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TRENT UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES
CARTIER

JACQUES CARTIER

PUBLICATIONS OF THE PUBLIC ARCHIVES OF CANADA
No. 11

THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES
CARTIER

Published from the originals with translations,
notes and appendices

H. P. BIGGAR, B.Lirr. (Oxon.)

Chief Archivist for Canada
in Europe

Published by authority of the Secretary of State under the
direction of the Archivist

OTTAWA
F. A. ACLAND
PRINTER TO THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY
1924

“sos »C3A3 1994 cop.oy

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PAGES
MERCURIO IN vate Pvt pe lis, tele sat setts ov ies: tha. fuotitl aoutealt Mace Meats ayanlads cumNeaa se xi-Xv
Pe hires ogee TSSE hs i ns UNS Bea cae 1-81
ithe second Voyare153S-1536 ee Sidi Saye ete) S Beheae, Pa le OS =246
TMhesbPhirde Voyage i541 030.00 St Su 6 aegis see") orale ae te 4209
ettenror, JACques= NOEL) &F sy wovictivahe Mak geesen a] Shab eae UA ee O20

Roberval’s: Voyage 154221543: 2.7.05) Se a ai 2-270

APPENDICES

I. The Voyage of Master Hore and divers other Gentlemen to
Newfoundland 1530.0 st Mey alas sear se cele oe eho Bae
II. Extracts from the Cosmographie of Jean Alphonse 1544 . . 278-303
Mia Bricte Nateonithe Moresey vote! (crea female, 2: oe cal ete ie 304
IV. Recipe to Make a Good Fire-Lance... . 2). 25. 2) ws 305
V. The Huron-Iroquois of Canada by Sir Daniel Wilson . . . 306-312
VI. Letter from Jacques Noel to John Growte . . .... ° 313-14

VII. Magnetic Variation in Cartier’s time by W. F. Ganong. . . 315-316

LISTS 102 le PRS OAS OS eg arly tl ROOF, RAR, ASS cle 317

1'°/9360

Frontispiece

PLATE, I.

PuatTeE II.

Puate III.

PLaTE IV.
PLATE V.
PuaTe VI.

PuaTte VII.

Piate VIII.

PrAtE IX;

PLATE X.

PLATE XI.

PLATE XII.

PLATE XIII.

PLATE XIV.

PLATE XV.

PLATE XVI.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Coloured Portrait of Cartier.

From M. de Clugny, Costumes francais depuis Clovis jusqu’a nos
jours, tome II, fig. 143. 1836.

Paris 1

The Canadian Portion of Ribero’s map of 1529
From W. Grigg’s reproduction of the Propaganda Map, 1886.

The Great Auk .

From a photograph kindly gdopliel 6g Dr. Marois of the Aue

can Museum of Natural History. New York.

Great Bird Rock

1. View of the Rock.

3 by Dr. Murphy.

Facsimile of a page of MS. of the lst Voyage
From J. P. Baxter A Memoir of Jacques Cartier. New York, 1906.

Jean Roze’s Map of the Gulf of St. Lawrence 1542

2. Gannets on a ledge.
3. Reproduction of the ledges in the American
Museum of Natural History. New York.

Photographs of 1 and 2 kindly supplied by Mr. Herbert K. Job;

From the original in the British Museum MS. Royal 20 E. IX.

Facsimile of page of MS. fr. 5589 By in the Biblio-

théque Nationale, Paris

Facsimile of title-page of the Brief Recit

From a photograph of the original in the British Museum.

Canada on the Harleian Mappemonde circa 1536 .
From a photograph of the original in the British Museum Add.
MS. 5413.

Ramusio’s Plan of Hochelaga 1556

From the 1565 edition.

Canada on the Vallard Map circa 1547
From a plate in the Public Archives, Ottawa.

Facsimile of title-page of Florio’s translation of 1580
From a photograph of the original in the British Museum.

Canada on the Desceliers Mappemonde 1546

From a photograph of the original in the John Rylands Library,

Manchester.

Rocamadour

From a photograph kindly sipplied by Miss F. 6. Aathantiet

of the Carnegie Institution.

Canada on the Desceliers Planisphere 1550:.

ee. photograph of the original in the British Museum, Add.
‘S, 24 4

065.

Canada on the Mercator Map 1569 .

From a photograph of the Berlin reproduction, 1891.

Modern Outline Map

Page

Page
Page
Page
Page

Page

Page
Page
Page

Page

112

128

144

160

176

192

208

224

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INTRODUCTION

Since the Publication in 1843 by the Literary and Historical
Society of Quebec, of the last complete edition in French of the
Voyages of Jacques Cartier', two important discoveries have been
made concerning the texts of the first and second voyages. In
1863 M. Tross, the Paris bookseller, had his attention drawn to
a unique copy in the British Museum of the text of Cartier’s
second voyage that had been published at Paris as early as 1545.
This work which was acquired by the Musuem with the valuable
Grenville collection”, had hitherto remained completely forgotten.
Although Rabelais may have read it’, La Croix du Maine and
Lescarbot knew nothing of it*, and no copy was discoverable by
Ternaux-Compans?® or by the editor of the 1843 Quebec edition ®.

This was partly due no doubt to the absence from the title page

of any mention of Cartier’s name’. M. Tross at once issued a

reprint of this rare volume of 1545, with an introduction and

1 Voyages de découverte au Canada entre les années 1534.et 1542 par Jacques
Quartier, Le Sieur de Roberval, Jean Alphonse de Xanctoigne, &c. réimprimés sur
d’anciennes relations, et publiés sous la direction de la Société Littéraire et
Historique de Québec. Québec : Imprimé chez William Cowan et Fils, 1843.

2 J. T. Payne et H. Foss, Bibliotheca Grenvilliana, 1, pt. I, addenda p. 828».
London, 1842.

3 Cf. p. 222 infra note 41.

*4La Croix du Maine, La Bibliotheque, Paris, 1584, 180: ‘“‘ Je n’ay point
veu les memoires de ses voyages esdits pays, & ne scay s'il les a iamais fait im-
primer.” M. Falconet in the reprint of this work in 1772 (vol. I, p. 398) could
only refer to Ramusio and to Marc Lescarbot. Lescarbot (Histoire de la Nouvelle
France. Paris, 1609) never once mentions this edition of 1545.

5H. Ternaux, Bibliotheque américaine ou catalogue des ouvrages relatifs a
l’ Amérique qui ont paru depuis sa découverte jusqu’a l’an 1700. Paris, 1837, p. 11,
No. 51: ‘‘ Je n’en connais pas d’exemplaire.”’

6 Voyages de découverte, etc., p. iii. ‘* Le récit de son deuxiéme voyage fut
publié en 1545, mais la Société n’en a pu découvrir aucun exemplaire.”’

T At the Courtanvaux sale in 1783 a copy fetched only 30 sols. (J. C.
Brunet, Manuel du Libratre, 1. 1065. Paris, 1860) and at the La Serna Santander
sale, ten francs. (Catalogue des hres de la bibliotheque de M. C. de La Serna
Santander rédigé et mis en ordre par lui-méme. IV, 59, No. 5799.)

x THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

notes by M. d’Avezac', while at the end M. Francois de Witt
gave the variant readings of the three MSS. of this second voyage
which are preserved in the Bibliothéque Nationale at Paris’.
The second discovery was made in Paris in 1867 when M. H.
Michelant of the MSS. department of the same library unearthed
there a unique MS. copy of the original French text of Cartier’s
first voyage®. Until then this had been known only by the
translation back into French of the Italian version which Ramusio
had published at Venice in 15564. This French re-translation
from the Italian, which had originally appeared at Rouen in
1598°, had been reprinted by M. Michelant just two years
before®. He immediately published the text of this unique
French MS.’, which in 1906 was reproduced in facsimile by the
late Mr. James Phinney Baxter of Portland, Maine®. This
is the text here given: but by comparing it word for word with
Ramusio’s Italian text of 1556, which he had procured from
friends in Paris’, it has been possible to add not only several

1 Bref récit et succincte narration de la navigation faite en MDXXXV et
MDXXXVI par le Capitaine Jacques Cartier aux itles de Canada, Hochelaga,
Saguenay et autres. Réimpression figurée de l’édition originale rarissime de
MDXLYV avec les variantes des manuscrits de la Biblioth€que Impériale, pré-
cédée d’une bréve et succincte introduction historique par M. d’Avezac. Paris,
Librairie Tross, 1863, in 8°.

2 MSS. Francais 5589 (B), 5644 (C) and 5653 (A).

3 Collection Moreau, 841, ff. 52-68. Vid. H. Omont, Inventaire des MSS.
Moreau, 59, Paris, 1891.

4G. B. Ramusio, Terzo volume delle nauigationi et viaggi nel quale st con-
tengono Le Nauigationt al Mondo Nuouo etc., ff. 435-440 Venetia, MDLVI.

° Discovrs dv voyage fait par le Capitaine Jaques Cartier aux Terres-neufues
de Canadas, Norembergue, Hochelage, Labrador, & pays adiacens, dite nouuelle
France, auec particuliéres meurs, langage & ceremonies des habitans d’icelle.
A Roven, MDXCVIII.

6H. Michelant et A. Ramé, Voyage de Jaques Cartier av Canada en 1534.
Nouvelle édition, publiée d'apres l’édition de 1598 et d’apres Ramusio, etc. Paris,
Librairie Tross, 1865, in 8°.

7H. Michelant et A. Ramé, Relation originale du voyage de Jacques Cartier
au Canada en 1534, etc. Paris, Libraire Tross, 1867, in 8°.

8 James Phinney Baxter, A Memoir of Jacques Cartier, Sieur de Limoilou,
etc. New York and London, 1906, pp. 261-296.

*Ramusio, op. cit. III, 5%: “ tutti gli huomini litterati ogni giorno la
fanno partecipe di qualche discoprimento, che é loro portato da capitano o
piloto, che venga di quelle parti . . . Il simile fanno alcuni Eccelenti huomini
Francesi, che da Parigi le hanno mandato le relationi della Nuoua Francia, con
quattro disegni insieme,”’ etc.

INTRODUCTION xi

_ words, but two important phrases, all of which are wanting in the
French MS. These additional words and phrases taken from the
Italian are here printed between square brackets thus, [ i

The text of the second voyage now given is also more complete
than any that has hitherto been published. The editor of the
Quebec edition of 1843 reprinted MS. No. 5653 in the Bibliothéque
Nationale, at Paris, called A+, which M.d’Avezac also considered
to be the original?. An examination of the sources used by
Marc Lescarbot for his Histoire de la Nouvelle France, made by
the editor in 1899, disclosed the fact that not this MS. but No. 5589
called B, was the original®. Taking as a basis this MS. B, the
text of which M. Tertiaux-Compans printed in 18414, I have
added in square brackets any words and phrases given in the
excessively rare text published at Paris in 1545 as mentioned
above. Words found only in MS. No. 5653, called A, I have
printed in square brackets with a star to the left *[ ], while
words which occur only in MS. No. 5644, called C, are given in
square brackets with a star to the right [ |*. The result is
of course a composite text, made up from these various sources,
but more complete than any hitherto published.

Cartier’s third voyage of 1541-1542 as well as that of Roberval
in 1542 are reprinted in English in the only form in which they
have come down to us. They were first published in 1600 by
Richard Hakluyt in the third volume of his Principall Naviga-
tions®. Hakluyt who, in 1580 had induced John Florio to

1 Voyages de découverte au Canada, avertissement pp. iii-iv : ‘Il existe
4 la bibliothéque royale de Paris trois exemplaires manuscrits . . . dont l’un
parait dater du milieu du 16® siécle : on croit que celui-ci est l’original méme
de Quartier. La Société s’en était procuré une copie . . .: c’est cette copie
dont elle offre au pays la réimpression.”

2 Bref récit etc. p. 49> “‘ celui des trois mss. qui nous parait réunir divers
caractéres d’antériorité a l’égard des deux autres, porte le N° 5653. Nous le
désignerons spécialement désormais par la lettre A.”

3 Biggar Early Trading Companies of New France, 213 et seq. Toronto, 1901.

4H. Ternaux-Compans, Archives des Voyages, II, p. 5, note I: ‘‘ Nous
la donnons aujourd’hui d’aprés les manuscrits 10025 et 10265.3 de la _biblio-
théque royale.’ This was also the text used by Baxter for his translation: Cf. A
Memoir of Jacques Cartier p. 4: “ Finding the ‘ Bref Récit”” so inadequate
for my purpose, I thought best to translate one of the three manuscripts, and
selected that numbered 5589, which is some respects I prefer to either of the
others, and this I have translated and present to the readers in this volume.”’

5 Principall Navigations, 111. 232-236 and 240-242.

xii THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

translate into English Ramusio’s Italian, text of the first and
second voyages!, was in 1583 appointed chaplain to the British
ambassador in Paris”, and it is possible that he then procured
the French originals from which these translations must have
been made. No trace of these originals however has yet been
found either in France or in England.

In appendix I, I have re-printed an account of an English
expedition to Newfoundland in 1536 also preserved by Hakluyt?
and in appendix II that portion of the text of the MS. of Jean
Alphonse’s Cosmographie, preserved in the Bibliothéque Nationale
at Paris, which relates to Canada*. Appendices III and IV
contain short notes from Hakluyt and from an old French MS.
bearing upon Cartier’s first voyage, while in appendix V have been
reprinted extracts from the late Sir Daniel Wilson’s paper on
The Huron-Iroquois of Canada read before the Royal Society of
Canada in 1884°. In appendix VI will be found a letter written
at St. Malo in June 1587 concerning Cartier’s “‘ booke ”’ now lost,
and in appendix VII an interesting note on ‘‘ Magnetic Variation
in Cartier’s Time,’’ which has been most kindly contributed by
Professor W. F. Ganong of Smith College, Northampton, Mass.

Cartier’s Relations must originally have taken the form of
an ordinary day by day ship’s log. On his return to St. Malo,
these journaux de bord would be worked up into the present
Relations. Traces of this process can still be seen. For example
on entering the Strait of Belle Isle, the First Relation reads:
““One doubles two islands, one of which is three leagues from
Cape Dégrat and the other seven leagues from the first.’’ In
reality there are three islands, the two Sacred islands, and seven
leagues farther, a third island, now called Schooner island. Simi-
larly although it was the Vice-Admiral of Brittany who took the
oaths, and Cartier who set sail, the first chapter-heading in Ramusio
reads : ‘‘ How Sir Charles de Mouy, Knight, set out with two

1 Divers Voyages, 17: “* And the last yeere at my charges and other of my
friendes, by my exhortation, I caused Jaques Cartiers two voyages of discovering
the Grand Bay, and Canada, Saguenay and Hochelaga, to be translated out of
my Volumes,” etc.

2 Dictionary of National Biography, VIII, 895.

3 Principall Navigations, 1589, 577-579.

4 Appendix II, pp. 278-303.

5 Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada for the year
1884, II. Sect. ii, 55-106. Montreal, 1885.

INTRODUCTION Xili

ships from St. Malo,” etc. Again in the description of the coast
northward from Miramichi bay, something has been omitted; for in
its present form the Relation is incomplete’. The Third Relation
is even more unsatisfactory than the first and second, and the
account of Roberval’s voyage also leaves much to be desired.

Taking as his authority Cartier’s Third Relation, Mr. Aristide
Beaugrand-Champagne in a paper entitled Le Chemin d’ Hochelaga
which he read before the Royal Society of Canada in May last,
endeavoured to show that Cartier had reached Hochelaga in 1535,
not as has hitherto been supposed by way of the St. Lawrence, but
by the Riviére des Prairies. As this explanation seemed to remove
some of the difficulties presented by Cartier’s Relations, I was
at first inclined to agree with Mr. Beaugrand-Champagne, who
moreover himself kindly conducted me over the eastern half of
the island of Montreal. On comparing his paper however with
the Second Relation, wherein Cartier’s visit to Hochelaga is related
in detail, one finds that the two are irreconcilable. According to
the Second Relation, Cartier can have approached Hochelaga only
by way of the St. Lawrence. While it is possible that many of the
identifications in the notes to this edition may in time prove
incorrect, so far as one can see those proposed by Mr. Beau-
grand-Champagne for Cartier’s arrival at Hochelaga, by no means
dispose of the difficulties presented by our incomplete record of
this event. While I am unable to agree with Mr. Beaugrand-
Champagne on this question, I am under great obligation to him
for the trouble he has been good enough to take to explain his
theory to me on the spot, and as he hopes to publish further papers
relating to Hochelaga, we may yet reach an agreement.

The illustrations, the sources of which are in every case
indicated in the List on page vii, are intended to show the advance
in geographical knowledge brought about by Cartier’s explorations.
Plate I (p. 1) gives. the outline of these regions as depicted by the
best Europeancartographers at the time when Cartier set sail. Plate
V (p. 64) shows the results of Cartier’s first voyage, while in
Plates VIII (p. 128), X (p. 160) and XII (p. 192) will be seen
the results of those of 1535 and 1541.2. These maps are reproduced
with the north at the top, notwithstanding that thereby the
lettering becomes reversed.

1 Vide p. 45 note 9.
2 Vid. C. H. Coote, Autotype Facsimiles of Three Mappemondes, 1898.

XIV THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

In conclusion I wish to acknowledge with gratitude the help
of those who have assisted me in the publication of this work.
To Dr. A. G. Doughty, C.M.G., the Keeper of the Records,
my best thanks are due for his kindness in allowing me to reproduce
the coloured frontispiece which is in his possession. Professor
W. F. Ganong, of Smith College, has not only contributed the
valuable appendix VII on “Magnetic Variation in Cartier’s time,”’
but was good enough to revise my whole MS. Mr. Edmond Buron of
our Paris staff kindly compared the proofs afresh with Manuscrit
francais 5589 in the Bibliothéque Nationale, while in the spelling
of the modern geographical names I have been helped by Mr. H. R.
Holmden, the head of our map Department. Mr. Gustave Lanctot,
the Chief French Archivist, has assisted me on several points,
and much information regarding Indian languages and customs
has been generously supplied by Messrs. Marius Barbeau, W. J.
Wintemberg and F. W. Waugh.of the Department of the Interior.
It has not been possible unfortunately to make use of all the
material furnished by these experts. Miss H. M. Russell has been
good enough to read the proofs and Mr. A. R. M. Lower of the
Board of Historical Publications to make the index. Finally the
staff of the Printing Bureau deserve every credit for the care with
which they have produced this volume.

H. P. BIGGAR.

Ottawa,
September 24, 1923.

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CARTIER’S FIRST VOYAGE
1534

EXPLANATION OF THE BRACKETS IN THE
FRENCH TEXT.

The French text here given is that in Collection
Moreau, volume 841, folios 52-68 in the Bibliothéque
Nationale in Paris. The chapter-headings and other
words and phrases in square brackets have been sup-
plied from the Italian translation published by Ramusio
at Venice in 1556 in the third volume of his Naviga-
tiont et Viaggi, ff. 435-440. This was translated back
into French at Rouen in 1598.

Letters and words in round brackets should be
omitted.

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 3

[PREMIERE RELATION DE JACQUES CARTIER DE LA
TERRE NEUFVE,! DITE LA NOUVELLE FRANCE,
TROUVEE EN L’AN 1534.9

COMMENT LE CAPITAINE JACQUES CARTIER, ESTANT
PARTI AVEC DEUX NAVIRES DE SAINCT MALO, ARRIVA

A LA TERRE NEUFVE, DITE LA FRANCISCANE,> ET
ENTRA DANS LE HABLE DE SAINTE KATHERINE.‘]

Apres que missire Charles de Mouy, Chevallier, seigneur fol. 52
de La Milleraye, et vis-admiral de France’, eut prins les sermens,
et faict jurez les cappitaine’, maistres et conpaignons desditz

® Such is the title given in Ramusio where the Italian reads: Prima R latione
di Jacques Cartier della Terra Nuova detia la nuova Francia, trovata nell’ anno,
M.D. XXXIIII. The MS. bears the simple heading, Lz voiage de Jacques
Cartier. Cf. Michelant et Ramé, Voyage de Jaques Cartier, p. 17. Paris, 1865.
> La Francese in Ramusio but Jean Alfonse (Appendix II p. 278 infra) gives
the above. Cf. also his maps (reproduced in Harrisse, Découverte et évolution

© The Italian translation of Ramusio, whence the chapter-headings have
all been taken, reads here: Come messer Carlo da Mouy Cavallier, partito con
due Navi da San Malo, giunse alla terra nuova, detta la Francese, & entro nel
porto di buona vista. Cf. Introd. p. xii. 4Ramusio has, li Capitant.

JACQUES CARTIER’S FIRST ACCOUNT OF THE NEW
LAND,’ CALLED NEW FRANCE, DISCOVERED IN
THE YEAR 1534.

