemed enemies: “usurers, profiteers, (and) race traitors, etc.”100
Harold Covington, a former officer in the NSWPP and NSPA formed the Northwest Front, which called for the creation of a separatist Northwest American Republic. It combined the precepts of the old Rockwell-era ANP with that of more radical Nazi parties. The NF supported the disbursement of subsidies for child rearing families, along with the development of a national health care program. The NF Program believed “that the proper function of the economy is to serve the needs of the people, not to make profits for big bankers and multi- national corporations. We also believe that actual production is the only legitimate basis for wealth, not speculation or the manipulation of money and pieces of paper. Accordingly, the Northwest American Republic will create an honest and self-sufficient economic system based on the productive capacity of the White worker, which will guarantee conditions of full employment and price stability. All banking and credit institutions will be placed under public control as well as all the utilities and transportation facilities. Usury will be legally prohibited and all conglomerate holdings and accumulations of usurious profit will be confiscated and returned to the people through public institutions of community service and value. Basic industries will be operated under a system of profit sharing. A system of interest-free loans for farmers, small businessmen, and families will be instituted.” The agricultural policy of the NF was supportive of the development of the family farms and exclusive focus on production, as opposed to commodity speculation: “agriculture in the White Republic will be based on the institution of the family farm rather than on the mass plantation-style agribusiness approach utilized by the present regime....The Northwest American Republic will abolish all forms of agricultural commodity speculation and provide interest-free loans for farm equipment, fuel, seed and supplies, fodder, veterinary care for livestock, etc.”101
Sometimes, communist organizations worked amongst various populations and unintentionally created National Socialist groups within the United States. Congressman Larry McDonald (D-GA) reported that the American National Socialist Brotherhood (ANS) was a splinter of the Aryan Brotherhood (AB). The AB worked with the Maoist Communist Venceremos Organization (VO) in 1972. The AB broke away from the VO because it could not convince the AB to give up racism and adopt full Marxism-Leninism. Elements of the AB and Polar Bear Party originally had ties with the Maoist Communist Venceremos Organization, who also imparted much revolutionary and Marxist-sounding rhetoric amongst the National Socialist Liberation Front (NSLF). Congressman McDonald noted that “NSLF (National Socialist Liberation Front) literature retains a strong Marxist-Leninist and Maoist coloration.”102 Traditional Marxist anti-capitalism was merged with anti-Jewish prejudices and racialism. He also commented that the NSLF “interprets Marx’s theories of class war against the capitalists along racial and ethnic lines.” For example, the NSLF issued a statement titled “Big Brother and the Holding Company or Police State USA” which stated “We do not wish for ‘law and order’ for law and order means the continued existence of this rotten rip-off Capitalist Jew system.”103 James Mason of the NSLF wrote in 1980 that “To bring off a revolution means literally to turn the tables upside-down. It does not mean quibbling inches and degrees; turning back the hands of time; arguing two sides of the same coin. It doesn't mean patching up a rotten, sagging framework either. It means DEATH to the old order and the BIRTH of the New Order! Anything other than this is no more than a variation on a single theme: Jewish-controlled State Capitalism.” Mason also noted that “We must develop and bring into focus our SOCIALIST programs for a new society. This means a BREAK with Right-Wingism.”104
Even the Christian Identity element of the neo-Nazi community supported strong socialistic, interventionist policies. The Aryan Warriors’ Stand of the Aryan Nations (1979) noted that “property in the form of land or industrial wealth is subject to public control and will be operated in the national and racial interest.” It also noted that “the financial system of international Jewish capitalism will be ended...Industry will be self-governing with representatives of management, workers, and consumers cooperating to distribute equitably the proceeds of industry. Industry and Finance will be subject to general control by central authority for the purpose of coordinating the national industrial system.” The Aryan Warriors’ Stand also noted “In the sphere of economic life all action must be governed by one law: capital serves Industry; and Industry serves the people of the nation.”105 The Aryan Nations ‘Platform for the Aryan National State (1979) noted its support for the forbiddance of “the publication, broadcasting, televising or circulation of any material which is not conductive to the National welfare.” The Aryan Nations also called for the government to “Confiscate all unearned wealth, stolen by usury or fraud and that which is made from war. The rights of lawful inheritance shall remain inviolable...Nationalize all monopolies and multi-national trusts...Immediately bring about land reform and completely prohibit land speculation or ownership of the nation’s land and industries by aliens.”106
The Nebraska-based NSDAP/AO noted in its program titled “What We Want” an opposition to capitalism and communism. The NSDAP/AO supported the development of an “Aryan People’s Community,” “elimination of Jewish influence,” and “overcoming capitalist and communist materialism through the teaching of Adolf Hitler-National Socialism.”107 Michael Storm of the NSDAP/AO noted that “When you betray your people, you betray your race for profit. The perfect example is the United States of America. What’s the number one export in America? Jobs.”108
