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Muslim Chao Khao: Muslimization and Re-subjectification of Hmong/Akha Youth amidst the Politics of Conversion in Northern Thailand

Cite this paper
MLAcontent_copy
Kosem, Samak. Muslim Chao Khao: Muslimization and Re-Subjectification of Hmong/Akha Youth amidst the Politics of Conversion in Northern Thailand.
APAcontent_copy
Kosem, S. Muslim Chao Khao: Muslimization and Re-subjectification of Hmong/Akha Youth amidst the Politics of Conversion in Northern Thailand.
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Kosem, Samak. “Muslim Chao Khao: Muslimization and Re-Subjectification of Hmong/Akha Youth amidst the Politics of Conversion in Northern Thailand,” n.d.
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Kosem S. Muslim Chao Khao: Muslimization and Re-subjectification of Hmong/Akha Youth amidst the Politics of Conversion in Northern Thailand.
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Kosem, S. (no date) “Muslim Chao Khao: Muslimization and Re-subjectification of Hmong/Akha Youth amidst the Politics of Conversion in Northern Thailand.”

Abstract

This research investigates the religious conversion process among ethnic groups in northern Thailand, particularly with regard to the role of structure and agency in Islamic missionary work and its impact on the identity of Hmong/Akha youth. The propagation of Islam by Dawah groups from the three border provinces in south Thailand uses notions of both religiosity and ethnicity to develop a faith in God and religious practice along lines of strict Islamic fundamentalism. This stands in stark contrast to the ritual syncretism of Christian conversion of the past several decades in North Thailand. This Islamic movement uses tactics of schooling and converts ethnic youth to Islam in ‘Baan Veing Mok’ village in Chiang Rai Province, where religious and ethnic diversity are developed by the expansion of Islam or ‘Islamization’. My paper examines the conversion of ethnic youths and how they negotiate the tensions created in their identity by indoctrination through traditional syncretic practices. However, the re-subjectification to “God” is significant in interpreting and defining ‘Muslim’ differentially. It also seems that ‘ethnicity’ is still playing a role in the self-perception of the youth in different temporal and geographic contexts. So, the conversion among ethnic groups can reflect a process of Muslimization which is incomplete, especially through its articulation amidst identity construction. Finally, this study will conclude by discussing the interactions among different religious and ethnic groups in the area of my study in terms of cultural politics, to understand the wider pictures of religious pluralism in Asia.

Key takeaways
sparkles

AI

  1. The study highlights the complex interplay of agency and structure in the Muslimization of Hmong/Akha youth.
  2. Dawah groups utilize educational tactics to convert ethnic youth in northern Thailand, emphasizing strict Islamic fundamentalism.
  3. Conversion processes reflect incomplete Muslimization, influenced by ethnicity and identity negotiations among youth.
  4. The study critiques the interactions between religious movements and state politics, revealing underlying cultural tensions.
  5. Religious conversion is framed as a re-subjectification process, redefining self-perception within new Islamic identities.
               ! "#               15 th annual SEAP Graduate Student Conference Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University March 1-3, 2013. Ithaca, New York.
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   5                ! "#              6 !   ’   78   9/ (       75 :75& # )" ;& )   ’  *- <   *’-=  ’      ;   !    ’& $    #      "                     # 1     / & # ::>  *$ ’  "  ’         .     ’"    ! & !          & !          #    ’   "  *"?   ’  "      ’ &      "     #  " "    ’  "               @  / & #   !      ’            9 & !    #  "      *# # . A1- <##.A=&  ::B     "  1  * 9    C + D -     .     ’        ’    

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References (11)

  1. Austin-Broos, Diane. 2003. "The Anthropology of Conversion: An Introduction." In The Anthropology of Religious Conversion, edited by Andrew Buckser and Stephen D. Glazier, pp. 1-12. Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield.
  2. Bruce, Steve. 2000. Fundamentalism. MA: Polity Press.
  3. Emerson, Michael O. and David Hartman. 2006. 'The Rise of Religious Fundamentalism,' in Annual Review of Sociology. Vol.32, 127-144, (2006).
  4. Foucault, Michel. 1985. The Use of Pleasure: History of Sexuality, Vol.2. (trans. Robert Hurley) New York: Pantheon Books.
  5. Horstmann, Alexander. 2007. 'The Inculturation of a Transnational Islamic Missionary Movement: Tablighi Jamaat al Dawa and Muslim Society in Southern Thailand,' in SOJOURN: Journal of Social Issue Southeast Asia. Vol.22(1), 107-130 (2007).
  6. Kwanchewan Buadaeng and Pannada Boonyasaranai. 2008. "Religious Conversion and Ethnic Identity: The Karen and the Akha in Northern Thailand". In Living in a Globalized World. Ethnic Minorities in the Greater Mekong Subregion, edited by Don McCaskill, Presit Leeprecha and He Shaoying. Chiang Mai: Silkworm.
  7. Mahoney, Annette and Kenneth I. Pargament. 2004. 'Sacred Changes: Spiritual Conversion and Transformation' JCLP/In Session, Vol. 60(5), 481-492 (2004).
  8. Poston, Larry. 1992. Islamic Dawah in the West: Muslim Missionary Activity and the Dynamics of Conversion to Islam. New York: Oxford University Press.
  9. Apinya Fuengfusakul. 2009. Ma-nud-sa-ya-wit-ta-ya-sad-sa-na: neaw-kid-puen-than-lea-khoe-thok- theing-thang-thang-thid-sadi (Anthropology of Religion: Theoretical Concepts and Controversies). Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Faculty of Social Sciences, Chiang Mai University.
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  11. Thirayuth Boonmi. 2009. Michel Foucault. Bangkok: Wipasa.

FAQs

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What strategies does Dawah Tabligh use to convert youth in Thailand?add

The paper demonstrates that Dawah Tabligh employs both internal-personal strategies and community-based approaches to convert youth, fostering trust through shared ethnicity and targeted indoctrination methods from the 1980s to present.

How does the conversion process affect Akha and Hmong identities?add

Research highlights a dual process where youth negotiate their new Muslim identity while facing tensions related to their ethnic traditions, resulting in transformations in self-perception and community relations post-conversion.

What role do Islamic summer camps play in the conversion of ethnic youth?add

The study finds that summer camps facilitate initial religious engagement, with approximately 70 youth participating yearly, leading to significant assimilation of Islamic practices and beliefs within their cultural frameworks.

When did the Dawah movement begin its efforts to convert ethnic minorities?add

Dawah Tabligh's activities began notably in the 1980s, targeting various hill tribe communities in Northern Thailand, particularly focusing on Hmong and Akha populations amidst regional socio-political disparities.

What challenges do converted youth face concerning their family backgrounds?add

The research reveals that converted youth often encounter familial resistance and pressure during cultural rituals, as evidenced by instances of cultural negotiation during festivals which highlight identity conflict and perseverance.

About the author
Chiang Mai University, Department Member
Papers
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View all papers from Samak Kosemarrow_forward

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