How CAPTAIN JACQUES CARTIER, HAVING SET FORTH
FROM ST. MALO WITH TWO SHIPS, CAME TO THE NEW
LAND, CALLED FRANCIS’ LAND, AND ENTERED ‘Sr,
CATHERINE’S HARBOUR.

_ When Sir Charles de Mouy, Knight, Lord of La Meilleraye
and Vice-Admiral of France”, had received the oaths of the captains,
masters and sailors of the vessels, and had made them swear to

1 Cf. Lescarbot, op. cit., 1609, p. 248: “Et quoy que tout pais de nouveau
decouvert se puisse appeller Terre-neuve, toutefois ce mot est particulier aux
terres . . . lesquelles sont par les quarante-sept, quarante-huit, quarante-neuf,
& cinquante degrez en tirant au Nort. Et par un mot plus general on peut

2 Charles de Mouy, Seigneur de La Meilleraye was the fourth son of Jacques,
Baron de Mouy and Jacqueline d’Estouteville. He had been appointed Vice-
Admiral on February 26, 1530 and died in 1562. Vid. Ch. de La Ronciére,
Histoire de la marine frangaise, II, p. 447, note I, Paris, 1900.

48493—13

52”

4 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

navires, de bien et loyaulment soy porter au service du Roy’,
soubz la charge dudit Cartier, partimes du havre et port de Sainct
Malo, avecques lesdits deux navires, du port d’environ soixante
tonneaulx chaincun, esquippez, les deux®, de soixante vng homme,
le vigntiesme jour d’apvril oudit an, mil cinq cens trante | quatre.
Et avecques bon temps navigans, et vinmes 4 Terre Neuffve, le
dixiesme jour de may, et aterrames 4 cap de Bonne Viste*, estant

cartographique de Terre-Neuve p. 159, Paris, 1900, and also in G. Musset’s edition of
La Cosmographie, Paris, 1904, pp. 490, 507 and 510), and the Sloane MS. 117, art. I,
fol. 4in the British Museum. The Paris Gilt globe (Harrisse, Discovery of North
America, p. 563, plate XXI, London 1892), the Maggiolo map of 1527 (zbid, p. 216
plate X) and the Paris Wooden globe (zbid. p. 613, plate XXII) give Terra Francesca
while on Mercator’s first map (Harrisse, op. cit., p. 607, No. 216), Munster’s 1537
map (Découverte, etc. p. 103 No. 35 and also p. 104) and on map No. 45 (Nova Tabula

conduct themselves well and loyally in the King’s® service, under
the command of the said Cartier, we set forth from the harbour
and port of St. Malo with two ships of about sixty tons’ burden
each, manned in all with sixty-one men, on [Monday] April 20 in the
said year 1534; and sailing on with fair weather we reached New-
foundland on [Sunday] May 10, sighting land at cape Bonavista‘

appeller Terre-Neuve tout ce qui environne le Golfe de sainct Laurent ot les
Terre-neuviers indifferemment vont tous les ans faire leur pecherie”’; and also
Ribaut’s True and Last Discoverie in Hakluyt’s Divers Voyages, p. 93: “the
North parts, commonly called the new land. ”

3 Francis I.

“It is still called cape Bonavista and lies in latitude 48° 42’ 27”. The
name is given on the Viegas, Riccardiana, Desliens, Vallard and Mercator
maps and on the Desceliers planisphere. Vid. Harrisse op. cit., planches VI
and XI; plates X and XIV, pp. 160 and 224 infra; and J. G. Kohl, History of the
Discovery of Maine, Nos. XVIII* and XXII, Portland, 1869. Cf. Le vice-amiral
G. Cloué, Pilote de Terre-Neuve, 2éme edit., tom. II, (Paris, 1882), p. 213:
“Le cap Bonavista [anglicé Fair View] est situé par . . . 55° 25’ 34” de longi-
tude Ouest [de Paris]: c’est une presqu’ile de roches arides de moyenne hauteur,
bordée de falaises escarpées et trés accores.”’

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 5

en quarente huyt degrez et demy de latitude, et en...°

degrez de longitude. Et pour le grant nombre de glasses qui
estoint le long d’icelle terre’, nous convint entrer en vng havre,
nonmé saincte Katherine’, estant au su surouaist d’iceluy cap
environ cinq lieues®, ot fumes l’espace dix jours, attendant nostre
temps, et acoustrant noz barques.

XVI) of the Basle Ptolemies of 1540, 1542 and 1545, it isspelt Francisca. Thename
was evidently given by Verrazano to the east coast of North America in honour
of Francis I, who sent him out. Cf. Crignon’s Discorso d'un Gran Capitano di
mare Francese in Ramusio, op. cit., III, fol. 423%: ‘‘Seguendo oltra al Capo
de Brettoni vi é€ una ‘terra contigua col detto capo, . . . laqual costa fu
scoperta 15. anni fa, per messer Giovanni da Verrazzano in nome del Re
Francesco . . . & questa terra da molti é detta la Francese,’’ etc. At the
close of the century the name was again lost; for the Rouen translator gives la
Frangoise. Cf. also Thevet, Cosmographie universelle, fol. 1009", Paris, 1575.

in latitude 48° 30’ and in... *® degrees of longitude. And on account
of the large number of blocks of ice along that coast®, we deemed
it advisable to go into a harbour called St. Catherine’s harbour’,
lying about five leagues® south-south-west of this cape [Bonavista],
where we remained the space of ten days, [May 11 to 21], biding
favourable weather and rigging and fitting up our long-boats.

5 There is a blank here in the MS. and in Ramusio. In those days there
were no accurate means of measuring the longitude.

® Cf. Staff Commander W. F. Maxwell, R.N., The Newfoundland and
Labrador Pilot, 3rd edition, (London, 1897), p. 350: ‘“‘Field ice appears [in
Bonavista bay] about 15th February and disappears towards the end of May”;
and also p. 377:. ‘‘Northern ice is irregular in its arrival seldom appearing before
15th January. . . It generally leaves between 10th and 20th April but has
been known to remain as late as 10th June.”

7 Now called by the Spanish form Catalina harbour. It lies about ten
miles south of cape Bonavista. The name is given on the Harleian map-
pemonde, plate VIII, p. 128 infra.

8 Cf. S. E. Dawson, The St. Lawrence Basin (London, 1905), 123: “If then
we would measure Cartier’s courses on an Admiralty chart, we must allow only
two and a half nautical miles for each league; for that is the equivalent value
to a small fraction.”

6 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

[COMMENT ILZ ARRIVERENT A L’ISLE DES OUAI-
SEAULX, ET DU GRAND NOMBRE D’OUAISEAULX
QUI S’Y TROUVENT®.]

Et le XXI° jour dudit moys de may, partismes dudit hable,
avecques vng vent de ouaist, et fumes portez au nort, vng quart
de nordeist de cap de Bonne Viste, jucques 4 l’isle des Quaiseaulx’,
la quelle isle estoit toute avironnée et circuitte d’vn bancq de
glasses, rompues et departies par piéces®. Nonobstant ledit banc,
noz deux barques furent a ladite isle, pour avoir des ouaiseaulx,
desqueulx y a si grant numbre, que c’est vne chosse increable,
qui ne le voyt?; car nonobstant que ladite isle contienne environ
vne lieue de circunferance*, en soit si tres-plaine, qu’i semble que

® The Italian reads: Come arrivorono all’Isola de gl’ Uccelli, & della gran
copia d’uccelli che ivi si trova. ?

> Belleforest in his Cosmographie universelle de tout le monde (Paris, 1575)
has added here (tome II, col. 2179): ‘comme quand Ia riviere de Seine charrie”’.

How THEY ARRIVED AT THE ISLE OF BIRDS AND
OF THE LARGE NUMBER OF BIRDS FOUND THERE.

And on [Thursday] the twenty-first of the said month of
May we set forth from this [Catalina] harbour with a west wind,
and sailed north, one quarter north-east of cape Bonavista as
far as the isle of Birds!, which island was completely surrounded
and encompassed by a cordon of loose ice, split up into cakes.
In spite of this belt [of ice] our two long-boats were sent off to the
island to procure some of the birds, whose numbers are so great
as to be incredible, unless one has seen them”; for although the
island is about a league in circumference’, it is so exceeding full

1 Now Funk island, in latitude 49° 45’ 29”. Cf. Maxwell, op. ctt.,
338: “Funk island . . . is 46 feet high and nearly flat with scanty vegetation,
peaty soil, on the highest part. Landing may be affected in calm weather at
Gannet head on the south-west coast, and on the north side of Indian gulch.”

* Cf.G. Cartwright, A Journal of Transactions and Events, etc., (Newark, 1792),
III, 55: ‘“Innumerable flocks of sea-fowl breed upon it [Funk island]
every summer, which are of great service to the poor inhabitants of
Fogo; ... When the water is smooth, they make their shallop fast to
the shore, lay their gang-boards from the gunwale of the boat to the
rocks, and then drive as many penguins [great auks] on board, as she will hold;
for, the wings of those birds being remarkably short, they cannot fly . .. The
birds which the people bring from thence, they salt and eat, in lieu of salted pork.”’

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 7

on les ayt arimez. II] y en a cent [fois*] plus a l’environ d’icelle,
et en l’oir, que dedans l’isle*; dont partie d’iceulx ouaiseaulx sont
grans comme ouays, noirs et blancs, et ont le bec comme vng corbin.
Et sont tousiours en la mer, sans jamais povair voller en l’air,
pource qu’ilz ont petites aesles, comme la moitié d’vne [main 4]; |
de quoy ilz vollent aussi fort dedans la mer, comme les aultres
ouaiseaulx font en l’air. Et sont iceulx ouaiseaux si gras, que
c’est vne chosse merveilleuse. Nous nonmons iceulx ouaiseaulx,
Apponaiz°*, desqueulz noz deux barques en chargérent, en moins
de demye heure, comme de pierres, dont chaincun de noz navires
en sallérent Gees ou cing pippes, sans ce aus nous en peumes
mangier de froys®.

4 This word is also omitted in the MS. but Ramusio has: la meta della
mano. Being the last word on the page it was overlooked by the copyist.

© Ramusio has here, Apporrath but elsewhere as in the text. Jean Alfonse
(Appendix II, p. 280) calls the island l’islet des Aponas. Cf. p. 32 infra, note 10.

of birds that one would think they had been stowed there. In
the air and round about are an hundred times as many more as on
the island itself*. Some of these birds are as large as geese, being
black and white with a beak like a crow’s. They are always in
the water, not being able to fly in the air, inasmuch as they have
only small wings about the size of half one’s hand, with which
however they move as quickly along the water as the other birds
fly through the air. And these birds are so fat that it is marvel-

lous. We call them apponats®; and our two long-boats were laden:

with them as with stones, in less than half an hour. Of these,
each of our ships salted four or five casks, not counting those we
were able to eat fresh®.

3 Cf. Maxwell, op. cit., 1st edition (London, 1878), 198: ‘‘ Funk island. .
is 800 yards long, east and west, by 400 yards wide.”

4 Cf. Cloué, op. cit., II, 165: “Il [Funk island] se fait ordinairement remar-
quer par le grand nombre d’oiseaux de mer qui volent au-dessus de lui.”’

5 The great auk (Plautus impennis (Linn.) Steenstr.) extinct since 1844.
Cf. F. A.Lucas, The Expedition to Funk Island, with Observations upon the History
and Anatomy of the Great Auk in Report of the U.S. National Museum under the
direction of the Smithsonian Institution, for 1888, 493-530. Washington, 1890:
Dawson, op. cit., 148-150; and see plate II, p. 16.

® Cf. Anthony Parkhurst in Hakluyt, op. cit., III, 133: ‘“The Frenchmen that
fish neere the grand baie [the strait of Belle Isle] doe bring small store of flesh
with them, but victuall themselves alwayes with these birdes’’: and ibid., p. 149.

53°

8 < THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

[DE DEUX SORTES D’OUAISEAULX, L’VNE APPELLEE
__GRREZ, L’AULTRE MARGAULX; ET COMMENT ILZ
ARRIVERENT A KARPONT®.]

Datantaige, y a vne aultre sorte d’ouaiseaulx, qui vont
en l’air ek en la mer, qui sont plus petiz, que l’on nomme godez”},
i ent et meptent a ladite isle soubz les plus grans. Il
y en avoit d’aultre plus-grans, qui sont blans, qui se mettent a
part dés aultres, en vne partie de l’isle, qui sont fort mauvais a
assallir; car ilz mordent comme chiens; et sont nommez mar-
gaulx?, Et neantmoins ype ladite isle soyt 4 quatorse lieues® de

* The Italian reads: Di due specie di uccelli, l’'una chiamata Godetz. Valtra
Margaulx. & come arrivarono a Carpunt.

> Ramusio has always, godetz.

OF TWO KINDS OF BIRDS, THE ONE CALLED TINKERS
AND THE OTHER GANNETS; AND HOW THEY [THE
EXPLORERS] ARRIVED AT KARPONT.

Furthermore there is another smaller kind of bird that flies
in the air and swims in the sea, which is called a tinker’. These ~
stow and place themselves on this island underneath the larger
ones. There were other white ones larger still that keep apart
from the rest in a portion of the island, and are very ugly to attack;
for they bite like dogs. These are called gannets”. Notwith-
standing that the island lies fourteen leagues from shore®, bears
swim out to it from the mainland in order to feed on these birds;

1 The razor-billed auk, alca torda Linn. Cf. C. E. Dionne, Catalogue des
Oiseaux de la province de Québec, p. 9, No. 11, Quebec, 1889; and P. A. Taverner,
Birds of Eastern Canada, 2nd ed., p. 47. Ottawa, 1922.

® Sula bassana (Linn) Briss. Cf. Dawson, loc. cit.; Dionne, op. cit., p. 18,
No. 34.; and Taverner, op. cit.,, 61-62.

’ Funk island lies thirty-one miles NNE. of cape Freels on the main
shore of Newfoundland but only twenty-four miles east of Offer Wadham island.
Cf. p. 94 infra and Appendix I, p. 274.

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 9

‘

terre, les ours y passent a no de la grant terre, pour mangier
desdits ouaiseaulx; desqueulx noz gens en trouvrent vng, grant
comme vne vache, aussi blanc comme vng signe, qui saulta en la
mer davent eulx. Et le lendemain, qui est le jour de la Penthe-
couste*, en faisant nostre routte vers terre, trouvames ledit ours,
environ le my chemin, qui alloit 4 terre aussi fort que nous faisions
a la voille; et nous, l’ayant aperceu, luy baillames la chasse 0 noz
barques, et le prinmes 4a force, la chair duquel estoit aussi bonne
a mangier comme d’vne genise de deux ans’. |

Le mercredi, XXVII° dudit moys, nous arivames a l’entrée
de la baye des Chasteaulx®; et pour la contrarieté du tenps® et du
grant nombre de glaces? que trouvasmes’, nous convint entrer

© The copyist first wrote, vent and then altered it to, tenps, which is also
the reading in Ramusio: per la contrarietd del tempo. ‘

4 Ramusio has: la moltitudine di ghiacci grandi.

and our men found one as big as a calf and as white as a swan that
sprang into the sea in front of them. And the next day, which
was Whitsuntide*, on continuing our voyage in the direction
of the mainland, we caught sight of this bear about half way,
swimming towards land as fast as we were sailing; and on coming
up with him we gave chase with our long-boats and captured him
by main force. His flesh was as good to eat as that of a two-year-
old heifer ®.

On Wednesday the twenty-seventh of the month [of May]

we reached the mouth of the bay of Castles®, but on account of

the unfavourable weather and of the large number of icebergs

4 Sunday, May 24 in 1534.

5 Cf. Anthony Parkhurst in Hakluyt, of, cit., III, 133: ‘‘ And plentie of
Beares every where [in Newfoundland], so that you may kill of them as oft as
you list: their flesh is as good as yong beefe, and hardly you may know the one
from the other if it be poudred [i.e. salted] but two dayes.”

® The strait of Belle Isle. Cf. Michelant et Ramé, Voyage de Jaques
Cartier (Paris, 1865), 2@™e partie, p. 3: “* passez le destroict de la baye des Chas-
teaulx”. The name is given on the Harleian mappemonde, plate VIII, p. 128
infra; on map No. 56 of the Italian Ptolemy of 1548; on the map published in
Ramusio, op. cit. III, fols. 424-425, as well as on the Jomard map in J. Winsor,
Narrative and Critical History, 1V, 89, Boston, s.a. Cf. also F. Kunstmann,
Die Entdeckung Amerikas, p. 68, Miinchen, 1859; and infra pp. 13, 24 46 and 95.

10 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

dedans vng hable, estant aux environs d’icelle entrée, nommé le
Ka[r]pont °®, o& nous fumes, sans en povair sortir, jucques au
neufliesme jour de juign, que en partismes, pour passer, o l’aide
de Dieu, oultre. Ledit Karpont‘ est en cinquante et vng degrez
et demy de latitude’.

©The MS. has Kapont (once Rapont) while Ramusio gives Carpunt and
Carpont, which latter is also the spelling in the third Relation (p. 251 infra).
Jean Alfonse gives, Carpon (Appendix II, p. 282 infra). I have retained the k
of the MS.; for the harbour which is now called Grand-Kirpon, lying between
Kirpon island and Newfoundland, was evidently so named from its resemblance
to Le Kerpont which occupies an exactly similar position between the island
of Bréhat and the French coast to the west of St. Malo.

f Here the MS. has, Rapont.

we met with’, we deemed it advisable to enter a harbour in the
neighbourhood of that entrance called Karpont®, where we
remained, without being able to leave, until [Tuesday] June 9,
when we set forth in order with God’s help, to proceed farther on.
Karpont lies in latitude 51° 30’°.

7 Cf. Rear-Admiral H. W. Bayfield, The St. Lawrence Pilot, vol. 1, 6th
edition (London, 1894), p. 8: “‘ The strait of Belle-isle is usually open for nav-
gation from the middle of June. . . but instances have occurred of its being
completely blocked on 30th June;” and the table given at page 129 of the same
work.

8 Grand-Kirpon. Cf. Maxwell, op. cit., 3rd edit., 538: ‘“‘ Kirpon Harbour
situated between Jacques Cartier and Kirpon islands, affords excellent anchorage
for any vessel.’

® Grand-Kirpon lies in lat. 51° 36’.

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 11

[DESCRIPTION DE LA TERRE NEUFVE DEMPUIS

‘

cAP ROUGE jJUSQUES A CELUY DE D&EGRAT*.]

La terre, dempuis cap Roug2 jusques au Dégrat!, [qui?] est
la pointe de l’entrée de la baye?, gist, de cap en cap, nort nordeist
et su surouaist; et est toute ceste partie de terre a isles adiaczantes,
et prés les vnes des aultres, qu’il n'y a que petites ripviéres, par
ou bateaux pevent aller et passer parmy®. Et a celle cause, y
a plusseurs bons hables, dont ledit hable du Karpont‘*, et celuy
du Dégrat®, sont en l’vne d’icelles isles, icelle qui est la plus haulte
de toutes®, du dessurs de laquelle l’on voyt clairament les deux

*® The Italian reads: Descrittione della terra nuova dopo Capo rasso, fino
a quel di Degrad. This is the only place where the MS. has a chapter-heading
which differs considerably from that in Ramusio. The MS. has: Description de
la terre dempuis cap Rouge jucques au hable de Brest estant enla baye. See Baxter,
op. cit. 266. This would cover the next two chapters as well. Doubtless the

> This word is omitted in the MS. Ramusio has: che 2 la punta, etc.

DESCRIPTION OF NEWFOUNDLAND FROM CAPE
ROUGE TO CAPE D&GRAT

The coast from cape Rouge to cape Dégrat!, which is the

point at the entrance to the bay’, runs from cape to cape north- /

north-east and south-south-west, and all this part of the coast |

has islands off it and near to one another, so that there are nothing

but narrow channels where ships’ boats may go and pass among |

them*. And on this account there are several good harbours of

which the said Karpont harbour* and the harbour of Dégrat® /

1 These capes still bear the same names: cape Rouge is on the north-east
coast of Newfoundland opposite Groais island in latitude 50° 36’, while cape
Dégrat is on Kirpon island, a few miles to the south of cape Bauld, which forms
the entrance to the strait of Belle Isle. Cape Dégrat is much higher than cape
Bauld and coming from the south, forms a much better landmark. The Vallard
map and the Desceliers planisphere have an ille Dégrat while the Mercator map
has C. di Degrad. Martin de Hoyarsabal, Les Voyages avantureux (Bourdeaux,
1633) p. 108 gives a description of this same coast.