The neo-Nazi America First Committee (AFC) combined an old-fashioned populist nationalism, conservative, and some National Socialist racial principles. It was formed in 1980 by the ex-NSWPP stormtrooper Art Jones. The AFC supported the concept of the subordination of economic interests to the white racial community. The AFC platform noted that “a Free and sovereign People are the masters not the servants of Money in their own land.” The AFC also believed that government education should be used as a tool to mold future generations of white youth. The AFC platform asserted that “the purpose of Education is to preserve for future generations the highest elements of White, Western Culture.”109 Jones admitted that “Philosophically, I’m a National Socialist...Officially, I don’t belong to any party except my own, the America First Committee.”110 However, Jones supposedly evolved his earlier National Socialist positions. He asserted that “I consider my committee a white patriotic nationalist organization...We’re social nationalists as opposed to National Socialists.” Jones believed in what he termed “revolutionary pan-Aryanism.”111 In recent years, Jones ran as a populist- nationalist Republican as a means of achieving more mainstream political support. Jones combined racial national-populism with a smattering of quasi-socialist positions. Jones noted that his jobs program would entail the “Repeal these so-called ‘free trade’ treaties, we have with over a dozen third-world nations. Find and remove all illegal aliens holding down jobs that should go to American citizens. Impose tariffs on countries that impose tariffs on U.S. exports. Begin a crash program of rebuilding our crumbling bridges, roads and dams, and sewer systems. Invest federal dollars in programs that train people in needed and useful occupations, rather than waste money provided a liberal-oriented ‘college education’ that offers no marketable job skills upon graduation.” Jones also believed that “huge profits being made off these senseless wars we are waging should be heavily taxed -- at least 50 percent. This tax would apply to both the corporations involved and this same 50 percent would apply to the executives running these war- profiteering companies.”112
Major Donald Clerkin of the Euro-American Alliance wrote that “We Aryans realize that the age of Capitalism and its stooge Democracy is just about over.” He wrote that his formula for “Aryan Socialism” has “nothing to do with Money, or phony party politics; neither is it an ideology, which Marx, Engels and Lenin made of what they called ‘socialism.’ Aryan Socialism is a racial ethic—a Soul-Force. Marxism is Jewish exploitation of the frustration the people feel against Capitalism, also a Jewish motive, so as to get the wealth of the State and the peoples’ live into Jewish hands. Jewish Capitalism robs the people, then the Jewish Marxists come in and enslave them. It is not true Socialism.” Clerkin explained that “The Socialism we see as Aryan caring is first and foremost thoughtful of the Aryan race. It exists to nurture and protect, not to exploit, but to raise up. Call it Aryan Racialism, if you prefer. It is the racial ‘glue’ which binds the Aryan race together. The Jews gave the Aryans the idol of Money to worship, which brought on an orgy of atomism—every man for himself! Aryan Socialism once again ties the race together, forbidding the exploitation of our people and punishing racial treason committed against the Aryan race.” He asserted that “Aryan Socialism” would settle accounts with libertarian capitalism: “Aryan Socialism will not permit the Aryan race to be humiliated and exterminated by the Corporate Caesars...There will be a showdown between the forces of Aryan Socialism and Corporate Caesarism.”113
Lyndon LaRouche was an example of a political extremist/leader on the American communist Left who moved towards a form of fascism. LaRouche ran candidates for office through the front group called the US Labor Party and later as Democrats. As John Rees noted, LaRouche “is a totalitarian extremist with a cult of personality to rival Joseph Stalin’s...he is difficult to categorize–in a sense LaRouche is a remedial Fascist. At least Mussolini could make the trains run on time. I doubt LaRouche is capable of doing that...when LaRouche was rejected by the totalitarian left, he simply tried the other side of the totalitarian spectrum.”114 LaRouche was a Trotskyite Communist active in the Socialist Workers Party and SDS from the 1940s to the late 1960s. He formed the National Caucus of Labor Committees (NCLC) in 1969 as a communist organization. By the late 1970s, the NCLC moved towards an amalgam of socialism and fascism. Dennis King noted that in 1968 and 1969 “...LaRouche’s disciples entered SDS filled with revolutionary fervor. Their political strategy to develop ‘class-wide organizing’ and ‘mass strikes’ was second to none in its radical implications.” King reported that LaRouche’s NCLC cadres originated from SDS and the Maoist Communist Progressive Labor Party (PLP).115 Former Black Panthers such as Zeke Boyd served the LaRouche apparatus in the Security Staff.116 One NCLC defector noted that Lyndon LaRouche fancied himself “the American Lenin.” In the wake of the 1968 Columbia University SDS riots, the NCLC grew into a left wing communist party which retained hundreds of members. By 1972, the NCLC attacked other communist parties in an effort to seize hegemony on the entire American leftwing scene. This phase in the NCLC’s development became known as Operation Mop Up. The NCLC newspaper New Solidarity noted during Operation Mop Up that “This operation is one of numerous tactical rehearsals in the development of those qualities of ruthless leadership necessary to lead the North American working class forces to workers’ government in this decade.”117 Hence, LaRouche appeared to fancy himself as the “top dog” of American Communism. In an editorial in New Solidarity, LaRouche demanded that CPUSA and its General Secretary Gus Hall “accept the alternative of a united front with the Labor Committees.” In 1974, the FBI Annual Report called the NCLC “a violence-oriented organization which has described itself as an ‘organization of revolutionary socialists’...continuing its efforts to become the dominant left group in the United States. Lyn Marcus has predicted that his organization will have gained state power in the United States by 1979 and world power by the year 2000.”118
In April 1969, SDS Labor Committee members were charged with possession of explosives and defended by CPUSA fronts National Lawyers Guild and the National Emergency Civil Liberties Committee (NECLC). In June 1971, the NECLC defended the SDS Labor Committee members on the grounds that they “were the most consistent opponents of the developing anarchists, terrorist tendencies in SDS and elsewhere.” Far leftists such as Dr. Benjamin Spock, Paul Sweezy, Dick Gregory, and others lent their names to a NCLC defense committee.119
Starting in 1973, LaRouche brainwashed NCLC members to build up his personality cult and intensify his totalitarian control over his followers. In the summer of 1973, LaRouche noted that “I am going to make you organizers—by taking your bedrooms away from you...What I shall do is to expose to you the cruel fact of your sexual impotence...I will take away from you all hope that you can flee the terrors of politics to the safety of ‘personal life.’ I shall do this by showing to you that your frightened personal sexual life contains for you such terrors as the outside world could never offer you. I will thus destroy your rabbit-holes, mental as well as physical. I shall destroy your sense of safety in the place to which you ordinarily imagine you can flee. I shall not pull you back from fleeing, but rather destroy the place to which you would attempt to flee.”
