This story appears in i-D 376, “The Lore Issue.” Get your copy of the print magazine here.
written and styled by THOM BETTRIDGE
photographed by HENDRIK SCHNEIDER
The average age of a cable news viewer currently hovers at about 70 years old. It begs the question: How are non-Boomers finding out about politics? Optimists might vaguely point to newsletters, podcasts, and the “new media landscape.” But look a bit closer at said landscape and you’ll find a terrain swarming with crackpot commentators, trad-wife firebrands, and looksmaxxing eugenicists. It is within this fray that Hasan Piker livestreams eight hours a day, six days a week to a concurrent audience that could fill a football stadium. The Los Angeles-based, 34-year-old political pundit takes pride in delivering progressive politics to the young men who have become most susceptible to online radicalisation—in other words, he’s a based unc red-pilling Zoomers into socialism. On a Sunday afternoon (the one day of the week he doesn’t stream), Piker sat down with Editor-in-Chief Thom Bettridge.
Thom Bettridge: If someone who didn’t know you asked me to explain what you do, I would say that you go to spaces where young people are getting radicalised by the internet, like Twitch, and you red-pill them into a socialist worldview. Why do you think you have credibility with that group of people?
Hasan Piker: It’s becoming increasingly hard to relate to a younger audience because I’m 34, but I think the reason why I have some semblance of credibility in these spaces is because I operate within them, and I primarily focus on trying to make things as appealing and palatable as possible. I like to say I’m an entertainer first and foremost. And my worldview revolves around rehabilitation above all else. Everyone is redeemable, everyone can actually change their minds. Every single American citizen has some kind of blind spot to others. So if that’s my first principle, then I would be a major hypocrite to assume that people are irredeemable. Because that’s my mentality, I’m much more forgiving of microaggressions and things of that nature and much more hopeful about being able to change people’s minds. I always like to tell people I’m here to pull them from the margins—from the throes of radicalisation. If I’m talking about trans issues, for example, I’m not talking to trans people. Of course, trans people can enjoy the content. But in most circumstances, I’m actually talking to someone who is in the throes of transphobia, who could go in either direction. If I’m talking about white supremacy and racism and anti-Blackness as a core principle in American society, I’m not talking to Black people, because they know what that looks like. They experience it. They live it every day. I’m talking to people who have been blinded by social conditioning and have adopted a white supremacist framework.
Are there go-to ideas or concepts that are ‘aha’ moments for people?
One of the best arguments is one that I used on Theo Von, which is: “Your issues are your rent and your wages, right? You hate your boss and you hate your job and you hate how little benefits you have and you hate your landlord. You hate how much you have to pay in rent and how little you get in return. And the reality is, your boss is not a Guatemalan migrant. Your landlord is not a trans person. Anyone that consistently shifts your attention and priorities in the direction of trans people or undocumented immigrants is actually lying to you because they don’t want to fix those other issues.” That’s usually very effective in getting people to come to terms with the system itself. Because there’s not a bunch of Guatemalan migrants sitting on the board of BlackRock.
I wanted to talk about Zohran. He talks about how the government can substantively make people’s lives better. Did Zohran’s winning feel like a validation for your worldview?
He has made my life a million times easier because I can point to him as a success story—a real example where someone went out, asked the people what their problems were, and figured out quite a reasonable, modest proposal as to fixing some of them. Fast and free buses, universal child care, a rent freeze on rent-adjusted housing units in New York City, and a modest increase in taxes for some of the wealthiest New Yorkers. All of these things are possible. He was very issue-focused throughout the entire campaign, and he was identifiable on those boundaries. That’s what voting for someone is supposed to be about. “What can you do for me? How will you represent my values?”
You’re very central to a new generation that is—despite outliers—far more left than the generations before it. When you game out the future, once the boomers are gone, is someone like Zohran going to be a centrist politician in America?
I don’t believe in generational politics like that, unfortunately. We have to organise and we have to keep pushing. The reason why this next generation is seemingly more radical in its politics, some might even say more sympathetic to the socialist or Marxist tradition, is because of deteriorating material conditions. They don’t believe that they’ll ever be able to own a home. They don’t believe that they will be able to retire at a reasonable age. Fifty percent of their salary—from jobs that they actually despise, that they didn’t even train for, that they didn’t go to school for—directly subsidises their landlord’s lifestyle. They have no control. It’s a really dire situation for many of them. People get so frustrated with the way capitalism operates that they inevitably go, “Okay, I’m willing to explore alternative ways of thinking.”
“I don’t think people are as on board with this unlimited death and destruction campaign—war in Venezuela, ICE agents in every neighbourhood. A lot of people think this is dangerous.”
hasan piker
One of my favourite Marxist ideas is historical materialism—the idea that ideologies are downstream of relations of production and the actual social reality happening on an economic level. In the Obama era, it was all about ideology and culture of reality: Shepard Fairey posters, “Hope,” and all kinds of good vibes. But the social reality remained as it was under Bush. A lot of people became very cynical after that. It’s cool to see a politician say, “Hey, I want to actually talk about the dollars and cents of what it means to be alive in America today.”
The economic realities were decent enough back then to make people feel like they were invested in this system. Even after the 2008 housing market crash, there was this notion that these institutions were actually serving the people, right? Maybe they failed every now and then, but the alternative was far scarier. There was still some sort of confidence in the government. Now that confidence has withered away. And I would say it’s been withering away since the Reagan era. No one believes that there is any sort of positive future right around the corner.