2 Des Chateaux, ise. the strait of Belle Isle. Cf. p. 9, note 6, and infra
page 95.

3 This is by no means an accurate description of this coast.

4 Now Grand-Kirpon or Jacques-Cartier harbour.

5 It is still called l’anse du Dégrat and lies behind cape Dégrat on the north
side,

j
j

54°

LZ THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

Belles Isles, qui sont prés cap Rouge’, ot l’on compte vignt-cing
lieues® audit hable de Karpont. Y a deux entrées®, l’vne vers
l’eist, et l’aultre vers le su de l’isle; mais il se fault donner garde
de la bande et pointe de I’eist ’, car se sont bastures, et pays somme;
et fault renger l’isle?® de l’ouaist, a la longueur de | demy cable,
ou plus prés qu’il veult, et puis s’en aller surs le su, vers le Kar-

division of the whole Relation into chapters was more or less arbitrary and the
Moreau copy may possibly have been taken from a text divided into fewer
chapters than that used by Ramusio. For dégrat, vid. Ganong’s Denys, Description
géographique et historique, etc., p. 325 note 1, Champlain Society, Toronto, 1908.

© This seems the better punctuation. Ramusio has: presso Caporasso, di dove
contano venticinque leghe fino al detto porto di Carpont, & vi sono due entrate, etc.”

are in one of these islands, that which is the highest of all®, from
the top of which one can see clearly the two Belle Isles that are

near cape Rouge’, whence to the harbour of Karpont the distance

is twenty-five leagues®. There are two entrances [to Grand-

Kirpon], one to the east and the other to the south of the island.
But one must beware of the eastern ® [i.e. western] shore and point;
for there are bars and shallow water; and one must range the
island?° from the west at the distance of half a cable or closer if
one wishes, and then head off to the south towards Karpont?}.
And one must also beware of three shoals that lie under the
water in the channel close to the island [of Jacques Cartier] on

6 Kirpon island. Cf. Maxwell, op. cit., 537-538: ‘‘ Kirpon Island. . . . is
high and bold, the summit over cape Dégrat being 505 feet high.”

7 The Gray islands ie. Groais (or Groix) island and Belle Isle south (or
Belle Ile du Petit-Nord) which lie just off cape Rouge between 50° 45’ and 50° 56’
N. Ramusio has, le due Isole basse. Cape Rouge lies in 50° 56’.

8 Jean Alfonse gives, douze liewes. (Appendix II p. 281). Doubtless he
only counted to Petit-Kirpon while Cartier gives the distance to Grand-Kirpon.

® Pointe Duménil on the west side of Kirpon island. The variation of the
compass, which then attained some 14° W., may have led Cartier to think
Kirpon island ran north-east and south-west. Vid. Appendix VII p. 315.

10 Jacques-Cartier island at the mouth of Grand-Kirpon or Jacques-Cartier
harbour. '

‘1 The modern directions are almost word for word the same. Cf. Cloué,
op. cit., II, 30: ‘On range ensuite la pointe de Jacques-Cartier [island] 4 une
cinquantaine de métres et méme beaucoup plus prés, si on le veut. . . et l’on
vient sur tribord pour mouiller sur la rade de Jacques-Cartier [or Grand-Kir-
pon].” and Bishop Howley’s paper in Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada
1®* ser, XII, ii, 155, 1895.

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 13

pont''. Et [aussi®] se fault donner garde de trois basses, qui
sont soubz l’eau ou chenal devers l’isle de l’est. Il y a de fontz,
par le chenal, troys ou quatre brasses,1” et beau fons. L’autre
entrée gist est nordest et su, vers l’ouaist, 4 saultez a terre**,

[DE L’ISLE DE SAINCTE KATHERINE, A PRESENT
AINSI NOMMEE?.]

Partant de la ppointe du Dégrat, et entrant en ladite baye},
faisant l’ouaist, vng quart du norouaist, l’on double deux isles’,

4 This word is omitted in the MS. Ramusio has, et ancho, etc.
® The Italian reads: Dell’Isola di Santa Catherina hora cosi chiamata.

the east side. There is a depth of three or four fathoms?? through
the channel and good bottom [in Jacques-Cartier harbour]. The
other entrance [to Grand-Kirpon] lies east-north-east and south

with a little westing and the passage is a narrow one?!?.

OF THE ISLAND NOW CALLED ST. CATHERINE’S
IsLAND

Leaving point Dégrat and entering the said bay’, heading
west, one quarter north-west, one doubles two islands? which are
left to port, one of which is three leagues from the said point

12 Although the French fathom is rather more than eight inches shorter than
ours (1™ 62°), for the sake of convenience they are here treated as equivalent.

13 Cf. Cloué, op. cit., II, 41-42: “Entre la pointe de la Baleine et la
pointe aux Perdrix, située 4 400 métres dans le S.E. se trouve l|’entrée Est du
Petit-Kirpon. Cette entrée va en se rétrécissant jusqu’a prés de 4% mille de

la, vis-A-vis de la pointe Herbert... Le Petit-Kirpon s’élargit en dedans de
la pointe Herbert jusqu’a avoir environ 250 métres de large par le travers de la
pointe Sud de I’fle de Kirpon. . . Les navires de moins de 4 métres de tirant

d’eau, qui vont de la céte de |’Est au mouillage de Jacques-Cartier, ont avan-
tage, si le vent est portant, a passer par le Petit-Kirpon, puis par le chenal au
Sud de I’tle de Kirpon’’; and also Hoyarsabal, op. cit, 108: “il y a deux entrées
I’'vne gist nord noroest & sud suest, & l’autre nordest & suroest; car il y a vne
bache au milieu de l’entrée. garde toy d’elle & range toy devers ce bort ou a
babour. . . a l’autre entrée du cap de Grat ... il y vne bache plate depuis
que tu ez entré dedans devers suroest, 4 l’entrat va tout droit 4 la grande Isle
dedans le port mesme, & range toy a la petite Isle qui est devers stibour.”’

1 Des Chateaux or the strait of Belle Isle. Vid. p. 9, note 6.

2 The isles du Sacre or Big and Little Sacred islands which are five miles
from cape Bauld and lie one mile apart.

14 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

qui demeurent de babort, dont I’vne est a trois lieues de ladite
pointe, et l’autre* environ sept lieues de la premiére, qui est platte
et basse terre, apparoissante estre de la grant terre*. Je nommé
icelle, isle saincte Katherine®; au nordest de la quelle, y a hesiers
et mauvais fons, environ vng quart de lieue®, par quoy luy fault
donner run. Ladite isle e(s)t” le hable des Chasteaux’” gissent nort
nordest et su-surouaist, et y a entreulx quinze lieues. Et dudit
hable des Chasteaulx au hable des Buttes *®, qui est la terre du nort
de ladite baye®, gisante est nordest et ouaist surouaist, y a en-
treulx doze lieues et demye. Et a deux lieux dudit hable des

b Ramusio has @, which the sense also clearly demands.

[Dégrat] and the other® about seven leagues from the_ [two]
first, which [Schooner] island is flat and low, and looks as
if it formed part of the main shore [of Newfoundland]*. I
named this island, St. Catherine’s island®; to the north-east of
which are shoals and bad ground for about a quarter of a league ®,
for which reason one must give it a wide berth. The said
[Schooner] island and Chateau harbour’ lie north-north-east and

3 A mistake of the redactor. It should be ‘a third island’, Ile @ la Goé-
letie or Schooner island, at the mouth of Pistolet bay near point Cook. Cf. In-
troduction p. xii.

“ Newfoundland itself. Schooner island is only separated from the main
shore by Cook’s harbour.

5 Now Schooner island. The festival of St. Catherine of Sienna had fallen
on April 30, when they were still at sea. The island was possibly so named in
honour of Cartier’s wife Catherine des Granches. The Mercator map identifies
it by mistake with Belle Isle North. Vid. plate XV, p. 240.

6 Tle Verte or Green island and the shoals about it.

7 Still called baie du Chdéteau or Chateau bay on the coast of Labrador
in 51° 58’ opposite Belle Isle North. The name appears on the Desliens and
Vallard maps, on the Desceliers mappemonde and planisphere and on the Mer-
cator map. (Harrisse, op. cit., planche XI; plates VIII, X and XIV, infra;
and Kohl, op. cit., No. XXII). It ‘‘is so called from the remarkable resemblance
which it bears to an ancient castle. Its turrets, arches, loopholes, and keeps
are beautifully represented by a series of basaltic columns.” Lieut. Ed. Chap-
pell, R.N., Voyage of His Majesty's Ship Rosamond to Newfoundland and the
Southern Coast of Labrador, p. 161, London, 1818. This harbour and Belle
Isle opposite were the places Parkhurst wished to see fortified: ‘‘ There is neere
about the mouth of the grand Bay an excellent harbour called of the French-
men Chasteaux, and one Island in the very entrie of the streight called Belle
Isle, which places if they be peopled and well fortified . . . wee shall be lordes
of the whole fishing in small time,” in Hakluyt, op. cit., III, 134. The com-
pass variation accounts for the directions in the text.

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 15

Buttes, est le hable de la Balaine’®; le travers duquel hable,
scavoir, a tierce partie de la traversée de ladite baye®, y a trante
huyt brasses, et font de taygnay. Dudit hable de la Ballaine°
jucques 4 Blanc Sablon?!, y a [vingt-cing 4] lieues, | audit ouaist

surouaist; et se fault donner garde d’vne basse, qui est sur l’eau,

comme vng bateau, au suest dudit Blanc Sablon, trois lieues hors !?.

° Ramusio has, delle ballanze, while the sentence before reads: & a due leghe dal
porto delle ballanze, cioé nella terza parte del traverso, which completely alters the sense.

4 From Ramusio who has, leghe venti cinque. There is a blank here in
the MS. The distance is much overestimated and indeed Jean Alfonso (p. 283)
only counts thirty leagues from Belle Isle to Blanc Sablon.

south-south-west, and are fifteen leagues apart. And from
Chateau harbour to the harbour of Hillocks®, which is on the
north shore of the said bay’ running east-north-east and west-
south-west, there are twelve and a half leagues. Two leagues
from the said harbour of Hillocks is Whale harbour!®, abreast
of which harbour, namely about three quarters of the way through
the said bay®, there are thirty-eight fathoms and weedy bottom.
From the said Whale harbour to Blanc Sablon!! the distance
is twenty-five leagues towards the west-south-west, and one must
beware of a reef on the water like a ship’s-boat to the south-east
of Blanc Sablon, three leagues off??.

8 Ramusio has, Gutte but Jean Alfonse the “‘haven of Butes”’ (Vid. p. 284),
and this name is given on the Desceliers mappemonde, plate XII, p. 192. Hoyar-
sabal (op. cit., 109)calls it ‘‘ Boytus’’. It is nowcalled Black bay and lies twenty-
one and a half miles from Chateau bay.

® Des Chéteaux i.e. the strait of Belle Isle.

10 Ballennes in Hoyarsabal (op. cit., 110) but now Baie Rouge or Red bay.
The Desceliers mappemonde has ha lames which is perhaps a corruption of the
name in the text. ‘‘ A good though small harbour” says Bayfield, op. cit., 1,
130. A detailed description will be found in W. A. Stearns, Labrador, 242-244,
(Boston, 1884) who states: ‘‘On the west red feldspar predominates, in large
cliffs, whence the name Red bay.”

11 Still called by the same name which appears on the Desliens map, the
Harleian mappemonde, the two Desceliers maps and the Mercator map. Cf.
Bishop Howley in Transactions of the Royal Society, 1%* ser., XII, ii,
157: ‘‘ The harbour takes its name from the banks of sand surrounding
it. . . formed by the detritus of the Granite Mountains. It is of a light fawn
colour, but when bleached and seen from a distance with the sun’s rays reflected
from it, it appears quite white; and Stearns, op. cit., 239-240.

12 The modern charts give two fathoms on this patch which lies four cables
S.S.W. 2 W. from the western side of Pinware bay east of Blanc Sablon. Cf.
Bayfield, op. cit., I, 137.

54”

16 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

[Du LIEU APPELLE BLANC SABLON; DE L’ISLE
DE BouAYS®?; ET DE L’ISLE DES OUAISEAULX;
LA SORTE ET QUANTITE D’OUAISEAULX QUI S’Y
TROUVENT; ET DU PORT APPELLE LES ISLETTES.]

‘Blanc ps est vne conche, ov il n’y a point d’abry du su,
ny du suest!. Et y a au su-surouaist d’icelle conche, deux ary
dont I’vne a nom V’isle de Bouays”, et l’autre, l’isle des Ouaiseaulx ’,
ou il y a grant nombre de godez et de richars*, qui ont le bec et

* Ramusio has, Brest, while the whole heading reads: Del luogo detio Bianco

sabbione, dell’ Isola di Brest, & dell’ Isola di Uccelli, la sorte & quantita d’ Uccelli
che vi gi truovano, & del porto chiamato I’Isolette.

Or THE PLACE CALLED BLANC SABLON, OF
Woopy IsLAND, OF BIRD ISLAND, OF THE KIND
AND NUMBERS OF BIRDS FOUND THERE; AND OF
THE HARBOUR CALLED THE ISLETS.

Blanc Sablon is a bight where there is no shelter from the
south nor from the south-east'. To the south-south-west of this
bight there are two islands, one of which is called, Woody island”,
and the other, Bird island*, where there are a great number of
tinkers and puffins which have red beaks and feet and make their
nests in holes under the earth like rabbits*. On doubling a head-

1 Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 137: ‘‘ Blanc Sablon. . . is partly sheltered by
fle au Bois and Greenly island, but south-westerly winds send in a heavy sea.’’

2 It is still called Ile au Bois or Woody island.

3 This second island is now called J/e Verte or Greenly island. Cf. Bay-
field op. cit. I, 139: ‘“Greenly island is the resort of myriads of puffins;’’ and
Stearns, op. cit. 235-36: ‘“The number of birds I saw on Greenly island was
simply immense. . .. I have often seen the water covered with a clustered
flock, all engaged in making a hoarse, rasping sound, not unlike the filing of a
saw; this is also done by the ‘murre’ and the ‘turre,’ and at such times, which-
ever species is present, they receive from the sailors the name of ‘guds,’ from a
fancied resemblance to that sound.”

4 Cf. Stearns, op. cit., 234: ‘‘The holes in the ground in which the puffins
deposit their eggs are excavated by the birds themselves, an operation for which
their powerful beaks and long, strong and sharp claws admirably adapt them...
The sides of the island are perforated with innumerable holes; and C. W. Town-
send, In Audubon’s Labrador, Boston, 1918, 241, describing Perroquet island
around Long point: “Some of the puffins nest under or among the blocks of
stone, and here they are as secure as the razor-billed auks that lay their eggs in
the same regions.”’

PLATE II.

ee
=
NX
:
S
<8)
s
NN

en,

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 17

les pieds rouges, et hairent dedans des pertuis soubz terre, comme
connias. Ayant doublé vng cap de terre, qui est 4 vne lieue de
Blanc Sablon®, y a vng hable et passaige, nommé les Islettes®, qui
est milleurs que Blanc Sablon; et 14 se faict grant pescherie’.
Dudit lieu des Islettes jucques 4 vng hable nommé Brest, audit
art de vent, y a dix lieues. Celuy hable est en cinquante et vng
degrez (quarente), cinquante ® cing mynuttes de latitude,eten . . .°
de longitude. Dempuis les Islettes jucques audit lieu, y a isles; et
est ledit Brestz en isles. Et davantaige, rangeant la coste a plus
de troys lieues hors, son toutes isles, 4 plus de doze lieues loingn

dudit Brest; quelles isles sont basses, et voyt on les haultes terres

par dessurs?.

> When the word quarente is omitted, the numbers correspond with those in
Ramusio; quel porto é in cinquania uno grado cinqua[n|ta cinque minuts di latitudine.
The late Bishop Howley (Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, 1** ser.,
XII, ii, 157) suggested reading 51° 40’ 55’. I am more inclined to think the
word, guarenie was written by mistake.

land which is one league from Blanc Sablon®, there is a harbour
and passage called the Islets®, which is better than Blanc Sablon;
and much fishing is carried on there’. From the said Islets [Bradore
bay] to a harbour called Brest® in the same direction, there are
ten leagues. This harbour lies in latitude 51° 55’, and in...
degrees of longitude. From the Islets to this place there are
islands; and Brest lies among islands. And furthermore ranging

5 Long point two and three quarter miles west of Blanc Sablon.

® Bradore bay. Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 145: ‘‘ The bay is not difficult
of access in moderate weather, but it is not suitable for vessels of heavy draught
as the anchorage space is exposed to the heavy sea that rolls in with south-
westerly winds.’”’ It is more than probable that the vessels of that day went on
into Frigate harbour, as the inner port is called, where the anchorage is excellent
though the space is small. Cf. ibid, 146.

7 Cf. Abbé V. A. Huard, Labrador et Anticosti (Montréal, 1897), p. 464:
“Tl faut ajouter, touchant la baie de Brador, qu’elle eut autrefois une juste
renommée comme place de péche pour le saumon, la morue, le hareng, le maque-
reau et le loup marin;” and also C. W. Townsend, op. cit., 234-235.

8 Now Bonne Espérance harbour in 51° 24’ 01”. The old name appears
on the Desliens, Cabot, Vallard and Mercator maps and on the Desceliers plani-
sphere where however it is placed to the east of Blanc Sablon. Hoyarsabal
gives Droget, Cradon and Sachobodege between Les Isles and Brest. On Brest
vid. Dr. S. E. Dawson’s paper in Transactions of the Royal Society, 2°% ser. XI,
ii, 3-30, 1906.

48493—2

§5*

18 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

[COMMENT ILZ ENTRERENT AU PORT DE BREST
AVEC LES NAVIRES, ET ALLANS OULTRE VERS
L’OUEST PASSERENT PARMY LES ISLES, LES-
QUELLES TROUVERENT ESTRE EN SI GRANT
NOMBRE, QU’IL N’ESTOIT POSSIBLE LES NOM-
BRER; ET LES NOMMERENT Toutes IsLEs*.]

Le dixiéme jour dudit moys de juign, entrames dedans ledit
hable de Brest o nos navires, pour avoir des eaux et du boays’,
et nous parez, et | passez oultre ladite baye. Et le jour saint
Barnabé?, aprés la messe ouye, nous allames o nos barques oultre
ledit hable, vers l’ouaist, descouvrir et veoirs quelz hables il y

® The Italian reads: Come entrorono nel porto di Brest con le navi, & andando
oltre verso Ponente passorono per mezzo I’Isolette lequali ritrovorono esser im cosi
gran numero che non era possibile numerarle & le chiamorno I’Isole.

the coast at a distance of three leagues out there are islands all
along for more than twelve leagues from Brest, which islands are
low and one can see the high shore over the tops of them”.

How THEY ENTERED BREST HARBOUR WITH
THE SHIPS AND GOING ON TOWARDS THE WEST
MADE THEIR WAY AMONG THE ISLANDS WHICH
THEY FOUND SO NUMEROUS THAT IT WAS IM-
POSSIBLE TO COUNT THEM; AND THEY NAMED
THEM ‘‘ALL ISLEs.”’

On [Wednesday] June 10 we entered Brest harbour with our
ships to get wood and water! and trim ship and proceed on beyond
the said bay [of Castles i.e. the strait of Belle Isle]. And on St.
Barnabas’s day” after hearing mass, we went with our long-boats
beyond this harbour towards the west, to examine the coast and

® Bayfield, op. cit., I, 152. ‘‘ The mainland has hitherto formed the coast
line, but at Salmon bay [inside Bonne Espérance harbour] the islands commence,
and continue 14 miles. They are of all shapes, sizes and heights (less than 200
feet) and run in order westward under the names of Eskimo, Old Fort and Dog
islands . . . Off these islands lie many small rocks and ledges the outermost
of which are fully 4 miles from the mainland.”

1 Tbid., I, 148. ‘Bonne Espérance Harbour. Wood and water may be
had in abundance from the mainland.” It is still frequented by fishing vessels.
Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., 7*™ edit., 1906, 172: ‘The whole of Bonne Espérance
Bay forms an excellent harbour in which there is room for many vessels of large
size.” ? Thursday, June 11.

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 19

avoit. Nous passames par my les isles, qui sont en si grant nom-
bre, qu'il n’est possible les scavoir nombrez, qui contiennent
environ dix lieues oultre ledit hable. Nous couchames en I|’vne
d’icelles isles, pour la nuyt passez, et y trouvames en grant quan-
tité d’ceufs de cannes ®, et aultres ouaiseaulx, qui hairent es(t) isles.
Lesdites isles furent nommées Toutes Isles*.

see what harbours there were. We made our way among the
islands which are so numerous that it is impossible to count them.
They extend beyond the said harbour for some ten leagues. We
slept on one of these islands overnight and found there ducks’?
eggs in great quantity and those of other birds that nest on
islands. We named these islands, ‘‘ All Isles’’*.