LaRouche noted that the psychological tortures and brainwashing from the “ego- stripping” sessions were “an act of social love.” NCLC defector Christina Berl dubbed the “ego stripping” sessions “pure psychological terror” and resulted in an extreme form of “depersonalization.” The successfully brainwashed and broken NCLC cadres were “transformed into sniveling informers vying with each other for (LaRouche’s) approval. Even couples were encouraged to ‘inform’ on each other’s ‘progress,’ particularly by singling out any behavior that could be construed as apolitical, or that was suspected of being ‘resistant’ to the aims of the sessions.” These “ego stripping” sessions were conducted under the pretext of “de- programming” NCLC cadres that were secretly brainwashed by the CIA. LaRouche lambasted the skeptics within the NCLC concerning the veracity of the charges of CIA brainwashing: “Any of you who say this is a hoax—you’re cruds! You’re subhuman! You’re not serious. The human race is at stake. Either we win or there is no humanity.” New Solidarity articles in 1973 and 1974 all played on the paranoia about the tortures that NCLC cadres faced in the hands of Rockefeller, the CIA, the Soviets, and the local police forces. Dennis King reported that Alice Weitzman “was held captive in her apartment and forced to listen to Beethoven at high volume—a deprogramming technique suggested by LaRouche. Weitzman managed to throw a note out the window. A passerby picked it up and alerted the police. When officers went to the apartment, they heard screams, forced their way in, and freed her. Later that day, they arrested six NCLC members on kidnapping charges. (The case was ultimately dismissed after Weitzman refused to press charges.)”120 Some NCLC officials and activists saw that LaRouche was consolidating dictatorial control which paralleled Stalinism. In April 1974, NCLC officials Henry Weinfield and Christina Berl resigned their membership. They reported that “because of the thoroughly corrupt relationship between the leadership and Marcus, and the impossibility therefore of fundamental political discussion, the organization has begun to exhibit the first phase of a marked Stalinist tendency...”121 A former top member of the NCLC, Christine Berl, was assigned to prepare a report for a 1973 NCLC conference on how Hitler built up the National Socialist German Workers’ Party. Berl recalled that “It scared me. I began to see it was the very tactics Lyn was using.” Even during its openly communist days, the NCLC was highly anti-Semitic. LaRouche wrote in a December 1973 issue of the Campaigner that “The brutally sadistic moral castration of the Jewish boy by the domineering ‘Jewish mother’ is the basis for one of the most horrifying models of male sexual impotence, which expresses itself obsessively in the ‘business Jew.’”122 Two Jewish former LaRouchians, Don and Alice Roth charged in a resignation letter that the membership had undergone a process of “moral anaesthetization” regarding racism and anti-Semitism. They cited a joke that they said had become popular in the NCLC national office: “How many Jews can you fit into a Volkswagen? One hundred. Four on the seats and ninety-six in the ashtray.”123
During this period, the NCLC developed its own secret police and intelligence force called the Security Staff. The Security Staff of the NCLC was formed during period of Operation Mop Up against the CPUSA, the SWP, and other rival Leftist groups. A former visitor to LaRouche’s apartment in New York City noted that “LaRouche was waited on hand and foot by Security. They cooked for him, they made his bed, they did his laundry.”124 LaRouche called for the creation of the position of Secretaries of Political Intelligence and Domestic Security to centralize the intelligence agencies in a future United States ruled by the NCLC. He also called for the creation of a government press agency controlled by the NCLC.125 According to one former NCLC member, LaRouche desired the creation of “death squads as in Latin America. It’s a fitting ideological complement to the counterterrorist training they receive at the ‘Farm’ in Powder Springs, Georgia.”126
In his openly Marxist-Leninist days, LaRouche also strategized an outreach program to elements of the Republican and conservative movements. This would allow the NCLC to maintain access and influence to a wider American audience. The LaRouchians also sought to acquire funds from wealthier conservatives. This was a similar strategy undertaken by the communists, Fascists, and National Socialists. In addition, LaRouche and his comrades reasoned that they could divide and therefore weaken the Right. The idea was to factionalize the Right along internationalist, anti-communist, and nationalist lines. The Soviets, who had close ties to the NCLC, sought to gain entry into the American populist Right through selective dissemination of various propaganda themes. Former FBI infiltrator Gregory Rose noted in 1979 that “The NCLC’s approach to responsible conservative organizations could be part of a campaign to penetrate these groups in the interests of the Soviet Union and its intelligence apparatus. The NCLC is avowedly pro-Soviet, as even a cursory examination of New Solidarity will show. The entree the NCLC has sought into conservative organizations provides an opportunity for circulating Soviet propaganda in circles where a direct Soviet overture would be impossible...The NCLC is in a position to promote a pro-Soviet line on such issues as U.S. defense posture within certain conservative circles, whereas the Soviets could not make such an approach directly. It is equally obvious that information on conservative attitudes and personalities gained from NCLC contacts would be helpful to Soviet intelligence.”127
The united front with the Right and the NCLC dated back to the mid-1970s. A NCLC Security Staff Memorandum issued in the spring of 1975 stated: “Our success in beating back the Fang’s (i.e., Nelson Rockefeller’s) Endgame Scenario (another NCLC prediction of thermonuclear was) shows the potential impact we can have among previously unpenetrated strata. Operations reports from our organizers in the field indicate growing sympathy for our ‘Impeach Rocky’ campaign among right-wing circles. We must move to take advantage of this situation. Right-wing organizations offer four opportunities: I) sources for fund-raising (especially related to our organizing); 2) political contacts to circulate our perspective in anti- Rocky political-financial military circles; 3) opportunity to expose and discredit Rocky’s Buckley-FBI-CIA penetration of the Right; 4) potential USLP members and periphery. Cadres should be firmly fixed on the politics underlying this move: the real enemy is Rocky’s fascism with a democratic face, the liberals, and social fascists. We can cooperate with the Right to defeat this common enemy. Once we have won this battle, eliminating our right-wing opposition will be comparatively easy.”128
LaRouche gave a 1976 speech titled “What Only Communists Know” where he stated: “To this same end, Labor Committee and allied Communist forces within the capitalist sector generally are working overnight, constantly, to bring into being a new Marxist International throughout the capitalist sector. This is no mere federation of socialist parties from various capitalist states. The purpose for the existence of the new international organization is to unify our forces around a common strategic programmatic conjunctural perspective and to coordinate the national tactical struggles within each nation for the achievement of our agreed strategic programmatic goals.”129