One of my favourite things you do on your stream is the Hogwatch segment, in which you watch right-wing content and totally eviscerate it. Who’s your favourite hog to watch?
I don’t really have any big ones right now. All of the previous era’s GOATs have died or their careers have diminished. I think the Ben Shapiros of the world, the Steven Crowders of the world, the heyday of the intellectual dark web is just gone now. Tim Pool is gone. Many of these guys have lost a big chunk of their audiences because they were so pro-Israel. They lost the legitimacy and the credibility that they may have had at a certain point. Credibility that they’ve actually garnered from being as reactionary as possible, as right-wing as possible, toward every other marginalised group. That’s precisely the reason why you see all these other figures all of a sudden blow up—Candace Owens, Tucker Carlson, Nick Fuentes. There’s a reason why these guys are now the major figures on the independent content creator side, as opposed to the old guard.
As someone who’s standing on the other side of the proverbial tug-of-war, are the Groypers [followers of Nick Fuentes] a scarier foe than Ben Shapiro? Because Ben Shapiro is inherently easy to make fun of.
I think the Groypers and Nick Fuentes are very easy to make fun of as well. I’ve just shied away from doing it because I feel like, on the right, they’re trying to figure out whether they isolate him or just make way for the Groyperification. Donald Trump is running around saying all Somalis are garbage people, that they need to be deported. Ninety percent of them are already American citizens. The other 10 percent are legal permanent residents. And he’s talking about denaturalising them. He’s talking about [Congresswoman] Ilhan Omar, an elected representative, as though she is this parasitic force that needs to be forcibly excised. This is really dangerous rhetoric at the end of the day. And the very fact that the president is normalising this kind of rhetoric with very little pushback is terrifying.
Do you feel like the Overton window is just going to keep expanding? Because even eight years ago, imagining a QAnon believer like Marjorie Taylor Greene being a congresswoman was an outlandish idea. Now it’s kind of the norm. Are we just a couple years away from a Groyper justice on the Supreme Court?
In the real world, I think that there’s a lot of resentment towards this kind of politics. If there is a competent counterbalance to this growing right-wing fascination with racial purity, then I think we will be able to combat it effectively. But there is no organised left that has any sort of political expression in the two major parties. There is a growing left flank in the Democrats, and that’s great, but there is tremendous resistance to it. Meanwhile, the Overton window consistently expands on the right in this dangerously reactionary and fascist way. Currently I don’t think people are as on board with this unlimited death and destruction campaign—war in Venezuela, ICE agents in every neighbourhood. A lot of people think this is dangerous.
In 2020, when peak “woke” was happening, I think that the ruling class hated it so much that they had to read white fragility and bow in congress with a Kente cloth. That experience was so humiliating and infuriating for them that there’s been this kind of backlash. It’s like the pendulum swung the other way. For example, when Mark Zuckerberg went on Joe Rogan was like, “We need feminine energy out of the office.”
He’s overcorrecting. I don’t think he genuinely believes we have to get feminine energy out of the office. I think he’s just tuning into whatever frequency people told him he needs to move in the direction of—and there is this institutional backlash right now to what they perceive as “woke.” Which is weird, because it was the institutions themselves that were abiding by this ridiculous standard. It was this incredibly sanitised, incredibly brand-friendly image that didn’t do anything to solve any underlying material inequalities. The example I always used is Walmart throwing up the Black Fist, and at the same time funding their local police departments and paying for the new cruisers. These megacorporations are not going to be able to change society, because they’re not actually invested in it. There are some outliers—you got the Ben & Jerry’s of the world—but there’s limits there as well. But that’s very different from the way that Target has consistently tried to use identity politics or quote-unquote “woke” as a way to sell more product.
It seems more and more that the actual political discourse of the world is happening on streams and podcasts, and not on CNN or BBC or MSNBC or Fox. Is mainstream media about to die? Or will people like you be the ones running, say, CNN in the future?
I have no ambitions as far as moving into the traditional media space. Part of that is because I care about my editorial freedom. Nowadays, part of that is because their audiences are diminishing and I already have the audience. My goal ultimately is to be in front of as many people as possible. But I’ll always collaborate with the wonderful friends I’ve made in legacy media. It’s very important for legacy publishers to exist. The future for me is doing exactly what I’m doing for a much broader audience.
One of the biggest differences between right-wing media and left-wing media is that the right-wing—whether it’s conscious or not—has a very good sense of how rage-bait works; it can actually make you more powerful.
I will say there is one difference in terms of how that works on the left versus the right: The right is far more unified. So when someone like myself actually gets mad at a right-wing figure, that’s unifying for all of them. They go, “We hate this guy. He’s a leftist. We’re going to ride with whoever this right-wing figure is and defend them.” Liberals, on the other hand, unfortunately have a slight antagonism towards the left. I do think that there are a lot of people who are maybe centre left, or find themselves to be progressive, or claim to be liberals, that are much easier to manipulate by the right. This happens to leftists as well. There is this purity spiral that you don’t really see on the right as much. There’s no ideological buy-in in the same way, where someone’s like, “This guy’s not a real racist.” On the left-wing side, people straight-up will be like, “You bought a house. I personally think that’s against your values.” The standards are ridiculous.
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