3 The eider-duck, Somateria dresseri, Sharpe; cf. Townsend, op. cit. 46 where
Audubon’s plate is reproduced.

* Now called Eskimo, Old Fort and Dog islands. The old name is given
on the Harleian mappemonde and also on the Desceliers maps, where however
it is placed much too far to the west. Cf. A. S. Packard, The Labrador Coast,
etc. (London, 1891), 85: ‘‘Nearly the whole coast of Labrador is lined with
multitudes of small islands, separated by deep, narrow channels from the main-
land . . . These numberless islets and channels are too numerous and intricate
to be accurately mapped. At least our ordinary charts give no accurate idea
of their location.” ;

A48493—23

20 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

[Du PORT APPELLE SAINCT ANTHOINE, PORT
SAINCT SERVAN, PORT JACQUES CARTIER, DE LA
RIPVIERE NOMMEE SAINCT JACQUES; DES COUS-
TUMES ET VESTEMENS DES HABITANS DE L’ISLE
DE BLANC SABLON*.]

Le landemain, dozeiesme, nous persumes oultre lesdites isles,
et a la fin du fort d’icelles, nous trouvames vng bon hable, qui
fut nonmé sainct Anthoine’. Et oultre, environ vne lieue ou
deux, nous trouvames vne petite ripviére, fort parfonde, qui a
la terre au surrouaist, et est entre deux haultes terres. C’est
vng bon hable; et fut planté vne croix audit hable, et nommé

sainct Servan®. Au surouaist dudit hable et ripviére, environ

® The Italian reads: Del porto detio Santo Antonio, porto San Servano,
porto Jacques Cartier, del fiume chiamato San Iacomo, de costumi & vestimenit
de gli habitanti nell’Isola di Bianco sabbione.

OF THE HARBOUR CALLED ST. ANTHONY’S HAR-
BOUR, OF PorT St. SERVAN, PoRT JACQUES
CARTIER, OF THE RIVER CALLED ST. JAMES’S
RIVER; OF THE COSTUMES AND CLOTHING OF
THE INHABITANTS ON THE ISLAND OF BLANC
SABLON.

The next day [Friday, June] the twelfth, we continued our
way through these islands, and at the end of the thickest portion
of them, we found a good harbour, which was named St. Anthony’s
harbour!. And further on, about a league or two, we came to a
small, very deep passage with the land running south-west and with
very high shores. It is a good harbour; and a cross was set up
there, and it was named St. Servan's harbour”. About a league

1 Rocky Bay. Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 159: ‘‘ One mile within the entrance,
on the south-east side there is. . . a small cove, in which small vessels anchor
in 5 fathoms, mud bottom, well sheltered from all winds.”” The festival of St.
Anthony of Padua fell on June 30.

* Lobster Bay. ‘‘A narrow inlet,” says Bayfield, loc. cit., “‘ extending
4 miles N.E.. . . between high and steep rocky shores. . . There is anchorage
quite to the head, with muddy bottom everywhere.” The festival of St. Servan
fell on July 1. St. Servan is practically a suburb of St. Malo.

THE F. ‘T VOYAGE 1534 21

vne lieue, y a vng islot, ront .- nme vng four®, avironné de plus-
seurs aultres plus petiz islotz, qui donne congnoissance desdits
hables. Plus oultre, 4 dix” lieues, y a vne aultre bonne ripviére,
plus grande, ot il y a pluseurs saulmons. | Nous la nonmasmes
la ripviére sainct Jacques*. Estans a icelle, nous aperseumes vng 55”
grant navire, qui estoit de la Rochelle, qui avoit passé la nuyt
le hable de Brest,* ot il pensoit aller faire sa pescherie; et ne sca-
voint ot ilz estoint. Nous allames a bort, avecques noz barques,
et le mysmes dedans vng aultre hable, 4 vne lieue plus a ouaist
que ladite ripviére sainct Jacques, lequel je pencze l’vn des bons

hables du monde; et iceluy fut nommé le hable Jacques Cartier®.

> Ramusio has, due leghe. In that case the river St. Jacques would seem
to be Napetepee bay, while Jacques Cartier harbour would be the present
Mistanoque bay.

ron
:

to the south-west of this harbour and passage, there is an islet |
round like an oven, with several other small islets about it, which | ~ «\.
give indication of the said harbours’. Ten leagues farther on . V

there is another good opening somewhat larger and where there |

e\ \

are many salmon. We named it St. James’s river*. While here
we saw a large ship from La Rochelle that in the night had run >
past the harbour of Brest® where she intended to go and fish; and
they did not know where they were. We went on board with our
long-boats and brought her into another harbour, one league
farther west than the said river St. James*. This harbour is in
my opinion one of the best in the world. It was named port:

Jacques Cartier®. If the soil were as good as the harbours, it

3 Thid., loc. cit.: ‘‘ The Boutet [i.e. cannon-ball], about 14 cables in diameter,
is a smooth, round islet about 70 feet in height. Together with the opening to
Lobster bay, which is situated E. by N. N. 14 miles from it, it serves to point
out the position of a vessel off the coast.”

4 Shecatica bay. Jbid., 164: ‘‘ This bay has many islands, branches, and
narrow crooked passages too intricate for any to attempt who are not well
acquainted with the coast.’”’ The festival of St. Jacques, bishop of Toul, fell on
June 23.

5 Bonne Espérance harbour.

® Cumberland harbour. Jbid., loc. cit.: ‘‘ This is an excellent harbour, the
best and easiest of access on the coast. It has depth and room enough for large
ships.” The old name is given on the Desliens and Mercator maps and on the
Desceliers mappemonde and planisphere. Vid. plates VIII, XIV and XV, pp.
128, 224 and 240 infra.

‘ 4a°*

an THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

Si la terre estoit aussi bonne® qu’il y a bons hables, se seroit vng
bien; mais elle ne se doibt nonmer Terre Neuffve, mais pierres
et rochiers effrables et mal rabottez; car en toute ladite coste du
nort, je n’y vy vne charetée de terre, et si descendy en plusseurs
lieux’. Fors a Blanc Sablon4, il n’y a que de la mousse, et de
petiz bouays avortez®*. Fin, j’estime mieulx que aultrement,
que c’est la terre que Dieu donna a Cayn®. Il ya des gens a
ladite terre, qui sont assez de belle corpulance, mais ilz sont gens

4 Such is the punctuation in Ramusio who has: & pur vi smontai in parecht
luoghi, & all’isola di Bianco sabbione non vi é altro che musco. The MS, how-
ever reads: ef si descendy en plusseurs lieux, fors @ Blanc Sablon. Il n'y a que,
etc.

would be a blessing; but the land should not be called the New
Land, being composed of stones and horrible rugged rocks; for

along the whole of the north shore [of the Gulf], I did not see one

cart-load of earth and yet I landed in many places’. Except at

Blanc Sablon there is nothing but moss and short, stunted shrub®.

In fine I am rather inclined to believe that this is the land God

gave to Cain®. There are people on this coast whose bodies are

fairly well formed but they are wild and savage folk. They wear
their hair tied up on the top of their heads like a handful of twisted
hay, with a nail or something of the sort passed through the middle,

7 Cf. Maria R. Audubon, Audubon and his Journals, 1. 365, (London, 1898):
“We scrambled about. . . but not a square foot of earth could we see. A poor,
rugged, miserable country.”

8 Bayfield, op., cit. I, 143: ‘‘ The mainland and islands [from Greenly island
to cape Whittle] are of granitic rocks, bare of trees excepting at the heads of bays,
where small spruce and birch trees are met with occasionally. When not entirely
bare, the mainland and islands are covered with moss or scrubby spruce bushes;”’
and also Packard, op. cit., 63: ‘‘ Groves of dwarfed alders, over which one could
look while sitting down, crowded the sides of the valleys. . . The groves of
spruce and hackmatack were of the same lilliputian height. . . . Particularly
noticeable were the clump: of dwarf willow from six inches to a foot in height.”

® Genesis, IV, 12: ‘‘ When thou tillest the ground, it shall not henceforth
yield unto thee her strength;’’ but cf. Cartwright, op. cit., III, 222-223: ‘‘ Al-
though, in sailing along this coast, the astonished mariner is insensibly drawn
into a conclusion, that this country was the last which God made, and that He

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 23

effarables et sauvaiges. [lz ont leurs cheveulx liez sur leurs testes,
en faczon d’vne pougnye de fain teurczé, et vng clou passé par
my, ou aultre chosse; et y lient aulcunes plumes de ouaiseaulx.
Ilz se voistent de peaulx de bestes, tant hommes que femmes;
mais les femmes sont plus closes et serrées en leursdites peaux,
et scaintes par le corps. Ilz se paingnent de certaines couleurs
tannées. | Ilz ont des barques® en quoy ilz vont par la mer, qui
sont faictes d’escorche de bouays de boul, o quoy ilz peschent
force loups marins. Dempuis les avoir veuz, j’ay seu que la n’est
pas leur demeurance, et qu’ilz viennent des terres plus chauldes,
pour prandre desditz loups marins et aultres choses, pour leur vie".

56°

and into it they weave a few bird’s feathers. They clothe them- \

selves with the furs of animals, both men as well as women; but
the women are wrapped up more closely and snuggly in their
furs; and have a belt about their waists. They [all] paint them-
selves with certain tan colours. They have canoes made of birch-
bark in which they go about, and from which they catch many
seals. Since seeing them [the Indians], I have been informed that
their home is not at this place but that they come from warmer

countries to catch these seals and to get other food for their suste-

nance ?°,

had no other view than to throw together there, the refuse of His materials, as
of no use to mankind, yet, he no sooner penetrates a few miles into a bay, than
the great change, both of climate and prospects, alter his opinion. The air
then becomes soft and warm; bare rocks no longer appear; the land is thick
clothed with timber, which reaches down almost to high-water mark, and is
. generally edged with grass,’’ etc.

10 According to J. P. Howley, (The Beothucks, 10, Cambridge, 1915) these
were Beothucks. Cf. Crignon’s Discorso in Ramusio, op. cit., III, 423%: “ Il lor
[the Indians’] peschar é di lupi marini, marsouini, & certi uccelli marini detti
margaux, iquali pigliano nell’ isole & li fanno seccare, & del grasso de detti
pesci fanno olio, & finito il tempo delle pescherie loro, approssimandosi l’inverno,
essi si ritiran colli suoi pesci; et li nelle barchette fatte di scorze d’arbori detti
Buil, et se ne vanno in altri paese che son forse piu caldi, ma non sappiamo
dove.”

24 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

[D’AULCUNS CAPS, A SCAVOIR: CAP DOUBLE, CAP
PoIntu, CAP ROYAL ET CAP DE LATTE; DES
MONTS DES GRANCHES, DES ISLES COULONBIERS,
ET D’VNE GRANDE PESCHERIE DE MOLUES®*.]

Le XIII° jour, nous retournames o nosdites barques a bort,
pour faire voille, pour ce que le temps estoit bon. Et le dymenche,
XIIII°, fysmes chanter la messe. Et le lundy, XV™, appareil-
lames dudit Brest', et fysmes la routte sur le su, pour avoir la
congnoissance de la terre que nous y voyons”, aparaisance 4 deux
isles, mais quant nous fumes au mytan de la baye?”, ou environ,
nous congneumes que s’estoit terre ferme’, dont y avoit gros cap,
doublé l’vn par dessurs l’autre; et pour ce, le nonmames, cap

Double*. Au’parmy de la baye’, soubzdames 4a cent brasses, et

® The Italian reads: Di alcuni Capi, cioe Capo doppio, Capo puntito, Capo
reale & Capo di latte, de Monti delle grange, dell’Isole colombare. & di una gran
bercheria di molue. b Ramusio has, delle terre che v’havevamo vedute.

OF SOME CAPES, TO WIT: CAPE DOUBLE, POINT-
ED CAPE, CAPE ROYAL AND LATH CAPE; OF THE
BARN MOUNTAINS, THE DovE-coTt ISLANDS AND
OF A RICH COD-FISHING GROUND.

On [Saturday, June] the thirteenth we returned with our long-
boats on board [the ships] in order to make sail, as the weather
was fine. On Sunday the fourteenth we had mass sung; and on
Monday the fifteenth we set sail from Brest! and set our course
towards the south in order to examine the land we saw there, in
appearance like two islands. But when we were half-way across
the bay? or thereabouts, we made out that it was mainland’, on
which was a large cape doubled one part above the other, and on
this account we named it cape Double*. In the middle of the
bay * we sounded in 100 fathoms and clean bottom®. The distance
across from Brest’ to the said cape Double* is about twenty

_ 1 Bonne Espérance harbour.

* Des Chateaux, i.e. the strait of Belle Isle. Cf. supra pp. 9, 11 and 13.

3 The north-west coast of Newfoundland.

4 Now pointe Riche or Rich point which forms the northern end of Ingorna-
choix bay in latitude 50° 42’. Vid. the drawing in Cloué, of. cit., tom. 1%, p. 319,
No. 106. The double effect is increased by the highlands of St. John in the rear.

5 That is to say no sand, mud, shells or coral came up in the lead. The
modern charts give mud, and only a depth of sixty to seventy-five fathoms.
Cf. Howley’s paper, in Trans. Roy. Soc. Can. 1®* ser, XII. ii, 157, note 1.

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 25

fontz curé®. Il y a de traversée de Brest! audit cap Double,‘
environ vignt lieues; et 4 cinq ou six lieues, souldames a quarente
brasses. Nous trouvames ladite terre estre gisante au nordest
et surrouaist, vngn quart du nort et du su.

Le landemain, XVI™° dudit moys, nous sillames le long de la
coste au surouaist, vng quart | du su, environ trante cinq lieues
dempuis cap Double,* ot trouvames des terres 4 montaignes moult
haultes et effarables; entre lesquelles y a vne, apparoissante estre
comme vne granche®, et pour ce, nonmames ce lieu, Jes monts de
Granches®. Icelles haultes terres et montaignes sont hachées et
creuses; et y a. entre elles et la mer des basses terres. Ladite
journée auparavant’, n’avions eu congnoissance d’aultre terre,
pour les bruimes et obscurté du temps qu’i faisoit. Et au soir ®,

leagues; and at five or six leagues out we sounded in forty fathoms.
We found the said coast [of Newfoundland] to run north-east and
south-west, one quarter north and south.

The next day [Tuesday], the sixteenth of the month fof June],
we ran along this coast to the south-west, one quarter south, for
some thirty-five leagues from cape Double*, when we came to a

region of very high and rugged mountains, among which was one

in appearance like a barn and on this account we named this region
the Barn mountains®. These highlands and mountains are cut
up and hewn out; and between them and the sea are low shores.
On the day before this’ we had had ao further sight of the coast
on account of the fog and thick weather we experienced. And in
the evening® we caught sight of a break in the coast-line’, like
the mouth of a river, between the said Barn mountains® and a
cape?” that lay to the south-south-west of us some three leagues off.
This cape is all eaten away at the top, and at the bottom towards
the sea is pointed, on which account we named it the Pointed
cape. To the north of it, one league off, lies a flat island”.
6 The highlands of St. John. The old name is given on the Desceliers
mappemonde, plate XII, p. 192.
7 Monday, June 15, the day they left Bonne Espérance harbour.
8 Tuesday, June 16. 9 Sandy bay.
10 Now Téte-de-Vache or Cow Head in latitude 49° 55’.
11 Cf. Maxwell, op. cit., 505: ‘‘ Cow Head, a conspicuous peninsula one
mile in length by half a mile in breadth, and densely wooded on its southern
and western sides, rises to a height of 206 feet.” 12 Stearing island.

56”

26 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

nous aparut vne faulte de terre 9 comme vne entrée de ripviére,
entre lesdits mons des Granches * et vng cap ?°, qui nous demouroit
au su surouaist, environ trois lieues de nous. Celuy cap est, par
le hault de luy, tout rongné, et par le bas, vers la mer, est apoincté;
et pour ce, le nonmames, cap Pointu'. Au nort de luy, 4 vne
lieue, y a vne isle platte”.

Et pource que voullymes avoir congnoissance d’icelle entrée e
pour veoirs s’il y avoit aulcune bonne posée et havre, mysmes la
voille bas, pour la nuyt passez.

Le landemain, XVII° dudit moys, nous eumes tourmente
de vent de nordeist, et mysmes au pepefil 4 courrir, et 2 la cappe i
et fysmes de chemin, vallant le surouaist, trante sept lieues, juc-
ques au jeudy matin™, que nous estions le travers d’vne baye,
plaine de isles | rondes, comme coulonbiers; et pour ce, leur don-
names A nom, les Coulonbiers, et la baye, sainct Jullian; de la

And as we wished to examine this opening *, to see if there
was any good anchorage and a harbour, we lowered the sails for
the night.

The next day [Wednesday], the seventeenth of the said month
[of June], we had a storm from the north-east, and we clewed up
the mainsail to scud before it and housed the topmasts!*. We
ran some thirty-seven leagues in a south-westerly direction until
Thursday moraing!*, when we came abreast of a bay full cf rouad
islands like dove-cots, and on this account we called them the
Dove-cots and the bay St. Julian’s bay!®. From this bay to a

13 Cf. Us et coustumes de la mer (Bourdeaux, 1647) 2éme partie, 29-30:
‘Comme aussi dans le peril convient caposer ou mettre le Navire A la cape,
c’est a dire amarrer le gouvernail bien ferme & immobile pour suivre l’abandon
du vent, abaisser les masts de hune ou matereaux, trousser toutes les voiles sauf
le Pafi, qu’on laisse boursoufler, d’autant que le vent s’enfermant en iceluy
pousse en haut & releve le vaisseau, le soulageant beaucoup au hurt & a la tom-
bée;’”’ and also La Ronciére, op. cit., II, 484. 14 June 18.

16 Now bay of Islands. The Desceliers mappemonde gives it and adds
the word Coullonbier. Cf. Cloué, op. cit., I, 288: ‘‘ Un groupe d'iles est situé
dans l’entrée de la baie [of Islands]... Ces fles font reconnaitre de trés loin
l’entrée de la baie, car elles sont trés élevées, particuliérement Guernesey, Tweed
et La Perle, qui sont presque aussi hautes que les montagnes du continent [i.e.
Newfoundland];’’ and also the sketches Nos. 77 and 78, ibid., 285-286.
Guernsey island is 1022 feet high, Pearl, 845 and Tweed, 702. Cf. Howley’s
paper, loc. cit. 159,

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 aT

quelle, jucques 4 vng cap, qui demeure au su, vng quart du sur-
ouaist, qui fut nommé cap Royal", y a sept lieues. Et A ouaist
surouaist dudit cap, y a vng aultre cap!’, qui est bien rongné
par le bas de luy, et rond par le hault; au nort duquel, environ
demye lieue, y a vne isle basse!®. Celuy cap fut nommé, cap de
Latte’*. Entre cestz deux caps, y a terres basses, par dessurs
lesquelles y en a de moult haultes, en semblance de y avoir rip-
viéres. A deux lieux de cap Royal!® y a vignt brasses de parfont,
et la plus grande pescherie de grosses molues, qui soit possible;

esquelles mollues en prynmes, en attendant nostre conpaignon,

plus d’vn cent en moins d’vn heure”’.

cape that was named cape Royal?!® lying to the south, one quarter
south-west, the distance is seven leagues. And to the west-south-
west of this cape there is aaother cape’, which is much worn away
at the bottom and round at the top, to the north of which about
half a league there lies a low island. This cape [Cormorant]
was named Lath cape’®. Between these two capes [Bear Head
and cape Cormorant] are low shores, beyond which are very high
lands with apparently rivers among them. Two leagues from
cape Royal’® there is a depth of twenty fathoms and the best
fishing possible for big cod. Of these cod we caught, while waiting
for our consort, more than a hundred in less than an hour”.

16 Now pointe de l’'Ours or Bear Head in 49°. It is evidently the c. Real
of the Desceliers mappemonde though placed much too far south. The Mer-
cator map of 1569 puts it on the mainland opposite the Magdalens. Cf. Max-
well, op. cit., 473-474: ‘‘ Bear Head is very conspicuous when seen from the
south-westward, assuming, from that view, the form of a crouching animal. . .
The northern summit is 1,210 feet above the sea, falling in a perpendicular
cliff; the southern summit is 1,255 feet high.

17 Cape Cormorant. Cf. ibid., 454: ‘Cape Cormorant. ..rises in a
perpendicular limestone cliff, to a height of about 700 feet, and then, in a steep
slope, to a somewhat conical summit 968 feet above the sea.”’

18 Tie Rouge or Red island.

19 Cape Cormorant, lies five and a half miles north of cape St. George
which forms the north-east corner of St. George’s bay. It was doubtless so
named after pointe de la Latte on the French coast, a little to the west of St.
Malo. Latte means the batten or thin strip of wood or metal placed around the
hatch to hold down the tarpaulin covering.

20 Cf. Maxwell, op. cit., 460: “ Cod fish are caught in large numbers about
the bar, and on the banks outside [Port-a-Port bay].”

Din

28 _THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

[D’AUCUNES ISLES ENTRE LE CAP ROYAL ET LE
CAP DE LATTE*.]