John Birch Society writer Gary Allen noted that the NCLC would assert that “‘pure Marxism’ has never existed anywhere and that at this point in history capitalism is still a viable system. They claim to be Constitutionalists, and go so far as to assert that theoretical Marxism is really very close to the ideals of America’s Founding Fathers. The Labor Party people have made a study of the words, phrases and clichés to which Conservatives respond and they make their approach sound like ‘Yankee Doodle Dandy’–even referring to their proposed united front as the ‘Whig Coalition.’”130
In a New Solidarity article written in May 1976, entitled “Neither the ‘Far Right’ Nor the ‘Far Left’ Actually Exists,” LaRouche described the NCLC as an organization of “Marxian socialists.” He argued that the American Independent Party of former Governor George Wallace actually contained “pro-socialist currents.” He specifically noted that “The Wallace movement of 1968 was a populist movement embracing both pro-socialist and pro-fascist currents in a sociologically lawful way.” LaRouche also noted in a May 1976 New Solidarity article that “I am entirely a socialist, not some ordinary reformer. I know above all else how to establish and direct a socialist economy. This is my goal, my morality, my commitment, my only ever present reason for existing.”131
Even during the 1980s, LaRouche cryptically hinted that he and his movement still could be secret communists. LaRouche informed the Los Angeles Times in a 1984 interview that “our positions are the same. We’ve changed our tactics. You work with who you can, when you can.”132 CIA veteran General John Singlaub described LaRouche’s followers in the 1980s: “If they’re not Marxists in disguise, they were literally the worst group of anti-Semitic Jews I’ve encountered.”133
While the LaRouchians dropped much of their traditional Marxist rhetoric by 1977, the group retained its support of socialist solutions to American economic problems. Dinesh D’Souza noted in March 1986 that the LaRouchians adhered to “a virtually socialist domestic agendathatcallsfor,amongotherthings,nationalizationofthesteelindustry.”134 The1992 LaRouche-Bevel Plan to Save the Nation recommended the nationalization of the Federal Reserve Board and its conversion to the Third National Bank; the implementation of a government supported massive public works program; a moratorium on national and international debts; and the declaration of national economic emergency.135
LaRouche and his organization continued to maintain hostility towards free enterprise, libertarianism, economic conservatives, and internationalist-minded banking elites. LaRouche sought to utilize the successful, nationalist American School of capitalism to build his hybrid utopia of socialism and fascism. LaRouche also believed, according to Methvin, that his plans for increased productivity and high technology and fusion energy development were opposed by “reactionary oligarchs and financiers who fatten off the masses.”136 A New Solidarity article noted in 1986 that “The American System of economics was designed to function through a harmony of interest between business, labor, and farmers. That harmony is the mutual interest in continual upgrading of technologies, living standards, and skill levels worldwide, with the US economy functioning as the engine of development. Lorenzo (a financier) and Kirkland (AFL- CIO head) on the other hand seem to think that the methods of couple of buzzards gathered over a carcass are preferable. What happens when even the corpses run out?”137 In 1984, LaRouche noted in a letter to the editor of The New Republic magazine that “The center of genuine and sharp disagreements with me and my views among circles of ‘Reagan loyalists,’ is the hostility to my economic policies around a large faction of the Administration and Republican Party leadership. There has been some vigorous discussion of my economic-science writings around Livermore during the past, with the pro-Adam Smith faction apparently predominating.”138
The available information which specified the type of regime that LaRouche sought to implement was most unpleasant and downright frightening to anyone who cherished even a semblance of economic and political liberty. One former LaRouche Movement member noted: “As to hoping LaRouche wins, I believe if he did win you would see the sort of brainwashing camps set up as were in China during the Communist Takeover, and Concentration Camps like you saw in WW2 for those who are ‘degenerate’ or labeled as ‘fascists.’ I think he would use the emergency powers of the president to make a military state, imprison much of the congress, and his underlings, drunk with power after the long struggle they’ve faced (and chomping at the bit for revenge from all the insults)would be the source of massive corruption, human rights violations, and suppression of freedoms. I think you would see a massive jump in production, along with a deterioration of the environment, but ultimately, a complete end to the American way of life.”139
By the beginning of the late 1970s, the NCLC strategically repositioned itself as a fascistic movement wrapped up in the American flag. Despite its highly collectivistic beliefs, the LaRouchians were willing to work with right-wing fascists, national-populists, and elements of the Republican Party and the conservative movement. By 1980, LaRouche’s NCLC was transformed to the National Democratic Policy Committee (NPDC) and later became the World LaRouche Movement. By 1977, the LaRouche movement also dropped much of the overt communist rhetoric and absorbed the features of American political and economic nationalism. The LaRouchians then blended it with an anti-classical liberal ideology and some of the features of socialism. The LaRouchians made their intentions quite clear in their planning and policy documents. In 1979, LaRouche noted that “Democracy is like a farm without a farmer, in which the chickens, sheep, cows, horses and pigs form ‘constituencies.’” LaRouche argued that “In the United States at this moment, we are mainly under the executive dictatorship of the monetarist faction...” LaRouche felt that the old government in the United States should be replaced by “the dictatorship of an alliance of industrialists, trade-union and farmer political interests.”
LaRouche noted that “A capitalist republic is essentially, properly, a class dictatorship- in-fact of policy making...(It) is the dictating of those policies by representatives of the conscious interest of industrial-capitalist development as a whole, in which the interests of the labor movement are the partners and immediate broader social base of the leading role of industrial capitalists as such...The interests of management and labor are properly understood to be identical in the final analysis...The labor-versus-industry nonsense must cease, at Ieast in matters involving bearing on national policy making, national political life.”
LaRouche noted in 1978 that “The state must be constructed in such a fashion that only humanist influences prevail in the modification of constitutional law and prevail in effective dictatorship of principle over the shaping of ordinary positive law...What we (will) not tolerate in proper policy and law is a direct violation of humanist outlook and methods which threatens vital interests as defined from the humanist standpoint.”