Le landemain, XVIII°! jour dudit moys, le vent nous fut
contraire, et grant vent; et retournames vers cap Royal’, cuider
trouver hable. Avecques nos barques® fumes descouvrir entre
ledit cap Royal”? et cap de Latte®, et trouvames que parsurs les
basses terres, y a vne grande baye’, fort parfonde, et isles dedans,
la quelle est close devers le su desdites basses terres, qui font vng
costé de l’antrée, et cap Royal, | l’autre. Lesdites basses terres
s’avancent en la mer plus de demye lieue, de pays plat, et mauvais
fons®; et au parmy de I’entrée y a vne isle®. Ladite baye est en

® The Italian reads: Di alcune Isole tra Capo reale. & Capo di latte, which
latter was naturally rendered by Florio, ‘“‘ Cape of milke ”’!

> Such is the punctuation in Ramusio: pensando di trovarvi porto, & con
le nostre barche, etc. The MS. has: hable avecques nos barques. Fumes, etc.

Or soME ISLANDS BETWEEN CAPE ROYAL AND
LatH CAPE.

On the next day [Friday], the eighteenth! of the said month
[of June], the wind came ahead and blew hard; and we put back
towards cape Royal [Bear Head] to try and find a harbour. We
set out with our long-boats to examine the coast between cape
Royal [Bear Head] and Lath cape [cape Cormorant], and found
that on the other side of the low shores, there is a large bay * running
back a long way, with islands in it. It is land-locked to the south
of the low shores, which form one side of the entrance, while cape
Royal [Bear Head] forms the other. These low shores stretch out
into the sea for more than half a league, with shoal water and bad
ground’; and in the middle of the entrance there is an island ®.

1 Tt should be nineteenth. ? Bear Head. 3 Cape Cormorant.

* Now Port-d-Port bay extending from latitude 48°34’ to 48° 47’.

> Long Point. Cf. Maxwell, op. cit., 457-458: “The northern shore of
the remarkable tongue of land, known as Long point, may be considered to begin
at Clam bank cove, from which place the extreme of the point is about 12 miles

distant . . . It is thickly wooded with dwarf spruce and other stunted trees and
bushes. . . About 114 miles from the extreme of the point, the surface becomes
bare of trees. . . For the last half mile the point is a narrow strip of rocks,

from which a tongue of shoal water, forming the bar, extends for a distance
of nearly a mile.”
® Tle du Renard or Fox island.

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 : 29

quarente huyt degrez et demy de latitude’, et . . . °degrez de longi-
tude. Celuy jour® ne trouvames hable, pour poser, et tynmes pour
la nuyt a la mer, le cap a ouaist.

[DE L’IsLE' NOMME SAINCT JEHAN®.]

Dempuis ledit jour jucques au XXIIII° jour dudit moys, qui
est le jour saint Jehan, eumes torrente et vent contraire et ser-
raison, tellement que ne peumes avoir congnoissance de terre,
jucques audit jour saint Jehan, que nous eumes congnoissance
d’vn cap de terre, qui nous demouroit au suest, qui, 4 nostre esme°,
nous demouroit au surouaist de cap Royal?, environ trante cing
lieues. Et celuy jour fist bruimes et mauvais temps, et ne peumes
approcher de ladite terre; et pour ce que s’estoit le jour monseig-
neur saint Jehan, le nommames le cap sainct Jehan’.

8 The Italian reads: Dell’ Isola chiamata San Giovanni.

> Cf. Us et coustumes de la mer, 2®me part., p. 19: ‘ Esme, c’est le raison-
nement ou jugement du Pilote, du lieu auquel il croit estre.’’

This [Port-a-Port] bay lies in latitude 48° 30’" and in. . . degrees

nih *
Or an Istanp! NAMED St. Joun’s IsLaND. —\S~

From that day [Friday, June 19] until [Wednesday] the
twenty-fourth of the said month, which is St. John’s day, we had
stormy weather, head winds and overcast sky to such an extent
that we could not get sight of land until St. John’s day, when we
saw a head-land to the south-east of us. By our reckoning it lay
about thirty-five leagues to the south-west of cape Royal [Bear
Head]. That day we had mist and bad weather and could not
draw near the said coast; and since it was St. John’s day, we named
the cape, cape St. John?.

7 48°35’. 8 Friday, June 19.

1 Although it was a cape and not an island to which this name was given,
one must remember that Newfoundland was then thought to form an extensive
archipelago. It was indeed not represented as one island until 1599. Vid.
Harrisse, op. cil., 282-283. 2 Bear Head.

3 Probably cape Anguille, the south-western extremity of St. George’s
bay, although a cape still called cap Saint-Jean or cape John lies four and a half
miles up St. George’s bay from cape Anguille. The Mercator map places it
on the main shore to the south of the Magdalens.

of longitude. That day® we found no harbour in which to anchor N

and headed out to sea for the night, the prow to the west. ©.\\"

30 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

[D’AUCUNES ISLES, NOMMEES LES ISLES DE
MARGAULX; ET DES SORTES D’OUAISEAUX ET
BESTES QUI S’¥ TROUVENT; DE L’ISLE DE BRION,
ET DU CAP DU DAULPHIN?®.]

Le landemain, XXV° jour, fist [aussi®] mauvais temps,

obscur et venteux; et fymes courrir 4 ouaist nourouaist partie
du jour, et le soir, nous mysmes en travers’, jucques au segond
quart!, que apparoillames; et lors, par nostre esme, estions au
® The Italian reads: Di alcune Isole chiamate l’Isole di Margaulx, & sorie
di uccelli & bestie che vi si trovano. dell’Isola di Brion, & Capo del delfin.
b This word is omitted in the MS. Ramusio has, fece anche cattivo tempo.
© Mettre en travers is to lie broadside to the wind with one topsail drawing
and the other backing, so that the vessel is virtually at a standstill.

OF SOME ISLANDS NAMED THE GANNET ISLANDS
AND OF THE KINDS OF BIRDS AND BEASTS FOUND
THERE; OF BRION’S ISLAND AND CAPE DAUPHIN.

The next day [Thursday], the twenty-fifth [of June], the weather
was again bad, with overcast sky and much wind; and we headed
west-north-west for part of the day, and in the evening hove to
until the second watch!, when we once more made sail. By our
reckoning we were then seventeen and a half leagues north-west,
one quarter west of cape St. John”. And when we hoisted sail,
the wind was north-west, and we ran south-west about fifteen
leagues, and fon Friday, June 26] came to three islands*, two of
which were small and as steep as a wall, so that it is impossible
to climb to the top. Between these there is a narrow passage‘.
These islands were as completely covered with birds, which nest

there, as a field is covered with grass®. The larger one was full

! This apparently began as now at midnight. Cf. L. Estancelin, Recher-
ches sur les voyages et découveries des navigateurs normands (Paris, 1832), p. 242:
“Cette nuit, au 2° quart, qui est environ minuit;’’ and also the edition of
Parmentier’s voyage published by M. Ch. Schefer at Paris in 1883, p. 6.

2 Cape Anguille.

3 The Bird Rocks in 47° 50’. Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 38: ‘' They [the
Bird Rocks] present perpendicular cliffs on every side; yet it is possible to ascend
them with great difficulty in one or two places, but there is no landing upon them
except in the calmest sea.’’ Great Bird rock is 105 feet high. See plate III, p. 32.

‘ Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 38: ‘Sunken rocks leave only a boat passage
between them.” Cf. Howley’s paper, Joc. cit. 163.

® Leigh who visited them in June, 1597 remarked (Hakluyt, op. ci#., III,
200) that ‘‘ The birds sit there as thicke as stones lie on a paved street.”

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 oh

norouaist, vng quart d’ouaist, dudit cap sainct Jehan” dix sept |
lieues et demye?. Et lors que | appareillames, le vent estoit nor- 58*
ouaist, et fymes courrir au surouaist quinze lieues, et vynmes
trouver trois isles*, dont y en avoit deux petittes et acorez comme
murailles, tellement que possible n’est de monter dessurs; entre
lesquelles y a vng petit forillon®*. Icelles isles [estoient ‘] aussi

4 Ramusio has, leghe sette é meza.

© Ramusio translated forillon by scoglio, and Godefroy (Dictionnaire de
Vancienne langue frangatse, IV, p. 79, Paris, 1885) gives ‘‘cape’”’. What is meant
however is the ‘‘ push-through ” of the sailors (Vid., Transactions of the Royal
Society, 1** ser., XII, ii, 163), so that Florio was correct in giving ‘‘clift”. Vid.
also Harrisse, op. cit., 179, note 5, and R. G. Thwaites, The Jesuit Relations and
Allied Documents, vol. XXII, 319, note 8, Cleveland, 1818 (sic pro 1898).

' This word is omitted in the MS. Ramusio has, Queste Isole erano, etc.

of gannets, which are white and larger than geese®. And on one
part of the other was likewise a great number of them, and the
other part was full of murres’. And at the foot of the cliffs were
likewise some of these murres and some large puffins, which are

Cf. Audubon, op. cit., 1, 361: ‘The birds sit almost touching each other and in
regular lines . . . The whole surface is perfectly covered with nests placed about
two feet apart, in such regular order that you may look through its lines, etc. ’

6 Cf. C. J. Maynard, The Birds of Eastern North America, etc. (Newton-
ville, Mass., 1881 in 4°), 463-464: ‘The fog through which we had hitherto
been sailing, scaled off at this moment, disclosing to our gaze one of the grandest
sights that we ever beheld, for directly in front of us, rose a huge, rocky bastion,
the precipitous sides of which were occupied by myriads of Awks, Guillemots,
and Puffins, thousands of snowy plumaged Gannets floated in air over the high
clifts, while the water below was thickly dotted with various species . . . Among
the most noticeable birds on the rock, were the Gannets (Sula bassana), and they
occupied a considerable space on the north-west side of the upper portion.
Here. . . the bulky nests, which were composed of seaweed, were placed in long
rows, about a foot apart, reminding one strongly of hills of corn. . . Early in
the morning, when all the birds were on the nests, they presented a singular
appearance, for there was fully a quarter of an acre of Gannets. . . and when
we reached the edge of the precipice, there were, at least, ten thousand Gannets
before us, flying high over the surging waves. A sight like this. . . strongly
reminded one of a snow-storm, when the countless flakes whirl in wild confusion.’’
Mr. Maynard (zbid., 465) estimated the number of gannets in 1872 at about
20,000 which was 80,000 less than Dr. Bryant had counted in 1860. Cf. also
Audubon, op. cit., 1, 360-361; and John M. Clarke, Observations on the Magdalen
Islands, plates 15-17, Albany 1911, (New York State Museum, Bulletin 149).

7 Ibid., 465: ‘‘ The Murres (Uria Troile) were breeding in close proxi-
mity . . . and if one chanced to approach too near the irritable Gannets, it was
seized by the neck and unceremoniously drépped over the precipice.”

32 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

plaines de ouaiseaux que vng pré de herbe 5. qui heirent au dedans
d’icelles isles; dont la plus-grande estoit plaine de margaulx, qui
sont blancs, et plus-grans que ouays®. Et en l’autre y en avoit
paroillemeat, en vne [partie ®] quantité d’elle, et en l’autre, plaine
de godez’. Et au bas, y avoit paroillement desdits godez, et des
grans apponatz, qui sont paroilz de ceulx de l’isle, dont est cy
davant faict mencion*®. Nous descendismes au bas de la plus

® This word is also omitted in the MS. Though Ramusio omits part of
the sentence, he gives us the word we want: & in la maggiore vi era una infinita
di quelli che chiamiamo margaulx, quali sono biancht & piu grandi che oche, &
eran separati in una parte; in l’alira parte vi eran di godetz Isoli. On account
of the last capital Florio translated this, “‘ in the other part were Godetz Isoli’’!

similar to those on the island mentioned above®. We landed on
the lower part of the smaller island® and killed more than a
thousand murres and great auks, of which we took away as many
as we wished in our long-boats. One might have loaded in an
hour thirty such long-boats. We named these islands, the Gannet
islands!°. Five leagues to the west of these islands was the other
island ++ which is about two leagues long and as many in breadth.
We sailed thither and anchored for: the night [Friday-Saturday,
June 26-27] in order to get water aad fire-wood. This island is

8 At Bird or Greenly island, p. 16, supra. Cf. Ibid., 498: “‘ I found these odd,
little Puffins (Mormon Arctica) nesting on the face of the high cliffs on Bryon
island, but on Bird Rock, they dug their burrows on the surface, often excavating
beneath a flat slab of limestone, with which a portion of the rock was strewed.
The burrows were about six inches in diameter, usually turned either to the right
or left, and were from two to six feet long; but the terminus which was slightly
enlarged, was never very far from the surface. The single egg was placed in
this chamber and was always covered by either the male or female Puffin.”
According to Mr. F. M. Chapman, The Century, July, 1899, the French-Canadian
name for the puffin is paroquet.

® North Bird rock.

1° Now Iles aux Oiseaux or the Bird Rocks. The old aame is given on the
Harleian and Desceliers mappemondes. Cf. J. M. Clarke, The Heart of Gaspé,
224. New York, 1913. Cf. Hakluyt, op. cit., HII, 189; and F. M. Chapman in The
Century for July, 1899, 339: “These gannets are magnificent birds, exhibiting, on
the wing, admirable grace and power. They dive for fish from a height of forty
feet or more, half closing their wings until they resemble enormous spear-heads,
and descending with a force and speed that take them far below the surface of
the water, which splashes five feet or more into the air as they strike it.”

11 Ramusio has, un’altra Isola which is more correct as the Bird Rocks
themselves are really three in number although the third is only a small barren
rock. The island now mentioned is Brion island, which lies ten and three quarter

“KAOISUFT [DANIDAT {O UNasnY UDIAIUY ay] UL SadpaTT ayy fo uorpynporday ‘¢
‘a5paT DUO SJQUUDH “7 ‘YIOM Plrgy joasy) *]

TI] ALv1Ig

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 33

petitte®, et tuames de godez et de apponatz, plus de mille, et en
prinmes, en noz barques, ce que nous en voullinmes. L’on y
eust chargé, en vne heure, trante icelles barques. Nous nommames
* Iles isles, isles de Margaulx'®. A cinq lieues desdites isles estoit
l’autre™ isle, A ouaist d’elles, qui a environ deux lieues de long et
autant de leise. Nous y fumes posez pour la nuyt, pour avoir
des eaux et du bouays a feu. Icelle isle | est rangée de sablons,
et® beau fons, et possaige a l’antour d’elle 4 seix et A sept brassez.
Cestedite ille est la milleure terre que nous ayons veu, car vng
arpant™ d’icelle terre vault mielx que toute la Terre Neufve.

_ } The writing in the MS. changes here and was evidently done by another
hand as far as p. 59.

fringed with sand-banks, and there is excellent bottom and anchor-
age all around it in six and seven fathoms. This island is the best
land we have seen; for two acres’” of it are worth more than the
whole of Newfoundland. We found it to be covered with fine
trees and meadows, fields of wild oats, and of pease in flower, as
thick and as fine as ever I saw in Brittany, which might have been
sown by husbandmen. There are numerous gooseberry bushes,
strawberry vines, Provins™® roses, as well as parsley and other
useful, strong-smelling herbs. Round about this island are

miles E. 2 S. from North Bird rock. It is given on the Harleian mappemonde
and on the Desceliers maps. Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 39: ‘‘ Bryon island is
rather more than four miles long, in a W. by N. and E. by S. direction, with the
extreme breadth of rather more than one mile. . . The soil is similar to that
of Magdalens islands. A great part of the island is wooded with dwarf spruce
trees, and there is a large upland tract covered with good native grass.”’

12 The arpent fluctuated between three roods and two acres.

13 4 small town in the department of Seine-et-Marne, fifty-nine miles
south-east of Paris. The rose is a small red variety which when brought into
England by Edmund Crouchback, became the badge of the great House of
Lancaster.

14 Cf. Leigh’s account in Hakluyt, op. cit., III, 201: ‘‘ Concerning the
nature and fruitfulnesse of Brions Island, and of Ramea [the Magdalens],
they do by nature yeeld exceeding plenty of wood, great store of wild corne
like barley, strawberries, gooseberries, mulberies, white roses, & store of wilde
peason. . . And the sayd Islands also seeme to proffer, through the labour
of man, plenty of all kinde of our graine, of roots, of hempe, and other necessary
commodities.” Vid. also the Transactions of the Literary and Historical Society
of Quebec, III, 161, Quebec, 1832. Thisisland, though only of sand-stone and now
fast giving way to the action of the waves, must yet have appeared extremely
fertile in comparison with the bleak rock-bound coasts of Newfoundland and
Labrador.

484938—3

58”

34 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

Nous la trouvames plaine de beaulx arbres, prairies, champs de
blé sauvaige, et de poys en fleurs, aussi espés et aussi beaulx, que
je vis oncques en Bretaigne, queulx sembloict y avoir esté semé (r)
par laboureux. Il y a force grouaiseliers, frassiers et rossez de
Provins’, persil, et aultres bonnes erbes, de grant odeur™*. II
luy a entour icelle ille, plusieurs grandes bestez, conme grans
beuffz >, quelles ont deux dans en la gueulle, conme dans d’olifant,
qui vont en la mer. De quelles, y en avoict vne, qui dormoict
a terre, a la rive de l’eau, et allames o nos barcques, pour la cuydez
prandre; mais incontinant que fumes auprés d’elle, elle se gecta
en la mer?®. Nous y vimes paroillement des ours et des renars.
Cette ille fut nommée T’ille de Bryon". Auxs environ d’icelles
illes, y a de grandes marées, qui portent conme suest et nor-

many great beasts, like large oxen’, which have two tusks in
their jaw like elephant’s tusks and swim about in the water.
There was one asleep on shore near the water’s edge, and we set
out in our long-boats to try and catch him; but as soon as we drew
near, he threw himself into the sea!®. We also saw there bears
and foxes. This island was named Brion island’. In the
neighbourhood of these islands the tides are strong and run to
all appearance south-east and north-west. I am rather inclined
to think from what I have seen that there is a passage between

15 Walruses.

16 Cf. Leigh in Hakluyt, op. cit., III, 195: “ And upon the lesse of these
Islands of Birds, we saw great store of Morsses or sea Oxen, which were asleepe ©
upon the rockes; but when we approched nere unto them with our boate they
cast themselves into the sea and pursued us with such furie as that we were
glad to flee from them;” and ibid., pp. 190-191 and 201. Cf. also Appendix
III, p. 304.

17 Cf. Belleforest, op. cit., vol. II, col. 2181: ‘ & fut nommee cette Isle de
Brion en l’honneur, & memoire de feu tresillustre Seigneur Messire Philippes
Chabot Comte de Burensais, & de Chargny, Seigneur de Brion, & Admiral de
France, lequel fut auteur, & solliciteur de ce voiage, comme lieutenant general
pour le Roy sur la marine: & pour recognoistre cette faveur, Cartier donna a
ce lieu si plaisant, le nom d’un des plus braves, & vertueux chevaliers de son
temps, a fin qu’a jamais on voit combien ce Seigneur a esté soigneux de la gloire,
& avancement du nom Frangoys, & du service de son Prince.” He had succeeded
Bonnivet as Admiral of France in 1525 and on March 23, 1527 (n. st)
was also made Admiral of Brittany. Vid. Archives du département de la Loire-
Inférieure, série B, reg. 51, fols 284-285.

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 ; 35

ouaist. Je presume mielx que aultrement, A ce que j’ay veu,
qu’il luy aict aulcun passaige entre la Terre Neuffve et la terre
des Bretons®. Sy ainsi estoict, se seroict vne grande abreviacion,
tant pour le temps, que pour le chemyn, si se treuve parfection
en ce voyage’, | A quatre lieues de ladite ille, [il luy a la terre
ferme a ouaist surouaist, la quelle paroit comme vne isle, avironnée
d’isles de sablons'”’.] Il luy a vng beau cap, que nommames cap du

‘From Ramusio who has: A quattro leghe di detta Isola vi 2 la terra ferma
verso Ponente garbin, la quale pare que sia come una Isola circondata da Isolette
di sabbioni. Viéun bel Capo, etc.

Newfoundland and the Breton’s land!®. If this were so, it would
prove a great saving both in time and distance, should any success
be met with on this voyage’*. Four leagues from the said [Brion]
island to the west-south-west lies the mainland [the Magdalen
islands], which has the appearance of an island surrounded by
islets of sand”. On it stands a fine cape which we named cape

18 Ramusio has: tierra di Brion which was doubtless the original reading,
but was altered after Cartier had visited Cape Breton on his way home in 1536
(Vid. p. 236). Lescarbot (op. cit., 1609, 264) has added in the margin: ‘‘ Ce
passage est aujourd’hui ordinaire, & y a 20 lieues de mer entre l’une & I’autre
terre.” The distance from Cape Breton island to Newfoundland is fifty-five
miles. This statement makes clear that although Cape Breton itself was well
known, no attempt had yet been made by the French to sail into the Gulf through
Cabot strait, as the passage between Newfoundland and Cape Breton island
is now called. Cf. Harrisse, op. cit., 137.