LaRouche also noted that “The society--e.g., the state--does not ‘concede’ freedom to the individual, but demands that he or she partake of it in the general interest of the state...The individual does not rightly regard the ‘constriction’ on outlook and method of the humanist state as oppressive. For without general progress, the state...cannot afford the individual members the means for increasing their capacity and expression of freedom...”140
LaRouche’s movement displayed features of a state-controlled corporatism where the industrialists and labor unions would build socialism in the United States. A US Labor Party document from August 1977 titled Notes Concerning the Role of Labor Parties in Immediate Strategic Crisis noted that “Our strongest mass base in the United States is, of course, within both the trade-union local organizations and among pro-technology black American forces of a predominantly working class composition. Through the common agreement with our program by conservatives and our immediate working class mass base, we are creating the basis for an industry-labor alliance. Our immediate, conjunctural struggle is to stop total war and prolonged and deep world recession through both an international industry-labor alliance and a programmatic agreement between that alliance and the leaderships of both the developing and CMEA countries. We and our immediate and active allies are the only force which sees that task clearly, both analytically and programmatically.”141
In 1977, a European Labor Party conference with the theme “Humanism, Progress, Socialism” noted that “The necessary alliance we must bring into being is that between us as scientific Marxists and the industrial capitalists against the monetarists in Carter’s war cabinet. We have to give these industrialists a historic self-consciousness about their own role and humanist tradition.”142 At a January 1977 Strategy for Socialism conference, top NCLC National Executive Committee member queried members “Are you ready to give up your red diapers for red, white and blue?” The ex-LaRouchian recalled that “The speech was on the American system. We were told that philosophies of the Founding Fathers, and specifically Hamilton’s economic policies, represented the same ideals of progress and industrialization in this country that Marx represented in Europe. Not everybody believed this immediately. Some of us thought it was merely temporary window-dressing, in the spirit of the bicentennial.” The January 1980 Strategy for Socialism conference found that socialist rhetoric was replaced entirely by “humanist” ideology.143 Costas Axios of the National Committee of Labor Committees (NCLC) noted that: “We are socialist, but first we must establish an industrial capitalist republic and rid this country of the Rockefeller anti-industrial, antitechnology, monetarist dictatorship of today.”144
In summary, the American neo-Nazi movements in the post-1945 period clearly were collectivists who sought to impose a dictatorial form of governance over society. Despite assertions by the professional leftwing “anti-racist” groups and the Clinton Administration during the 1990s, the neo-Nazi movement had very little in common with any branch of the conservative movement. Simply stated, the neo-Nazis sought to exchange the “Big Government” leftism of the Democrats with that of the even more collectivist ideology of National Socialism and/or racial populism. The purpose of this research paper is two-fold:
To prove that the American neo-Nazi and Klan movements are racial collectivist and socialist in inclination and worthy of no support for any self-respecting American nationalist and traditional conservative who loves the Constitution, Balanced and Nationalist Capitalism, and a strong national defense.
To discredit the liberal-left notion that such neo-Nazi forces are “anti-government” in the sense that they oppose centralized state controls. In all actuality, the neo-Nazis and Klan call for the development of a centralized, interventionist government under their control, as opposed to the leftwing liberals.
In order to neutralize the potential for extreme nationalist and neo-Nazis forces to gain new converts and possible political power, Republicans and Democrats need to rediscover a healthy constitutional patriotism which emphasizes a much more Balanced and National-Minded Capitalism, harmonious labor-capital relations where the importance of both sectors are appreciated, a meritocratic society which does not recognize race and sex, anti-corruption drives in the political class through tougher anti-lobbying and campaign finance laws, and curbs placed against real abuses and resultant government subsidies for the financial sector. Such economic policies and cultural-political changes would minimize the chances of a continuation of the unnatural polarization between the super-wealthy and the middle, working, and the under classes. Deep, long lasting depressions and recessions would be ameliorated, thus precluding the development of extremist groups of the racialist and Marxist variety. However, will our normally short-sighted political and economic classes take the necessary measures to preserve America’s longtime tradition of economic and political liberty? Only time will tell...Perhaps the veteran populist-nationalist radio broadcaster and commentator Chuck Harder stated it best when he reputedly warned “(the Trilateralists) better listen to what Chuck Harder is saying. Because if I fail they get David Duke.”145
Footnotes
1 McVeigh, Timothy. “Letter from Timothy McVeigh to the Union-Sun & Journal” Lockport Union-Sun & Journal February 11, 1992 Accessed From: http://www.angelfire.com/rebellion2/stormofthecentury/letter_tim_mcveigh.htm
2 George, John and Wilcox, Laird. American Extremists: Militias, Supremacists, Klansmen, Communists & Others (Prometheus Books, 1992) pages 129-130.
3 Oliver, Dr. Revilo P. “The Sins of the Iranians” Liberty Bell March 1988 Accessed From: http://www.revilo-oliver.com/rpo/Sins_of_the_Iranians.html
4 Oliver, Revilo P. America’s Decline (Historical Review Press 2006) Accessed From: http://www.thechristianidentityforum.net/downloads/Americas-Decline.pdf
5 United States House of Representatives. “Preliminary Report on Neo-Fascist and Hate Groups” Committee on Un-American Activities December 17, 1954 Accessed From: https://archive.org/stream/preliminaryrepor00unit/preliminaryrepor00unit_djvu.txt
6 Ibid.
7 Sherwin, Mark. The Extremists (St Martin’s Press, 1963) pages 142-146
8 Rockwell, George Lincoln. White Power Accessed From: https://archive.org/details/WhitePower_189
9 Goldfink was Rockwell’s derogatory name for Senator Barry Goldwater (R-AZ).
10 Saleam, Jim. “American Nazism In The Context Of The American Extreme Right: 1960 – 1978” Accessed From: http://home.alphalink.com.au/~radnat/usanazis/index.html
11 “Why Does the System Hate National Socialism?” National Socialist White Peoples’ Party Undated
12 “US and Canadian Nazis’ Revolutionary Message” Patterns of Prejudice Volume 4 Issue 1 1970 page 25.
13 American Nazi Party. “What We Stand For?” Accessed From: http://www.americannaziparty.com/platform/index.php
14 “What Is National Socialism?” New Order Accessed From: http://www.theneworder.org/national-socialism/
15 “Idea & Movement: The Revolutionary Nature of National Socialism” Accessed From: http://www.theneworder.org/national-socialism/idea-movement/the-revolutionary-nature-of- national-socialism/
16 McDonald, Larry P. “NCLC-LaRouche Group Reorganizes” Congressional Record January 16, 1981 pages 380-381.
17 Carto, Willis. Profiles in Populism (Devin-Adair Publishers 1982) page ix.
18 Ibid, pages xiv.
19 Yockey, Francis Parker. Imperium Accessed From: http://www.jrbooksonline.com/PDF_Books/Imperium103.pdf
20 Carto, Willis. Profiles in Populism (Devin-Adair Publishers 1982) page ix.
21 John Birch Society. “Memorandum on the Spotlight” April 2, 1980 Accessed From: http://www.freerepublic.com/perl/profile?op=show&user=Zionist%20Conspirator
22 Carto, Willis. Profiles in Populism (Devin-Adair Publishers 1982) pages ix, xiv, xv, 18, 41, 42, 43, 81, 101, 139, 199, 200, 203, 204.
23 Ibid, pages 86-87.
24 Carto, Willis. Profiles in Populism (Devin-Adair Publishers 1982) page 139.
25 Simonds, C.H. "The Strange Story of Willis Carto - His Fronts, His Friends, His Philosophy, His ‘Lobby for Patriotism’”Accessed From: http://www.nizkor.org/ftp.cgi/people/c/carto.willis/carto.002
26 John Birch Society. “Memorandum on the Spotlight” April 2, 1980 Accessed From: http://www.freerepublic.com/perl/profile?op=show&user=Zionist%20Conspirator
27 McDonald, Larry Congressman. “Spotlight Editor’s Confessions” Congressional Record March 16, 1982 page 4412.
28 George, John and Wilcox, Laird. American Extremists: Militias, Supremacists, Klansmen, Communists & Others (Prometheus Books, 1992) page 289.
29 Lyman Tower Sargent. Extremism in America: A Reader (NYU Press, 1995) pages 23-24.
30 Smith, Gerald L.K. Huey P. Long: Summary of Greatness Political Genius American Martyr 1975 Accessed From: http://www.thecrossandflag.com/smith_and_long.html#here
31 Lyman Tower Sargent. Extremism in America: A Reader (NYU Press, 1995) page 29.
32 Committee on Un-American Activities. “Investigation of Un-American Propaganda Activities in the United States” January 20, 1946 GPO Washington DC.
33 Ferkiss, Victor. The Political and Economic Philosophy of American Fascism (University of Chicago, 1954)
34 Lyman Tower Sargent. Extremism in America: A Reader (NYU Press, 1995) page 46.
35 Ferkiss, Victor. The Political and Economic Philosophy of American Fascism (University of Chicago, 1954)
36 “Platform of the National States’ Rights Party” Flyer Undated
37 “Application for the Membership in the Christian Anti-Jewish Party” Undated
38 Dudley, J. Wayne. “Hate Organizations of the 1940s: The Columbians, Inc.” 3rd Quarter 1981 pages 269-270.
39 International Journal of Religious Education Volume 23 1946 page 26.
40 Atkins, Steven E. Encyclopedia of Right-Wing Extremism In Modern American History (ABC-CLIO 2011) page 84.
41 Cook, James Graham. The Segregationists (Appleton-Century-Crofts 1962) page 184.
42 Fields, Dr. Edward R. “Carl Icahn Costs Thousands Their Jobs” Thunderbolt page 3.
43 “British Sale Proves Jew Financial Control” Thunderbolt Issue 304 1985 page 10.
44 Fields, Dr. Edward R. “Dr. Field’s Economic Plan to Save the American Standard of Living, Jobs, and Prosperity” Thunderbolt May 1983 page 10.
45 “Factories Flee, US Jobs Lost” Thunderbolt March 1983 page 2.
46 Wells, Lyn. “The Cedartown Story: The Ku Klux Klan & Labor in ‘The New South’” Labor Research Review Volume 1/Number 8 1986 pages 70-72 Accessed From: http://digitalcommons.ilr.cornell.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1073&context=lrr&sei- redir=1&referer=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.google.com%2Furl%3Fsa%3Dt%26rct%3Dj%26q%3 D%2522american%2520workers%2520union%2522%2520and%2520fields%26source%3Dweb %26cd%3D7%26ved%3D0CEkQFjAG%26url%3Dhttp%253A%252F%252Fdigitalcommons.ilr .cornell.edu%252Fcgi%252Fviewcontent.cgi%253Farticle%253D1073%2526context%253Dlrr %26ei%3DYAFJT_TpJ8bAtwfa38TuAg%26usg%3DAFQjCNG8Ql3tCass2up- Z1t3QkyuatSwYA#search=%22american%20workers%20union%20fields%22
47 Lipset, Seymour Martin. The Politics of Unreason: Right Wing Extremism in America, 1790- 1970 (University of Chicago Press 1978) pages 346-349
48Novak, Michael. Choosing Our King (Macmillan/McGraw-Hill School Division, 1974) page 207.
49 Lipset, Seymour Martin. The Politics of Unreason: Right Wing Extremism in America, 1790- 1970 (University of Chicago Press 1978) page 349
50 Frady, Marshall. Wallace: The Classic Portrait of Alabama Governor George Wallace (Random House LLC 2009)
51 McMahon, Dennis C. “The National Youth Alliance: A Young Nationalist’s Battle Cry” American Mercury Spring 1969 page 63.
52 “Why Conservatives Can’t Win” Attack! March 1971 pages 4-5.
53 “Right Wing-Left Wing” Attack! May 1972 page 3.
54 “The Future of Capitalism” Attack! July 1972 page 8
55 “Cost of Living How Much Higher?”Attack! April 1974 page 8.
56 “Minimum Wage Laws: Worker Protection or Socialism” Attack! February 1974 page 8.
57 National Alliance. “What is the National Alliance?” National Vanguard Books 1993 pages 4- 5.
58 Hedgehog, Hylozoic. Smiling Man From a Dead Planet: The Mystery of Lyndon LaRouche Accessed From: http://laroucheplanet.info/pmwiki/pmwiki.php?n=Library.UnityNow1
61 Ibid.
62 Grigg, William Norman. “Hard Left’s Right Wing Kin” The New American June 24, 1996 Accessed From: http://web.archive.org/web/20010303035958/www.thenewamerican.com/tna/1996/vo12no13/vo 12no13_right.htm
63 Mathews, Robert. “Declaration of War on the Jewish Occupied US Government” Accessed From: http://theendofzion.com/2013/06/13/bob-matthews-declaration-of-war-on-the-jewish- occupied-us-government/
64 MacLean, Nancy. Behind the Mask of Chivalry: The Making of the Second Ku Klux Klan (Oxford University Press, 1995) pages 86-91.