19 That is to say, should they discover a new route to the East, the passage
to the south of Newfoundland would prove both shorter and quicker than the
one through the strait of Belle Isle by which they had come. Cf. Lescarbot,
op. cit., 1617, p. 243: ‘‘ La perfection que cherche Jacques Quartier est de trou-
ver un passage pour aller par 14 en Orient;’’ and also p. 46 infra note 14.

20 Cartographical representations of this statement are seen on the Roze
map (plate V, p. 64) and the Harleian mappemonde (plate VIII, p. 128) where
the Magdalen islands (the coast in question), lying about ten miles south of
Brion island, are represented as forming the main south shore of the gulf of
St. Lawrence. It was not until Cartier was on his way home in 1536 that he
discovered that the Magdalens were really islands and not mainland (Vid.
p. 236 infra). On the Desliens map and on the Desceliers planisphere (plate
XIV, p. 224) they are called ysles des Arenes. Jean Alfonse calls them (Appen-
dix II, p. 301) /’tsle de Sable while they figure on the Diogo Homen map as ille
des Sablones. As a result of the discovery in 1536 the above phrase was
naturally erased. Cf. also W. F. Ganong in the Transactions of the Royal
Society, 18* ser., XII, ii, 44-45; and John M. Clarke, Observations, etc., 4-11.

48493—33

59*

36 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

Daulphin*!, pour ce que c’est le conmancement des bonnes terres ”.

Le XXVII® dudit moys de juin, nous rangeames ladite terre,
qui gist est nordest et ouaist surouaist, et semble de loing que se
soinct butterolles de sables, pour ce que se sont terres basses et
araineusses”’. Nous ne pumes allez ny dessandre a icelles, pour
ce que le vent en venoict™, et les rangeames celluy jour environ
quinze lieues”>.

Dauphin}, as it is the beginning of the good land ”.

On [Saturday] the twenty-seventh of the said month of June,
we ranged this coast, which runs east-north-east and west-south-
west. From a distance it looks as if there were dunes, as the
shores are low and sandy”’. We could not approach nor land

there as the wind came off the shore™*. We ranged it that day

about fifteen leagues”.

21 North cape on Grosse island of the Madgalen group, lying eight and
three quarter miles from the south-west corner of Brion island. Cf. Clarke,
op. cit. plate 9. The old name is given on the Harleian mappemonde, plate
VIII, p. 128. The Dauphin was then Prince Francis who died suddenly on
August 10, 1536.

22 Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 42: ‘In a bright sunny day of summer, the
cliffs of various colours, in which different shades of red predominate, and the
yellow of the sandbars contrasted with the green pastures of the hill sides, pro-
duce an extremely beautiful effect.” Cf. the beautiful plates 1 and 4 in Clarke,
op. cit. loc. cit.

23 Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 41: ‘‘ When first sighted from sea, the Madgalen
islands appear like several hilly islands, with channels between, but, on a nearer
approach, they are seen to be all connected together . . . by a double line of
sandbars and beaches, inclosing extensive lagoons. . . These sandbars are in
some parts only a few feet above the sea, whilst in others they rise into hills
of blown sand of considerable elevation.”

24 The wind was probably therefore south. The distance from Great
Bird rock to Deadman islet is fifty-six miles.

25 Bayfield (tbid., 53-54) gives the following description of the north-west
coast of the group, that seen by Cartier, but proceeding in the inverse direction:
“From Hospital cape to Wolfisland. . . the coast. . . consists merely of sand-
beaches and sand-hills, for a distance of ten miles. The low sandstone cliffs
of Wolf island, which is about three-quarters of a mile long, interrupt the conti-
nuance of the sandy shore; the sand-beaches then recommence, and continue
with high sand-hills, occasionally, nine miles further to North cape.”

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 37

[DE L’ISLE NOMMBE ALLEzAy!, ET DU CAP
SAINCT PIERRE ®*.]

Le landemain?, rangeames icelle terre®, environ x lieues,
jusques 4 vng cap de terre rouge’, qui est vng cap rongné, au
dedans duquel y a vne ancze’®, qui s’abat au nort, et poys sonme.
Il luy a vng sillon de perroy, qui est entre la mer et vng estanc®.
D’icelluy cap de terre et estanc 4 vng aultre cap de terre’, y a
environ quatre? lieues. Ce faict la terre en demy cercle, et tout

* The Italian reads: Dell’ Isola chiamata Alezai, & capo San Pietro.

> Ramusio has, 14. leghe.

OF THE ISLAND NAMED WEDGE ISLAND! AND
OF CAPE ST. PETER.

On the morrow? we followed that coast*® about ten leagues,
as far as a reddish head-land*, that is eaten away and in behind
which there is a shallow cove, running north®. A ridge of gravel
stretches along between the sea and a lagoon®. From this [Hos-
pital] cape and lagoon to another head-land’ the distance is four

1 The word Allezay seems to be derived from the verb alaiser or élaiser
meaning ‘‘ to hammer out the edges on an anvil.’”” This represents exactly the
appearance of Deadman islet. Vid. Admiralty Chart No. 1134.

2 Sunday, June 28. :

3 Wolf island of the Magdalen group. The distance from North cape to
Hospital cape is twenty miles.

4 Hospital cape on Grindstone island of which “ the northern shore is of
red sand-stone cliffs,” says Bayfield (op. cit., 1, 52). Mr. James Richardson in
his Report on the Magdalens (Geological Survey of Canada for 1880-81, 5-83.
Montreal, 1881), mentions that red sandstones form the whole of the cliffs, from
twenty to one hundred feet high, from Etang du Nord to Hospital cape. Cf.
also the Transactions of the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec, I, (Quebec,
1829), 44: ‘The Magdalen islands produce a red earth which is brought to
Quebec in lumps . . ./It is a very deep red, quite as deep as can be required
for any purpose in painting.”

5Etang du Nord at Grindstone island. ‘A small inlet, affording good
shelter to boats,” says Bayfield (op. cit., I, 52).

6 This was probably House harbour between Wolf, Grindstone and Alright
islands.

7 Southwest cape on Amherst island, which rises to a height of 300 feet.
The distance to North cape is thirty miles.

38 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

rangé de sablons, faictz conme vng fossé; par sur lequel et oultre
yceluy, y a conme maniére de marestz et estancqz, tant conme
l’on peult voirs*. Et auparavant arivez au premier cap®, y a
deux pe illes, assez prés de terre’®. Et a cing lieues dudit
second cap!?, y a vne ille au surouaist, qui est moult haulte et
pointue, qui par nous fut nommée Allezay!*. Le premier cap®
fut nommé le cap saint Pierre, pour ce que le jour dudit sainct **
y arivames.

leagues. The shore runs in the form of a semi-circle, and is skirted
all along with sand-hills and ditches, over the tops of and beyond
which there appear to be lagoons and standing-pools, as far as
the eye can reach®. And before one reaches the first cape® there
are two small islands, fairly close in shore?®. Five leagues south-
west from the second cape”, lies a very high pointed island’,
which was named by us Wedge island. The first cape® was
named cape St. Peter, as we reached it on that saint’s day”

8 Ibid., 47: ‘Amherst island, the largest and south-westernmost of
Magdalen islands is connected with Grindstone island by a double line of sand-
bars, inclosing an extensive lagoon, seven miles and a quarter long, and from one
to three miles wide, the southern part of which is named Basque harbour. This
lagoon is full of sands, which are dry at low water.”

® Hospital cape.

10 Hospital rock and Gull island or possibly Pierre de Gros Cap and White
Horse shoals farther off shore, both near Grindstone island and which then no
doubt contained upland. These islands alone would identify this cape as being
on Grindstone island.

11 Southwest cape on Amherst island.

12 Deadman islet lying seven miles and three quarters N.W. %4 W. from
West cape. The compass variation here is now 25° 55’ W. Cf. Bayfield, op.
ctt., I, 51: “ Deadman islet. . . is about 170 feet high, with steeply sloping
sides, meeting at the summit like a prism, so that when seen end on, it resembles
a pyramid.”’” Cf. Dawson, op. cit., 138-139, and Harrisse, op. cit., plate XVI;
and plates VIII and XIV, pp. 128 and 224. Thomas Moore in 1804 wrote some
verses “‘On Passing Deadman’s Island.” Vid. his Poetical Works, II, 337-38,
London, 1852.

13 Monday, June 29. Cf. Belleforest, op. cit., vol. II, col. 2181: “ & le
Cap saint Pierre, ainsi nommé pour ce que au moys de Juing, & le iour dedié

a ce acd Prince des Apostres & de toute l’Eglise, cette terre fut descou-
verte.’

fr
THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 39

[DU CAP APPELLE CAP D’ORLEANS; DE LA RIP-
VIERE DES BARCQUES; DU CAP DE SAUVAIGE;
ET DE LA QUALITE ET TEMPERATURE DE CE PAYS ®*.]

Dempuix ladite ille de Bryon jusques audit lieu, | y a beau
fons de sablon, et certaine sonde, qui asoumist conme l’on aproche
de terre, egallement*. A cinq lieues de terre, y a vignt ciaq brasses,
et a vne lieue, doze brassez; bort a terre, [environ] seix brassez,
[plustost plus que moins?;] et partout beau fons. Et pour ce
que voullions abvoir plus emple congnoissance dudit parroige,
mismes les voilles bas et en travers.

*® The Italian reads: Del Capo detto d’Orleans, del fiume delle barche, del
Capo de Salvatichi, & della qualita & temperatura dt quel paese.
> From Ramusio who has: da sei piu tosto piu che manco.

OF THE CAPE CALLED CAPE ORLEANS, OF CANOE
RIVER AND INDIAN CAPE; AND OF THE NATURE
AND TEMPERATURE OF THIS COUNTRY.

From Brion island to this place there is fine sandy bottom
and an even depth which gradually grows less as one approaches
the shore’. Five leagues from land there are twenty-five fathoms
and one league out twelve fathoms; close in shore about six
fathoms, rather more than less, and everywhere good bottom.
And as we wished to make a fuller examination of this region, we
lowered the sails and lay to.

And the next day, the last but one of the said month?, the
wind came south, one quarter south-west, and we sailed west
until sunrise on Tuesday, the last day of the said month, without
seeing any land, except that in the evening? at sunset, we caught
sight of land in appearance like two islands, which lay some nine
or ten leagues to the west-south-west of us*. And we made that
day until sunrise the next morning* about forty leagues in a

1The greatest depth between Brion Island and the Magdalens is only
fourteen fathoms. Vid. Clarke, op. cit., plate 2. 2 Monday, June 29.

3 Ramusio has: che ci restava drieto di noi verso Ponente & Garbin. This
was probably the high land on Prince Edward Island near Grenville, between
Charlottetown and Prince Town or possibly the capes Turner, 120, and Tryon
110 feet high respectively. Cf. Ganong’s paper in Transactions of the Royal
Society, 18* ser. V, ii, 129, 1888.

4 Tuesday, June 30.

59”

40 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

Et le landemain, peneultime jour dudit moys’, le vent vint
au su, vng cart du surouaist, et fismes couriz [a l’ouaist °,] jusques
au mardi, derroin jour dudit moys, sollail a l’est, sans avoir con-
gnoissance d’aulcune terre, fors que le soir”, sollail reconsant,
nous vysmes terre aparoissante conme deux illes, qui nous demeu-
roict® & ouaist surouaist, environ ix ou x lieues. Et celuy jour
fismes 4 ouaist jusques au landemain*, sollail a l’est, environ
quarante lieues. Et faisant chemya, eusmes la congnoissance de
ladite terre, qui nous avoit aparut comme deux illes, qui estoit
terre ferme®, qui gissoit su-suest et nort norouaist, jusques 4 vng
cap de terre, moult beau, nommé cap d’Orleans ®.

Toute ycelle terre est basse et vnye, la plus belle qu’i soict
possible de voir, et plaine de beaulx arbres et prairies; mais en

westerly direction. And pursuing our course we came in sight of
what had looked to us like two islands, which was mainland ®,

that ran south-south-east and north-north-west as far as a very

fine headland, named by us cape Orleans ®.

. All this coast is low and flat but the finest land one can see,
and full of beautiful trees and meadows. Yet we could find along
it no harbour; for the shore is low and skirted all along with sand-

5 Prince Edward Island. It was not known to be an island until after
1600 A.D. Cf. Ganong, Transactions of the Royal Society, 1%* ser. VII, ii, 20:
“Forty leagues magnetic west would take him to Prince Edward island.”

® Cape Kildare. According to Bayfield (op. cit., II, 181) cape Kildare
is “a cliff of red sandstone 30 feet high, with the land about it red and sur-
mounted by clumps of trees.” Cf. Belleforest, op. cit., I], 2181-2182: “&
donnerent nom a ce Promontoire Cap d'Orleans, en memoire de ce trespuissant,
tresillustre, & vaillant Prince Charles Duc d’Orleans, & puisné des enfans du
grand Roy Frangoys premier de ce nom, ne voulant Cartier, que le pays par luy
descouvert fut sans avoir le nom de ses Princes.’’ He was the third son of
Francis I, and died on September 8, 1545. The name is given on Mercator’s
map where the cape is also called C. de Santiago. On the Harleian and Desce-
liers mappemondes it is called c. d’Angoulesme another title of Prince Charles.
Cf. Thevet, Cosmographie universelle, 11, 1010%-1011%: ‘ assez pres du Promon-
toire que lon dit d’Angoulesme . . . nommé A |’honneur d’un des feux enfans

de France, fils du grand Roy Frangoys, Duc d’icelle ville;” and also ibid.,
1009¥,

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 Al

icelle ne peumes trouvez hable, pour ce que c’est basse terre, et
poys sonme, et toute rangée de sables’.. Nous y fumes en plu-
seurs lieulx o nos barcques; et entre les aultres, dedans vne belle
ripviére, de peu de fons, ot vysmes des barcques de sauvaiges, |
qui traversoinct ladite ripviére, qui, pour ce, fut nommée ripviére 6o*
de Barcques*. Et n’eumes aultre congnoissance d’eulx, pour ce
que le vent vint de la mer, qui chargeoict alla coste, et nous con-
vint retires o nosdites barcques a nos navires®. Et fysmes couriz
au nordest, jusques au landemain, sollail 4 l’est, premier jour de
juillet, alla quelle heure vingt brumes et serraison, et mysmes les
voylles bas, jusques envyron dix heures, qu’il esclardit; et eumes
congnoissance dudit cap d’Orleans?°, et d’vn aultre, qui en demeu-

roict environ sept lieues au nort, vng cart du nordest, qui fut

banks, and the water is shallow’. We went ashore in our long-
boats at several places, and among others at a fine river of little
depth, where we caught sight of some Indians in their canoes who
were crossing the river. On that account we named this river
Canoe river®. But we had no further acquaintance with the
savages as the wind came up off the sea, and drove upon the shore,
so that we deemed it advisable to go back with our long-boats to

7 Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., II, 181: ‘‘ The shallow water extends to the same
distance (14 miles) off cape Kildare. . . and, generally, it must be borne in
mind that there are rocky and irregular soundings, between three and five
fathoms, all along this part of the coast, frequently extending nearly two miles
off shore.”

8 Cascumpeque bay, a shallow opening five miles south of cape Kildare.
A number of small rivers flow into this bay. It is represented on the Desceliers
mappemonde and on Mercator’s map. The wind being south they could hardly
have made Malpeque bay. Vid. Bayfield, op. cit., II, 184. The word is of
Micmac origin and means “‘a bold sandy shore.” Lescarbot, op. cit., 1609,
pp. 266-267 has added: ‘‘ Or faut noter que ces barques ne sont autre chose
que les Canots des sauvages faits d’écorces d’arbres.”” Cf. J. Pope, op. cit.,
p. 46, note 18: ‘‘Some 30 years ago, a number of Indian relics, supposed to
be of (relatively) great antiquity, were dug up near the head of Kildare River.
They consisted of stone axes, arrow heads, spear points, and the like. Coming
into possession of the writer’s father, they were by him presented to. . . some
institution in London.” Kildare river flows into Cascumpeque bay.

42 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

nommé le cap de Sauvaige'?. Au nordest duquel, environ demye
lieue, y a vng hessier et bancq de pierres, fort dangereux’?. A
celuy cap nous vint vng homne4, qui couroict aprés nos barcques,
le long de la coste, qui nous fessoict pluseurs signes, que nous
retournissions vers ledit cap'*, Et nous, voyans telz signes,
conmanczames a nages vers luy; et luy, voyant que retournyons,
commencza a fuir, et 4 s’en couriz davant nous. Nous dessan-
dimes a terre davant luy, et luy mysmes vng cousteau et vne
saincture de laine sur vne verge; et puix nous en allames a nos
navires. Celuy jour!*, rangeames ladite terre’® neuff ou dix

4 Although written thus, this word according to Jean Palsgrave (L’ Eclaircisse-
ment de la langue francaise, p. 7, Paris, 1852, in 4°) was then pronounced houme.

the ships®. We headed north-east until the next morning [Wed-
nesday], the first day of July, at sunrise, at which hour came up
fog with overcast sky, and we lowered the sails until about ten
o'clock, when it brightened up and we had sight of cape Orleans!°
and of another cape that lay about seven leagues north, one quarter
north-east of it, which we named Indian cape!?. To the north-
east of this cape, for about half a league, there is a very dangerous
shoal and rocky bar’”. At this cape a man came in sight who
ran after our long-boats along the coast, making frequent signs to
us to return towards the said [Indian] point?*. And seeing these
signs we began to row towards him, but when he saw that we were
returning, he started to run away and to flee before us. We landed
opposite to him and placed a knife and a woollen girdle ona branch;
and then returned to our ships. That day 14 we coasted this

* Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., II, 132; ‘The northern shore fof Prince Edward
Island] forms a great bay, 91 miles wide and 22 miles deep, out of which the set
of the tides and the heavy sea render it very difficult to extricate a ship when
caught in the north-east gales.”

10 Cape Kildare.

11 North point, the north-western extremity of Prince Edward Island.
It is eleven miles north of cape Kildare.

*? Ibid., II, 133: ‘‘ North point. . . has a reef extending from it to the
northward and eastward one mile and a quarter to the depth of three fathoms,
and nearly two miles to five fathoms.

13 North point.

14 Wednesday, July 1.

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 43

lieues, pour cuydez trouvez hable; ce que ne peumes?!®; car,
comme j’ay cy davant dit, c’est terre basse et soname!”’. Nous y
dessandimes celuy jour en quatre lielx!*, pour voir les arbres,
queulx sont merveilleussement | beaulx, et de grande odeur, et 60”
trouvames, que c’estoint cédres, iffz, pins, ormes blans, frainnes,
sauldres et aultres, pluseurs 4 nous incongneuz, touz arbres sans
fruictz. Les terres ot il n’y a bouays, sont fort belles, et toutez
plaines de poys, grouaiseliers, blans et rouges, frasses, franboysses,
et blé sauviage, conme seille, quel il semble y abvoir esté semé et
labouré. C’est terre de la meilleure temperance qu’i soict pos-
sible de voir, et de grande chaleur; et y a plusieurs teurtres et
ramyers et aultres ouaiseaulx. II n’y a faulte que de hables.

shore!® some nine or ten leagues to try and find a harbour, but

could not do so!®; for, as I have already mentioned, the shore is
low and the water shallow’. We landed that day in four places *®
to see the trees which are wonderfully beautiful and very fragant.
We discovered that there were cedars, yew-trees, pines, white elms,
ash trees, willows and others, many of them unknown to us and
all trees without fruit. The soil where there are no trees is also
very rich and is covered with pease, white and red gooseberry
bushes, strawberries, rapsberries and wild oats like rye, which one
would say had been sown there and tilled. It is the best-tempered
region one can possibly see and the heat is considerable. There
are many turtle-doves, wood-pigeons and other birds. Nothing

is wanting but harbours.

15 The west coast of Prince Edward Island down which they were evidently
proceeding.

16 There is no opening on the coast of Prince Edward Island from Tignish
river, just north of cape Kildare, all the way round to Egmont bay in Northum-
berland strait on the south coast.

17 Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., II, 133: ‘‘ The shallow-water runs out to consider-
able distances off various parts of this coast.”

18 Tbid., loc. cit.: ‘‘ The west coast of Prince Edward island, from the north
to the west point (a distance of 33 miles S.W. by W.) is unbroken, and formed
of red clay and sandstone cliffs, with intervening sandy beaches affording landing
for boats in fine weather.”

Ad THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

[DE LA BAYE NOMMEE SAINCT LUNAIRE, ET
AUTRES NOTABLES BAYES ET CAPS DE TERRE;
ET DE LA QUALITE ET BONTE DE CES TERRES®.|

Le landemain, second jour de juillet, nous apersumes la
terre au nort de nous!, qui tenoict o celle de davant toute rangée,
et congneumes que c’estoict vne baye, qui a environ vignt lieues
de parfont et autant de traversée”. Nous la nonmasmes la baye
sainct Lunaire*. Nous fumes au cap de devers le nort o nos barc-

® The Italian reads: Del Golfo chiamato Santo Lunario, & altri Golfi notabili
& Capi di terra, & della qualita & bonid di quei terrent.