65 Berlet, Chip and Lyons, Matthew. Right Wing Populism in America (Guilford Press, 2000) pages 99-101.
66 Zerzan, John. “Rank and File Radicalism within the Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s” Anarchist Library 1993 Accessed From: http://files.uniteddiversity.com/More_Books_and_Reports/The_Anarchist_Library/John_Zerzan __Rank-and-File_Radicalism_within_the_Ku_Klux_Klan_of_the_1920s_a4.pdf
67 Zerzan, John. “Rank and File Radicalism within the Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s” Anarchist Library 1993 Accessed From: http://files.uniteddiversity.com/More_Books_and_Reports/The_Anarchist_Library/John_Zerzan __Rank-and-File_Radicalism_within_the_Ku_Klux_Klan_of_the_1920s_a4.pdf
68 “Test Your WWIII-IQ” Contest JAHG-USA Newsletter June 5, 2005 Accessed From: http://www.noahide.com/newsletter/news18.htm
69 Lee, Steven Sunwoo. Multiculturalism Versus Multinationalness (ProQuest, 2008) page 31. 70 “The Modern KKK” SocialPC Accessed From: http://www.socialpc.com/SocialIssues/The- Modern-KKK.html
71 Zerzan, John. “Rank and File Radicalism within the Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s” Anarchist Library 1993 Accessed From: http://files.uniteddiversity.com/More_Books_and_Reports/The_Anarchist_Library/John_Zerzan __Rank-and-File_Radicalism_within_the_Ku_Klux_Klan_of_the_1920s_a4.pdf
72 Zerzan, John. “Rank and File Radicalism within the Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s” Anarchist Library 1993 Accessed From: http://files.uniteddiversity.com/More_Books_and_Reports/The_Anarchist_Library/John_Zerzan __Rank-and-File_Radicalism_within_the_Ku_Klux_Klan_of_the_1920s_a4.pdf
73 Sargent, Lyman Tower. Extremism in America (NYU Press, 1995) page 142.
74 Dobratz, Betty A. and Shanks-Meile, Stephanie L. The White Separatist Movement in the United States: “White Power, White Pride!” (JHU Press 2000) page 148.
75 “Knights Party Platform” Accessed From: http://www.tep- online.info/laku/usa/mino/kkk/kkkparty.htm
76 “What the Klan Stands For” Accessed From: http://www.tep- online.info/laku/usa/mino/kkk/kkk.htm
77 “White Patriot Party” MIPT Terrorism Knowledge Database” Accessed From: http://web.archive.org/web/20070930013115/http://www.tkb.org/Group.jsp?groupID=127 78 National Democratic Front. The National Democratic Front’s Program of Democratic Nationalism Undated pages 3-7.
79 Sargent, Lyman Tower. Extremism in America (NYU Press, 1995) pages 188-190.
80 Ridgeway, James. Blood in the Face (Thunder’s Mouth Press, 1995) pages 173-174.
81 Dobratz, Betty A. and Shanks-Meile, Stephanie L. The White Separatist Movement in the United States: “White Power, White Pride!” (JHU Press 2000) page 148.
82 Hamm, Mark S. American Skinheads: The Criminology and Control of Hate Crime (ABC-CLIO, 1994) page 39.
83Hedgehog, Hylozoic. Smiling Man From a Dead Planet: The Mystery of Lyndon LaRouche Accessed From: http://laroucheplanet.info/pmwiki/pmwiki.php?n=Library.UnityNow1
84 Duke, David. My Awakening Accessed From:
http://www.archive.org/stream/MyAwakeningAPathToRacialUnderstandingByDavidDuke/my- awakening-david-duke_djvu.txt
85 Zatarain, Michael. David Duke, Evolution of a Klansman (Pelican Publishing 1990) pages 136-137
86 Rose, Douglas D. The Emergence of David Duke and the Politics of Race (The University of North Carolina Press 1992) page 44.
87 Bridges, Tyler. The Rise of David Duke (University Press of Mississippi 1995) pages 178-179. 88 Zatarain, Michael. David Duke, evolution of a Klansman (Pelican Publishing 1990) pages 136- 137
89 Ferguson, Andrew. “The Wizardry of David Duke” American Spectator October 1990 page 18.
90 Bridges, Tyler. The Rise of David Duke (University Press of Mississippi 1995) pages 93-94
91 Hamme, Erick. “Former KKK Grand Wizard David Duke Supports Occupy Wall Street Movement” CNSNews.com October 27, 2011 Accessed From: http://cnsnews.com/news/article/former-kkk-grand-wizard-david-duke-supports-occupy-wall- street-movement
92 “The Klassen letters; volume one 1969-1976” (Ben Klassen 1988) Accessed From: https://archive.org/details/TheKlassenLettersVolumeOne1969-1976
93 Klassen, Ben. Nature’s Eternal Religion Accessed From: http://www.jrbooksonline.com/PDF_Books/Natures_eternal_religion.pdf
94 SS Action Group. “Aryans Awake!” Flyer.
95 SS Action Group. “The Ten Points of American National Socialism”.
96 “Matthew Heimbach” Southern Poverty Law Center Accessed From:http://www.splcenter.org/get%20informed/intelligence%20files/profiles/Matthew%20Hei mbach
97 Vincent, Allen. “White People Unite! National Socialist White Workers Party” Letter undated 98 National Socialist Party of America. Handbook of the National Socialist Party of America (Frank Collin Associates 1975) pages 11 and 14.
99 Schoep, Jeff. “America's National Socialist Party” Accessed From: http://www.nsm88.org/aboutus.html
100 “25 Points of American National Socialism” Accessed From: http://www.nsm88.org/25points/25pointsengl.html
101 “The NF Program: The Program of the Northwest Front” Accessed From: http://northwestfront.org/about/northwest-front-program/
102 McDonald, Congressman Larry P. “California Nazis Expand Contacts” Congressional Record January 6, 1977 page 400.
103 McDonald, Larry. Congressional Record March 18, 1975 page 6673.
104 Mason, James. Siege Accessed From: https://ia801408.us.archive.org/0/items/Siege_836/siege.pdf
105 Lyman Tower Sargent. Extremism in America: A Reader (NYU Press, 1995) pages 150-159. 106 Butler, Richard G. “Aryan Renaissance/Aryan National State Platform” Church of Jesus Christ Christian Aryan Nations 1979
107 “Gary Lauck and His Propaganda” Patterns of Prejudice Volume 13 Issue 4 1979
108 Dobratz, Betty A. and Shanks-Meile, Stephanie L. The White Separatist Movement in the United States: “White Power, White Pride!” (JHU Press 2000) page 265.