OF THE BAY CALLED St. LEONORE’s BAY AND

OF OTHER NOTABLE BAYS AND CAPES; AND OF
{

THE NATURE AND RICHNESS OF THESE LANDS.

On the following day [Thursday], the second of July, we
caught sight of the coast to the north of us! which joined that
already explored, and we saw that this [mouth of Northumberland
strait] was a bay about twenty leagues deep and as many in width”.
We named it St. Leonore’s bay*. We went in our long-boats to
the cape on the north and found the water so shallow that at the

distance of more than a league from shore there was a depth of only
4

one fathom“. Some seven or eight leagues to the north-east of this

1 That is to say, on catching sight of Escuminac Point, the northern
extremity of Kouchibouguac bay on the New Brunswick coast, they thought
this western mouth of Northumberland strait must be a bay.

* Cf. Prof. W. F. Ganong’s paper in Transactions of the Royal Society,
18* ser., V, ii, 131: ‘‘ From any position whatever in the head of the strait [of
Northumberland], he [Cartier] would seem landlocked to the south, the bay
appearing merely to extend a little deeper in that direction.”

3 After a Breton bishop of the sixth century whose festival fell on the
first of July. It is so named on the Diogo Homem and Mercator maps; but
on the Desliens map and on the Desceliers mappemonde and planisphere it is
called baye de Ste. Marie as the second of July was the festival of the Visitation
of the Virgin. Another example of double naming was the island of Orleans,
also called Isle of Bacchus. Vid. pp. 126 and 232 infra.

*Escuminac point at the north-west corner of the mouth of Northum-
berland strait. It also forms the south-eastern extremity of Miramichi bay.
On the Desceliers mappemonde (plate XII, p. 192) it is called c. Somme. Cf.
Bayfield, op. cit., II, 62: ‘‘ Escuminac reef extends two miles out to the N.E.

to the three-fathoms mark and two miles and three quarters to five fathoms at
low water.”’

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 45

ques, et trouvames le pays si sonme, que, a plus de vne lieue de
terre, ne y abvoict que vne brasse d’eau*. Au nordest dudit
cap, environ sept ou ouict lieues, nous demeuroict vng aultre
cap de terre®, et entre les deux y a vne baye®, en maniére de
triangle, qui estoict moult parfonde, dont le plus loign que pussion
voirs d’icelle, nous demeuroict au nordest’; et estoict toute rangée
de sablons et pays sonme®. A dix lieues loign de terre, y a vignt
brasses de parfont®. Dempuix ledit derrenier | cap® jusques

> Ramusio has a different reading and punctuation: & lwoghi bassi per dieci
leghe da terra: non vi é piu di duo braccia di fondo, etc.

cape [Escuminac point], lay another cape®, and between the two
there is a bay®, in the form of a triangle, which ran back a long
way; and so far as we could see the longest arm stretched north-
east’. This [Miramichi] bay was everywhere skirted with sand-
banks and the water was shallow®. Ten leagues from shore the
depth was twenty fathoms. From the last-mentioned cape® to
the said [?] point and headland the distance is fifteen leagues’.
And when we were opposite to this cape!” we had sight of more
land and a cape" which lay to the north of us, one quarter north-
east in full view. During the night [Thursday-Friday, July 2-3]
the weather turned bad with much wind; and we deemed it
advisable to lie to until the morning of [Friday], the third day of

5 Blackland point, the north-eastern extremity of Miramichi bay.

§ Miramichi bay.

7 Looking into Miramichi river between Portage and Fox islands and
allowing for the compass variation, this direction would be correct.

8 Miramichi bay is very shallow and is full of sand-bars. Cf. Bayfield,
op. cit., II, 58: ‘‘ Miramichi bay is nearly 14 miles wide from the sand bars
off Blackland point to Escuminac point, and six miles and a half deep from that
line across its mouth to the main entrance of the Miramichi [river] between
Portage and Fox islands.’ Vid. Admiralty chart No. 2187.

9 The redactor seems to have omitted several sentences here; for there
is no previous mention of this dit bout et cap de terre. The distance given cor-
responds to that between Blackland point and North point on Miscou island,
at the mouth of Chaleur bay, i.e. forty-four and a half miles.

10 North point on Miscou island. Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., II, 50-51: ‘‘ The
north point [of Miscou island] is distinguished by a green mound or grassy sand-
hill.’ The rest is low and sandy.

11 Cap d’Espoir on the north side of the mouth of Chaleur bay, near Percé
Mountain which is 1,230 feet high.

61°

46 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

audit bout et cap de terre, y a quinze lieues*. Et nous estans
le travers dudit cap1°, apersumes aultres terres et cap'?, qui
nous demeuroict au nort, vng cart du nordest, tout alla veue.
La nuyt, fist mauvais temps et grant vent; et nous convint meptre
alla cappe, jusques au matin, tier jour de juillet, que le vent vint
4 ouaist; et fysmes porter sur le nort, pour avoir la congnoissance
de ladite terre, qui estoit vne haulte terre, qui nous demeuroict
au nort nordest, par sur les bassez terres!”. Entre lesquelles
basses terres et les haultez, y abvoict vne grande baye et ouver-
ture?*, ot il luy abvoict cinquante et cinq brassez de parfont,
par aulcuns lieulx, et large de envyron quinze lieues. Et pour
ladite parfondeur et laisse et changement de terres, eumes espoir
de y trouvés le passage, conme il luy a au passage des Chasteaulx 14,
Icelle bayc gist est nordest et ouaist surouaist. Et est la terre de
devers le su de ladite baye aussi belle et bonne terre, labourable,
et plaine de aussi belles champaignes et prairies que nous ayons

July, when the wind came west; and we headed north in order to
examine this coast, which was a high land lying to the north-
north-east of us beyond the low shores!”. Between these low
shores and the high lands was a large bay and opening, with a
depth in some places of fifty-five fathoms and a width of about
fifteen leagues**®. On account of this depth and width and of the
alteration in the coast-line, we had hopes of discovering here a
strait like the one at the strait of Castles'*. This [Chaleur] bay
runs east-north-east and west-south-west. The land along the
south side of it is as fine and as good land, as arable and as full of
beautiful fields and meadows, as any we have ever seen; and it is

'? Miscou island is low and sandy so that they would easily see over the
top of it the high shore on the north side of Chaleur bay.

18 Baie de Chaleur or Chaleur bay, the mouth of which is twenty-five miles
wide from North point on Miscou island to cap d’Espoir.

14 That is to say they hoped to find here a passage similar to the strait of
Belle Isle. It should constantly be borne in mind that there then seemed no
reason why they should not discover in the north a passage similar to the one
discovered thirteen years previously by Magellan in the south. Cf. Lescarbot,
op. cit., edit. of 1617, p. 243 and p. 9 supra.

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 47

veu, et vnye conme vng estancq!®. Et celle devers le nort est
vne terre haulte 4 montaignes!®, toute plaine de arbres de haulte
fustaille, de pluseurs sortez; et entre aultres, y a pluseurs cédres
et pruches, aussi beaulx qu’il soict possible de voir, pour faire
mastz, suffissans de mastez navires de troys cens tonneaulx et
plus; en la | quelle ne vysmes vng seul lieu vyde de bouays, fors
en deux lieulx de basses terres, oti il luy abvoit des prairies et des
estancq® moult beaulx. Le parmy de ladite baye est en quarante
sept degrés et demy de latitude, et Ixxiij degrés de longitude?’.

as level as the surface of a poad®. And that on the north side is
a high mountainous shore?®, completely covered with many kinds
of lofty trees; and among others are many cedars and spruce
trees, as excellent for making masts for ships of 300 tons and
more, as it is possible to find. On this [north] shore we did
not see a single spot clear of timber, except in two places
near the water’s edge, where there were meadows and very
pretty ponds. The middle of this bay lies in latitude 47° 30’
and in longitude 73°".

15 Bayfield, op. cit., II, 20: ‘‘ The southern or New Brunswick shore is,
generally speaking, much lower [than the northern shore].’’ On the Desceliers
mappemonde this coast is called terre de Michalman, while his planisphere of
1550 and a Portuguese map of the same date have Machermay. The Desliens
map has Mercheymay and the Homem map Micheomat. For a possible expla-
nation vid. Prof. Ganong’s paper in Transactions of the Royal Society, 1%*
ser., VII, ii, 54-55.

16 Bayfield, op. cit. loc. cit.: ‘‘ The northern shore of the bay [of Chaleur] is
of moderate height, but an irregular range of hills, of considerable elevation,
is everywhere visible a few miles back from the coast.”

17 The longitude extends from 67° to 68° 45’ west of Paris. It would be
still less of course from St. Malo and even less still from the island of Ferro in
the Canaries, from which the longitude was generally reckoned. Cf. Crignon’s
Discorso d’un Gran Capitano di mare Francese in Ramusio, op. cit., III, fol. 423:
“La longitudine secondo li cosmographi comincia dal meridiano dell’ isole
canarie sotto la linea dell’ equinottionale,”’ etc. The latitude of Chaleur bay
is about 48° 10’. Cf. also Appendix II, p. 278, note 2.

61%

48 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

[Du caP D’ESPERANCE, ET DE LA CONCHE SAINCT
MARTIN; ET COMMENT SEPT BARCQUES D’HOM-
MES SAUVAIGES S’APPROCHERENT DE NOSTRE
BARCQUE, ET NE SE VOULLANS RETIRER, FURENT
ESTONNEZ PAR DEUX PASSEVOLLANS ET LANSES

A FEU; ET COMME ILS S’ENFUIRENT A GRANDE
HASTE ”.]|

Le cap de ladite terre du su fut nommé cap d’Esperance, pour
l'espoir que abvions de y trouvés passaige’. Et le quart jour
dudit moys, jour sainct Martin’, rangeames ladite terre du nort
pour trouvés hable, et entranmes en vne petite baye” et conche

® The Italian reads: Del Capo di Speranza, & della Staria di S. Martino.
& come setie barche d@huomini salvaticht andati alla nostra barcha, non volendo
ritirarsi, spaventati dal tirar de passavolanti & di lanccie fuggirono con gran fretta.
> These three words, which are not in Ramusio, have been inserted in the

MS. above the line.

Or Hore Care AND St. MarrtTIN’s CovE; AND
HOW SEVEN CANOES OF SAVAGES APPROACHED
OUR LONG-BOAT AND REFUSING TO WITHDRAW
WERE FRIGHTENED OFF BY TWO SMALL CANNON
AND SOME FIRE-LANCES; AND HOW THEY FLED
IN GREAT HASTE.

The cape on the south shore was named Hope cape for the
hope we had of finding here a strait’. And on [Saturday] the
fourth of the said month [of July], being St. Martin’s day, we
coasted along the north shore [of Chaleur bay] in order to find
a harbour, and entered a small bay and cove? completely open to
the south, with no shelter from that wind. We named it St.

1 North point on Miscou island. The old name is given on the Mercator
map. On the Harleian and Desceliers mappemondes it is called c. d’Espoir.
Cf. Belleforest, op. cit., tom. II, col. 2182: ‘‘ Apres cettuy [goulphe saint Lunaire]
est le Cap d’Esperance, portant ce nom pour I’espoir qu’eurent les Francoys de
trouver le passage pour aller en terre ferme.” Cf. p. 46, note 14.

Port Daniel, seven miles west of Maquereau point on the north side of
Chaleur bay. The old name is given on the Harleian and Desceliers mappe-
mondes and on the Mercator map. ‘‘A fine bay,” says Bayfield, op. cit., II,
23, “‘ open to the eastward, and about one mile and a half wide and deep.”’ The
variation of the compass accounts no doubt for the statement in the text that
it was open to the south.

PLATE IV.

Is, See is ies ratte Atty qe? 16, Ad pee Loma any ——
one cutee “Ds voted) ee ert Conk OO 4r oh won

bale chum é fore ae CW DIHNE Lk oo
& Is nay SD Re vt 4
\pes Beef ele pas ecw SO ten

Reee ie: al plrw ob: c Com Bans pow peony
ae maw Jk om Cats el pene

em © Powe jhe Le Bwenafinw one

baw wis he: pews femme Neo ten Fe ci ie Ac
orf bon QE Lay med. i, ee ae rae
ES ly J ny i J egy avorblnrms On Sik
bof me fifo fo waoon bho fr Laon pews amnow Lar
anew Lx fovey ~ gree moms Necyens /ayantaslanew
oe te Be To ae
on erimives Vom Se 6 Leow ~
men F ae: Eo gres cap ren ble Las eu
Peale See ae oe ~
n page Lab ig fae ame Coal fe vf
hoe he. ERS Gon cy 7

nie [wom Snes (NS See los
ao (pee s 6 Ca kryed yes 6 lemmas

eee e ag
ef agnin Co LBS mepe proms. —
ana ary cae a

foe NOE Tae

Collection Moreau, 841, fol. 56.

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 49

de terre, toute ouverte devers le su, ot il n’y a aulcun abry dudit
vant; et la nonmames la conche sainct Martin. Et fusmes de-
dans ladite conche dempuix le quart jour jusques au doziesme
jour dudit juillst. Et ce temps que nous fusmes en ladite conche,
fusmes le lundi seixiesme, aprés avoir ouy la messe, avecquez
vne de nos barcques, pour descouvriz vng cap et pointe de terre,
qui nous demouroict a sept ou ouict lieues a l’ouaist de nous?,
pour voir conme ladite terre se rabatoict. Et nous estans 4 demye
lieue de ladite pointe, apersumes deux bandez de barques de sau-
vaiges, qui traversoint de l’vne terre a |’austre, ot ilz estoint plus
de quarante ou cinquante barcques; et dont I’vne desdites bandes
de barcques arivoict alladite pointe, dont il sautérent | et dessan-
dirent 4 terre vng grant nombre de gens, queulx fessoint vng grant
bruict, et nous fessoint plusieurs signes, que nous allissions 4
terre, nous montrant des peaulx sur des bastons. Et pour ce que
n’avions que vne seulle barcque, n’y voullimes allez, et nageames
vers l’autre bande, qui estoict alla mer. Et eulx, voyans que nous
fuyons, esquippérent deux de leurs plus grandez barcques, pour
venir aprés nous, avecques lesquelles se bandérent cinq aultres,
de celles qui venoint de la mer, et vindrent jusques auprés de

Martin’s cove. We remained in this cove from [Saturday] the
fourth until [Sunday] the twelfth of July. And while there, we
set out on Monday the sixth [of July], after hearing mass, in
one of our long-boats, to examine a cape and point of land, that
lay seven or eight leagues to the west of us*, and to see in which
direction the coast ran. And when we were half a league from
this point, we caught sight of two fleets of Indian canoes that were
crossing from one side [of Chaleur bay] to the other, which number-
ed in all some forty or fifty cances. Upon one of the fleets reach-
ing this point, there sprang out and landed a large number of
Indians, who set up a great clamour and made frequent signs
to us to come on shore, holding up to us some furs on sticks. But
as we were only one boat we did not care to go, so we rowed towards

3 Paspebiac point, fourteen and a half miles west of Port Daniel. Bay-
field, op. cit., II, 25: ‘‘ In running along the land from the eastward the low
sandy point of Paspebiac. . . will be seen stretching out from the mainland
to the southward.”

48493—4

62°

50 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

nostredite barcque, dansant et faisant plusieurs signes [de joye,
et°] de voulloir nostre amytié, nous disant en leur langaige:Napou
tou daman asurtat*, et aultres parrolles que n’entendions. Et
pour ce que n’avyons, conme dit est, que I’vne de nos barcques,
ne nous voullymes fiez en leurs signes, et leurs fysmes signes que
eulx se retirassent; ce que ne voullirent, mes nagérent de si grande
force, qu’ilz avironnérent [incontinant 4] nostredite barcque, avec-
ques leurs sept barcques. Et pour ce que, pour signe que nous
leurs fissions, ne se voullirent retirez, nous leurs tirames deux

4 This word, which is not in the MS., may be due merely to the Italian
translator who has written, che subito ci circondarono la barcha, etc.

the other fleet which was on the water. And they [on shore],
seeing we were rowing away, made ready two of their largest
, canoes in order to follow us. These were joined by five more of

those that were coming in from the sea, and all came after our
long-boat, dancing and showing many signs of joy, and of their
desire to be friends, saying to us in their language: Napou tou
daman asurtat*, and other words, we did not understand. But
for the reason already stated, that we had only one of our long-
boats, we did not care to trust to their signs and waved to them
to go back, which they would not do but paddled so hard that they
soon surrounded our long-boat with their seven canoes. And seeing

4Ramusio has: Napeu tondamen assurtah, which Belleforest (op. cit.,
II, col. 2182) copies and interprets: ‘“‘ nous voulons avoir vostre amitié.” Les-
carbot adds (op. cit., 1609, p. 271): ‘‘ Je ne scay d’ou il l’a appris, mais aujour-
d’huy ilz ne parlent plus ainsi.” H. R. Schoolcraft (American Indians, their
History, etc. Buffalo, 1851, 335, note) concluded these Indians were Algonkins
but Father Pacifique, an excellent authority on the Micmac language, interprets
N-apou tou dam-an as-ur-tat -
Nit-ap gto- dem na gsa-lol-té6a, meaning in Micmac
Ami, ton semblable t'aimera. Vid. Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Québec,
vol. 16, N° 3, aofit 1922, 142, note 13.

these words as follows

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 51

passevollans parsur eulx®. Et lors® ce mydreat a retournez vers
ladite pointe; et fidrent vng bruict merveilleusement grant, aprés
lequel conmancérent a4 retournez vers nous, comme | davant.
Et eulx, estans jouxte nostredite barcque, leur lachames: deux
lanses 4 feu®, qui passérent parmy eulx, qui les estonna fort,
tellement qu’ilz se mydrent alla fuyte, 4 moult grant haste, et ne
nous suyvirent plus.

that no matter how much we signed to them, they would not go
back, we shot off over their heads two small cannon®. On this
they began to return towards the point, and set up a marvellously
loud shout, after which they proceeded to come on again as before.
And when they had come alongside our long-boat, we shot off two
fire-lances® which scattered among them and frightened them so
much that they began to paddle off in very great haste, and did

not follow us any more.

5 Cf. A. Jal, Glossaire nautique (Paris, 1848), p. 1139: ‘‘ Passe-volant.
Nom d’une petite bouche a feu en usage a la fin du XV° siécle et pendant le
XVI°.” In his work De la Pirotechnia, fol. 79% (Venetia, 1540), Vanoccio Birin-
guccio gave the modern name as “‘ mezze colubrine,”’ while Cleirac (Us et
costumes de la mer, Bordeaux, 1647, p. 497) says: ‘‘ Les Passevolans sont presu-
mez estre les Faucons.”’

® Vid., Appendix IV, p. 305.

48493—44

62°

2 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

[COMMENT LESDITS SAUVAIGES VENANS VERS LES
NAVIRES, ET LES NOSTRES ALLANS VERS EUX, DES-
SANDIRENT PARTIE DES VNS ET DES AUTRES A
TERRE; ET COMMENT LESDITS SAUVAIGES, AVEC
GRANDE JOYE, COMMENCERENT A TRAFFIQUER
AVEC LES NOSTRES”*.]

Le landemain, partie desdits sauvaiges vindrent avecques
neuff barcques alla pointe et entrée de la coache, ot estions
possez o nos navires’. Et nous, estans advertiz de leur venue,
allames o nos deux barcques alladite pointe et entrée, ot ilz
estoint. Et incontinant qu’ilz nous aperczeurent, se mysdrent
a fuyz, nous faisant signes qu’ilz estoint venuz pour trafiquer
avecques nous; et nous montrérent des peaulx de peu de valleur,

® The Italian reads: Come li detti Salvatichi venendo alla volta delle navi, &

li nostri andando alla volta loro scesero in terra l'una partie & l’altra, & detti Salva-
ticht con grande allegrezza cominciarono @ trafficar con li nostri.

How THESE INDIANS COMING TOWARDS THE
SHIPS AND OUR PEOPLE GOING TOWARDS THEM,
SOME FROM EACH PARTY WENT ON SHORE AND
HOW THE INDIANS IN GREAT GLEE BEGAN TO
BARTER WITH OUR MEN.

The next-day [Tuesday, July 7] some of these Indians came
in nine canoes to the point at the mouth of the cove, where we
lay ancored with our ships’. And being informed of their arrival
we went with our two long-boats to the point where they were, at
the mouth of the cove. As soon as they saw us they began to run
away, making signs to us that they had come to barter with us; and
held up some furs of small value, with which they clothe them-

! West point at the mouth of Port Daniel.