109 “America First Committee” Accessed From:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Talk%3AAmerica_First_Committee
110 “Meet Arthur Jones, Traditional ‘Values’ Rushpubliscum” Accessed From: http://reconstitution.us/rcnew/?p=12033
111 Pick, Grant. “Bigot for Hire” Chicago Reader July 21, 1994 Accessed From: http://www.chicagoreader.com/chicago/bigot-for-hire/Content?oid=885034
112 “Update: ‘The Holocaust Never Happened’ American Republican Congressional Hopeful - Vietnam War Veteran Arthur Jones” Accessed From: http://fightingforliberty.ning.com/profiles/blogs/the-holocaust-never-happened-american- republican-congressional
113 Clerkin, Major Donald Vincent “Aryan Socialism” Liberty Bell June 1990 Accessed From:
http://www.thechristianidentityforum.net/downloads/The%20liberty%20bell%20-%201990.pdf
114 Berlet, Chip. “Fascism Wrapped Up in the American Flag” Political Research Associates March 10, 1989 Accessed From: http://www.politicalresearch.org/1989/03/10/fascism-wrapped- in-the-american-flag/#sthash.zSULCKdJ.dpbs
115 LaRouche, Lyndon. Lyndon LaRouche and the New American Fascism Accessed From: http://www.lyndonlarouche.org/fascism2.htm
116 LaRouche, Lyndon. Lyndon LaRouche and the New American Fascism Accessed From: http://www.lyndonlarouche.org/fascism5.htm
117 Methvin, Eugene V. “Lyndon LaRouche’s Raid on Democracy” Readers Digest August 1986 pages 90-94.
118 Lorenzo, Dan. “Lyndon LaRouche: A Study in Subversion” Accessed From: http://www.rumormillnews.com/cgi-bin/archive.cgi/noframes/read/34490
119 McDonald, Congressman Larry P. “NCLC/US Labor Party: Leftist Charlatans and Provocateurs” Congressional Record January 26, 1977 pages 2428-2430.
120 LaRouche, Lyndon. Lyndon LaRouche and the New American Fascism Accessed From:
http://www.lyndonlarouche.org/fascism4.htm
121 Christine Berl & Henry Weinfield’s Letter of Resignation April 2, 1974 Accessed From:http://laroucheplanet.info/pmwiki/pmwiki.php?n=Library.BerlWeinfieldResignatiuon5 122 LaRouche, Lyndon. “The Case of Ludwig Feuerbach” The Campaigner December 1973 Accessed From: http://www.lyndonlarouche.org/larouche-feuerbach.pdf
123 LaRouche, Lyndon. Lyndon LaRouche and the New American Fascism Accessed From: http://lyndonlarouche.org/newamericanfascism.htm
124 LaRouche, Lyndon. Lyndon LaRouche and the New American Fascism Accessed From: http://www.lyndonlarouche.org/fascism5.htm
125 LaRouche, Lyndon H. Case of Walter Lippmann Accessed From: https://archive.org/details/TheCaseOfWalterLippmannAPresidentialStrategy
126 King, Dennis. “NCLC’s Private Intelligence Agency” Accessed From: http://lyndonlarouche.org/ourtown3.htm
127 Rose, Gregory F. “The Swarmy Life and Times of the NCLC” National Review March 30, 1979 Accessed From: http://lyndonlarouchewatch.org/larouche-national-review.PDF
128 Ibid.
129 “What Only Communists Know” Campaigner January 1976 Accessed From: http://wlym.com/PDF-68-76/CAM7512.pdf
130 Allen, Gary. “They’re Catching On” American Opinion Volume 20 November 1977 page 108.
131 Hedgehog, Hylozoic.Smiling Man From a Dead Planet: The Mystery of Lyndon LaRouche Accessed From: http://laroucheplanet.info/pmwiki/pmwiki.php?n=Library.UnityNow1
132 Kraft, Scott. “LaRouche: Extremist of the Right or Left?” Los Angeles Times March 20, 1986 133 Greason, David. “Lyndon LaRouche Down Under” Without Prejudice Number 5 November 1992 Accessed From: http://lyndonlarouchewatch.org/larouche-australia.pdf
134 D’Souza, Dinesh. “LaRouche Panics the Democratic Party” Los Angeles Times March 30, 1986 Accessed From: http://articles.latimes.com/1986-03-30/opinion/op-1946_1_democratic- party/2
135 “The LaRouche-Bevel Program to Save the Nation: Reversing 30 Years of Post-Industrial Suicide” (Independents for Economic Recovery, LaRouche for President Leesburg, Virginia October 1992) Accessed From: http://www.nizkor.org/ftp.cgi/people/l/ftp.cgi?people/l/larouche.lyndon/larouch-bevel
136 Methvin, Eugene V. Lyndon “LaRouche’s Raid on Democracy” Readers Digest August 1986 pages 90-94.
137 Wertz, Marianna. “Eastern Air Takeover: Free Enterprise in Action” New Solidarity March 2, 1986
138 LaRouche, Lyndon H. “Letter to the Editor of The New Republic” November 1, 1984 Accessed From: http://lyndonlarouchewatch.org/larouche-new-republic1.pdf
139 Accessed From: http://www.factnet.org/discus/messages/4/20395.html?1086276000
140 King, Dennis. “LaRouche: A Dictatorial Mind At Work” New America April-May 1982 Accessed From: http://www.lyndonlarouche.org/dictator.htm
141 LaRouche, Lyndon. “Notes Concerning the Role of Labor Parties in Immediate Strategic Crisis USLP-EAP Internal Document” August 24, 1977 Accessed From: http://laroucheplanet.info/pmwiki/pmwiki.php?n=Library.NotesConcerningLaborParties
142 Dannenburg, Gabriele. “ELP Conference Theme: Humanism, Progress, Socialism” New Solidarity January 14, 1977 page 2.
143 Ray, Linda. “Breaking the Silence: An Ex-LaRouche Follower Tells Her Story” In These Times, October 29, 1986 Accessed From: http://lyndonlarouche.org/larouche-linda-ray.htm
144 Valentine, Paul. “When Left Reaches Right” Washington Post August 16, 1977 page A1. 145 Accessed From: https://groups.google.com/forum/#!topic/alt.radio.talk/xhKGG95dlok AND Cooper, Marc. “The Paranoid Style” The Nation April 10, 1995 page 492.
I wonder how much influence W.D. Pelley's Cooperative Commonwealth, touted in his 1932 dissertation "No More Hunger," had on post-war American NS? I would assume some degree as the book is sometimes cited as the most read work on the far-right of the 1930s right behind The Protocols. I believe Yockey was greatly inspired by Pelley.