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 53

de quoy ilz s’acoulstrent. Nous leur fysmes parroillement signe
que nous ne leur voullyons nul mal, et dessandismes deux homnes
4 terre”, pour allez A eulx, leurs portez des cousteaulx et aulstres
ferremens, et vng chappeau rouge® pour donnez alleur cappitaine.
Et eulx, voyant ce, dessandirent partie d’eulx 4 terre, avecques
desdites peaulx, et traficquérent ensemble; et demenérent vne
grande et merveilleusse joye d’avoir et recouvrer desdits ferremens
et aulstres chosses, dansans et faissant plusieurs serymonyes, en
gectant de la mer sur leur testes avecques leurs mains. Et nous
baillérent tout ce qu’ilz avoint, tellement qu’ilz s’en retournérent
touz nulz>, sans aulcune chose| avoir sur eulx; et nous fidrent
signe, que le landemain, retourneroint avecques d’aultres peaulx.

> Ramusio has, mudi which is evidently what is meant.

selves. We likewise made signs to them that we wished them no
harm, and sent two men on shore”, to offer them some knives and
other iron goods, and a red cap to give to their chief. Seeing
this, they sent on shore part of their people with some of their
furs; and the two parties traded together. The savages showed
a marvellously great pleasure in possessing and obtaining these
iron wares and other commodities, dancing and going through
many ceremonies, and throwing salt water over their heads with
their hands. They bartered all they had to such an extent that
all went back naked without anything on them; and they made
signs to us that they would return on the morrow with more furs.

2 Bayfield, op. cit., II, 23: ‘‘ West Point is of craggy gray limestone. . . ;
on its north side there is a small cove, and a good landing for boats.”

3“ A precious thing always,” says the Rev. John Maclean (Canadian
Savage Folk, Toronto, 1896, p. 120), ‘‘ in the eyes of a Canadian red-man.”

63?

54 E THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

[COMMENT APRES QUE LES NOSTRES EURENT
ENVOYE DEUX HOMMES A TERRE AVEC MARCHAN-
DISE, VINDRENT ENVIRON 300 SAUVAIGES, EN
GRANDE JOYE; DE LA QUALITE DE CE PAYS, ET
DE CE QU’IL PRODUIT; ET D’VNE BAYE NOMMEE
BAYE DE CHALEUR ®.]

Le jeudi, VIII°! dudit moys, pour ce que le vant n’estoict
bon pour sortir o nos navires, esquippames nosdites barcques,
pour allez descouvriz ladite baye, et courimes celuy jour dedans
environ xxv lieues*. Et le landemain au matin, eumes bon
temps, et fysmes porter jusques environ dix heures du matin?,
alla quelle heure eusmes congnoissance du font de ladite baye,

dont fusmes dollans et masriz®. Au font de laquelle baye, y

® The Italian reads: Come havendo li nostri mandati duoi huomini in terra
con mercanite vennero da 300. salvatichi con grande allegrezza; della qualita di
quel paese & quello produca, & del Golfo chiamato il Golfo del calore.

b Ramusio has, fino & mezo giorno.

How, WHEN OUR PEOPLE HAD SENT TWO MEN ON
SHORE WITH GOODS, ABOUT THREE HUNDRED
INDIANS MET THEM IN GREAT GLEE; OF THE
NATURE OF THIS COUNTRY AND OF ITS PRODUCTS;
AND OF A BAY NAMED CHALEUR Bay.

On Thursday the eighth? of the said month [of July] as the
‘wind was favourable for getting under way with our ships, we
fitted up our long-boats to go and explore this [Chaleur] bay; and
we ran up it that day some twenty-five leagues”. The next day
[Friday, July 10], at daybreak, we had fine weather and sailed
on until about ten o’clock in the morning, at which hour we caught
sight of the head of the bay, whereat we were grieved and dis-
pleased*. At the head of this bay, beyond the low shore, were

several very high mountains*. And seeing there was no passage,

1 Thursday was July 9.

2 Bayfield, op. cit., II, 20: “ The depth of the bay, from Miscou to the
entrance of the Restigouche river, is about 75 miles.”

3 They had hoped this Baie de Chaleur might be a passage to the South
Sea. Cf. p. 46, note 14.

4 These were Carleton, Scaumenac (1,745 feet high), Dalhousie and Sugar
Loaf mountains with the other peaks near Dalhousie at the mouth of the Resti-
gouche river. On the Harleian and Desceliers mappemondes, (plates VIII and

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 55

abvoict, par dessur les bassez terres, des terres a montaignes,
moult haultes*. Et voyant qu’il n’y abvoict passaige, comman-
czames 4 nous en retournez. Et faisant nostre chemyn le long de
la coste, vismes lesdits sauvaiges sur l’orée d’vn estanc et basses
terres, queulx fessoint plusieurs feuz et fumées. Nous allames
audit lieu®, et trouvames qu’il luy abvoict vne antrée de mer, qui
entroict oudit estanc, et mysmes nosdites barcques d’vn costé de
ladite entrée. Lesdits sauvaiges passérent o vne de leurs barc-
ques, et nous aportérent des piéces de lou marin, tout cuict, qu’ilz
mysdrent sur des piéces de bouays; et puix se retirérent, nous
faissant signe qu’ilz les nous donnoint. Nous envoyasmes deux
homnes a terre avecques des hachotz et cousteaulx, patenostres
et aultre marchandie, | de quoy ilz demenérent grande joye. Et

we proceeded to turn back. While making our way along the
[north] shore, we caught sight of the Indians on the side of a lagoon
and low beach, who were making many fires that smoked. We
rowed over to the spot®, and finding there was an entrance from
the sea into the lagoon, we placed our long-boats on one side of
the entrance. The savages came over in one of their canoes and
brought us some strips of cooked seal, which they placed on bits
of wood and then withdrew, making signs to us that they were
making us a present of them. We sent two men on shore with
hatchets, knives, beads and other wares, at which the Indians
showed great pleasure. And at once they came over in a crowd

XII, pp. 128 and 192) Dalhousie mountain seems to be called La Bastille, perhaps
after Le Breton Bastille. Vid., p.94 infra. Cf.Sir Richard H. Bonnycastle, The
Canadas in 1841, I1 (London, 1842), 195-196: ‘‘ Nothing can exceed the
grandeur of the approach to the termination of the Bay of Chaleurs, and the
opening of the Restigouche River, which separates New Brunswick from [Lower]
Canada. The contrast between the low cultivated, or heavily timbered land
of New Brunswick, and the mountainous abrupt highlands of Canada, is very
remarkable as you narrow the Bay of Chaleurs, particularly when the mountains
are capped, or partially shrouded with dense masses of cloud, and the low land a
mixture of verdure and sunlight, and the deep clear blue outline of the upper
pinnacles is set in sharp relief against the clear sky.”

5 Doubtless Tracadigash point where there is a lagoon. The Desceliers
mappemonde has the word saulvages at that spot. Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., II,
28: ‘ Tracadigash point. ..consists of sand, enclosing a shallow lagoon,
capable of admitting boats, or very small craft, at high water.” The village of
Carleton now stands on the northern shore of this lagoon.

63”

56 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

incontinant passérent alla foulle, o leursdites barcques, du costé
oul nous estions, avecques peaulx et ce qu’ilz abvoint, pour abvoir
de nostre marchandie; et estoint en numbre, tant homnes, femmes
que enffens, plus de troys cens, dont partie de leurs femnes, qui
ne passérent, danczoint et chantoint, estantes en la mer jusques
aux jenouz. Les aulstres femmes, qui estoint passées de l'autre
costé ot nous estions, vindrent franchement a4 nous, et nous fro-
toint les bratz avecques leurs mains, et puix levoint les mains
joingtes au ciel, en fessant plusieurs signes de jouaye; et telle-
ment se assurérent avecques nous, que en fin marchandames,
main a main, avecques eulx, de tout ce qu’ilz abvoint, [de sorte
qu’il ne leur restoit aultre chose que les nus corps, pource qu’ilz
nous donnérent tout ce qu’ilz abvoint*,] qui est chose de peu de
valleur. Nous congneumes que se sont gens qui seroint fassilles

° From Ramusio who has: di tutio quello che haveano, di modo che non gli
rimase aliro che i corpi nudi, percioche ne dettero tutto quello che haveano, che fu
cosa di poca valuta. The omission of these words in the MS. is doubtless due to
the copyist having skipped from the first tout ce qu’tlz abvoint, to the repetition
of the same farther on, an extremely easy mistake.

in their canoes to the side where we were, bringing furs and what-
ever else they possessed, in order to obtain some of our wares.
They numbered, both men, women and children, more than 300
‘persons. Some of their women, who did not come over, danced
and sang, standing in the water up to their knees. The other
women, who had come over to the side where we were, advanced
freely towards us and rubbed our arms with their hands. Then
they joined their hands together and raised them to heaven,
exhibiting many signs of joy. And so much at ease did the savages
feel in our presence, that at length we bartered with them, hand to
hand, for everything they possessed, so that nothing was left to
them but their naked bodies; for they offered us everything they
owned, which was, all told, of little value. We perceived that they
are people who would be easy to convert, who go from place to
place maintaining themselves and catching fish in the fishing-
season for food. Their country is more temperate than Spain
and the finest it is possible to see, and as level as the surface of
apond. There is not the smallest plot of ground bare of wood, and

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 57

a convertir, qui vont de lieu en aulstre, vivant, et prenant du
poysson, au temps de pescherie, pour vivre. Leur terre est en
challeur plus temperée que la terre d’Espaigne, et la plus belle
qu’i soict possible de voir, et aussi eunye que vng estanc. Et n’y
a cy petit lieu, vide de bouays, et fust sur sable, qui ne soict plain
de blé sauvaige, qui a l’espy comme seilgle, et le grain conme
avoyne; et de poys, aussi espez conme si on les -y abvoict seimés
et labourez; grouaiseliers, blans et rouges, frassez, franbouaysses,
et roses rouges [et blanches‘,] et aultres herbez de bonne et grande
odeur. Parroillement, y a force belles prairies, et bonnes herbes,
et estancq ot il luy a force saulmons. Je estime mielx que aultre-
ment, que les gens seroint facilles 4 convertir 4 nostre saincte foy °.
Ilz appellent vng hachot, en leur langue, cochy, et vng cousteau,

bacan**, Nous nonmames ladite baye, Ja baye de Chaleur’.

4 From Ramusio who has, rose rosse & bianche.
© This sentence is omitted in Ramusio.
f Ramusio has, bacon.

even on sandy soil, but is full of wild wheat, that has an ear like
barley and the grain like oats, as well as of pease, as thick as if they
had been sown and hoed; of white and red currant-bushes, of straw-
berries, of raspberries, of white and red roses and of other plants
of astrong, pleasant odour. Likewise there are many fine meadows
with useful herbs, and a pond where there are many salmon. I
am more than ever of opinion that these people would be easy to
convert to our holy faith. They call a hatchet in their language,
cochy, and a knife, bacan®. We named this bay, Chaleur bay [i.e.
the bay of Heat a.

6 Cf. Father Pacifique, the Micmac missionary, in Bulletin de la Société de
Géographie de Québec, vol. 16, N° 3, aofit 1922, p. 143, notes 23 et 24: “ Cochy:
c’est ce qu’ils ont saisi de la fin du mot micmac, Temigentjitj, petite hache.
Bacan: ici on a certainement mis un B 4a la place d’un O; le mot est encore Oagan,
couteau.”’

7 Still called bate de Chaleur or Chaleur bay. The name is given on the
Desliens map, the Desceliers planisphere and the Mercator map, which has
also, G. de Chaleur at the same place Vid. Harrisse, op. cit., plate XI; plate XII,
p. 192 infra, and Kohl, op. cit.. map No. XXII, p. 384. Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I,
20: ‘The climate is warmer, and the weather in general much finer, within
this [Chaleur] bay, than it is outside in the adjacent parts of the gulf.’” Accord-
ing to Father Pacifique, op. cit. 143, the Micmacs “‘appellent encore aujourd’hui
Port Daniel, Epsegeneg, ot l’on se chauffe.” My thanks are due to Father
Pacifique for his valuable help on this subject.

64°

58 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

[D’VNE AULTRE NATION DE SAUVAGES, ET DE
LEURS COUTUMES, FAGONS DE VIVRE ET DE
s’ ACCOUSTRER ®. |

Nous estans certains qu’i n’y avoict passaige par ladite baye,
fysmes voille et aparoillames de ladite conche sainct Martin’, le
dimanche, douziesme jour de juillet, pour allez charcher et decou-
vriz oultre ladite baye; et fysmes couriz a lest, le long de la coste
qui ainsi gist, environ dix-ouict lieues, jusques au cap de Pratto?.
Et 14, trouvames vne merveilleuse marée, et petit fontz*®, et la
mer fort malle. Et nous convint serrez a terre, entre ledit cap
et vne ille*, qui est 4 l’est d’iceluy environ vne lieue, et 14, possames

4 The Italian reads: Dz un’ altra natione di Salvatichi, & de costumi & vivere
& vestir loro.

OF ANOTHER NATION OF INDIANS AND OF THEIR
CustoMs, MANNER OF LIFE AND WAYS OF
‘CLOTHING THEMSELVES.

Being certain that there was no passage through this bay,
we made sail and set forth from St. Martin’s cove! on Sunday,
July 12, in order to explore and discover beyond this bay; and
we sailed east some eighteen leagues along the coast, which runs
in that direction, as far as cape Pratto [or Meadow]”. And there
we found an extraordinary tide, shallow water’, and a very rough
sea. And we deemed it advisable to hug the shore between that
cape [d’Espoir] and an island‘, which lies about one league east
of it, where we dropped anchor for the night®. And the next

' Port Daniel in Chaleur bay.

* Cap d’Espoir, thirty miles east of Port Daniel. The redactor has omitted
to mention the naming of this cape which doubtless took place on their arrival
at the mouth of the bay. The Desceliers mappemonde has c. de Prey which
is the French rendering (i.e. pré) for the Spanish or Portuguese prado, a meadow.
Cf. Bayfield, op. cit. 1, 71: ‘‘ Cape Espoir . . . consists of red sandstone cliffs,
without beach, and of a moderate height above the sea.”

3 Leander shoal, lying about a mile and a half S. by E. % E. of cap d’Espoir.

* Bonaventure island. Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 72: “ Bonaventure island,
400 feet high, has bold and perpendicular cliffs of red sandstone and conglo-
merate on all sides except the west.’ See J. M. Clarke, The Heart of Gaspé, 94.

> Ibid., loc. cit.: ‘‘ There is anchorage in 15 fathoms between it [Bonaven-
ture island] and White head on the mainland; but the riding is insecure and heavy
in consequence of the swell, which, in bad weather, rolls round the island.”

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 59

les encrez pour la nuyt®. Et le landemain au matin®, fismes voille
pour debvoir rangez ladite coste, qui gist nort nordest; mais il
sourvint tant de vant controire, qu’i nous convint relacher de 1a
ou nous estions partiz*. Et y fusmes ledit jour et la nuyt, jusques
au landemain’, que fismes voille, et vysmes le trevers d’vne rip-
viére®, qui est a cinq ou seix lieues dudit cap [de Pratto®?], au
nort. Et nous estans le travers d’icelle ripviére, nous vint le vent,
{encore vne fois*], controire, et force bruymes et non veue, et
nous convint entrer dedans | icelle? rivyére, le mardi, XIIII°
jour dudit moys; et posames a l’entrée jusques au XVI°, espe-
rant avoyr bon temps, et sortyr. Et ledit jour, XVI°, qui est

> From Ramusio who has, da detto Capo di Prato. ° From Ramusio who

has: di nuovo havemo vento contrario, etc. 4 The writing in the MS. again
changes and from here to the end is difficult to read.

morning [Monday, July 13], at daybreak, we set sail with the
intention of following the coast, which ran north-north-east, but
there arose such a head-wind that we deemed it prudent to put
back to the spot whence we had set out*. We remained there
that day [Monday, July 13] and night until the following morning,
[Tuesday, July 14], when we set sail and came abreast of a river®
that lies five or six leagues to the north of cape Pratto”. And when
we were off this river, the wind again came ahead, with much fog
and mist, and we deemed it advisable to run into this river on
Tuesday the fourteenth of the said month [of July]. We remained
at anchor at the mouth of it until the sixteenth, hoping for
fair weather and to set forth. But on the said sixteenth, which
was a Thursday, the wind increased to such an extent that one of
our ships lost an anchor, and we deemed it prudent to go farther

® Monday, July 13. 7 Tuesday, July 14.

8 Gaspé bay into which empties Dartmouth river. Cf. Ibid., I, 74:
““ Gaspé bay possesses advantages which may hereafter render it one of the
most important places, in a maritime point of view, in these seas. It contains
an excellent outer roadstead off Douglastown; a harbour at its head [Gaspé
harbour], capable of holding a numerous fleet in perfect safety; and a basin
[Gaspé basin] where large ships might be hove down and refitted. The course
up this bay. . .is N. by W. and the distance 16 miles;’’ and J. A. Genand,
Notes de voyage—Le Golfe et les provinces maritimes (Montréal, 1872), 7: ‘‘ Quels
sites enchanteurs de chaque cété du bassin! Quels superbes points de vue! Collines
escarpées aux flancs desquelles de belles et gentilles résidences, vertes prairies cou-
vertes de verdure et de moissons ondulantes, puis le long des cétes des cabanes de
pécheurs: le tableau est enchanteur.’’ The bay is seven miles and a quarter
~wide at its mouth.

64”

60 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

jeudi, le vent renfforca tellement, que l’vn de noz navires perdyt
vne ancre, et nous convynt entrer plus avant, sept ou huit lieues
amont icelle riviére, en vng bon hable et seur °, que nous avyons esté
veoyr avec nos barques. Et pour le mauvays temps, sarraize,
et non veue qu'il fist, fusmes en icelluy hable et ryviére jusques
au XXV° jour dudit moys, sans en pouvoyr sortyr. Durant le-
quel temps, nous vint grant nombre de sauvaiges, qui estoient
venuz en ladite riviére pour pescher des masquereaulx, desquelz
il y a grant habondance. Et estoient, tant homes, femaes que
enffans, plus de deux cens personnes, qui avoyent envyron qua-
rente barques, lesquelz, aprés avoyr vng peu [practiqué °] a terre
avecques eulx, venoyent franchement avec leurs barques a bord
de noz navyres. Nous leur donnasmes des cousteaulx, pathe-
nostres de voyrée, pengnes, et aultres besongnes de peu de valleur;
de quoy faisoient plusieurs signes de joyes, levant les mains au
ciel, en chantant et dansant dedans leursdites barques. Celle

up some seven or eight leagues, into a good and safe harbour®,
which we had already explored with our long-boats. On account
of the continuous bad weather with over-cast sky and mist, we
remained in that harbour and river, without being able to leave,
until [Saturday], the twenty-fifth of the said month [of July].
During that time there arrived a large number of savages, who
had come to the river [Gaspé basin] to fish for mackerel, of which
there is great abundance. They [the savages] numbered, as well
men, women as children, more than 300 persons, with some forty
canoes. When they had mixed with us a little on shore, they
came freely in their canoes to the sides of our vessels. We gave
them knives, glass beads, combs and other trinkets of small value,
at which they showed many signs of joy, lifting up their hands to
heaven and singing and dancing in their canoes. This people
may well be called savage; for they are the sorriest folk there can
be in the world, and the whole lot of them had not anything above
the value of five sous, their canoes and fishing-nets excepted.

® Gaspé harbour behind Sandy Beach point. Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 77:
“In Gaspé harbour the shelter is complete from all winds; the bottom is mud, and
the depth . . . eleven fathoms and a half”; and F. J. Richmond, The Landing

Place of Jacques Cartier at Gaspé in 1534 in Annual Report of the Canadian Historical
Association, 1922, 38-46, Ottawa, 1923.

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 61

gent se peult nonmer sauvaiger, car c’est la plus pouvre gence
qu'il puisse estre au monde; car tous ensemble n’avoyent la
valleur de cing solz, leurs barques et leurs raitz A pescher hors.
Ilz sont tous nudz, reservé vne petite peau, de quoy ilz couvrent
leur nature, et aulcunes vielles peaulx de bestes qu’ilz gectent
sur eulx en escharpes. Iz ne sont point de la nature, ny langue
des premiers que avions trouvé!®. Ilz ont la teste truzée A
reons, tout a l’entour, reservé vng rynet en le hault de la teste,
qu’ilz laissent long, comme vne queue de cheval!?, qu’i lyent et
serrent sur leurs testes | en vng loppin, avecques des coroyes de
cuyr. Ilz n’ont aultre logis que soubz leursdites barques, qu’ilz
tournent adans, et se couchent sur la terre dessoubz icelles??.
Ilz mangent leur chair quasi crue, aprés estre vng peu eschauffée
sur les charbons, et pareillement leur poisson. Nous fusmes, le
jour de la Magdelaine+’, 0 noz barques, au lieu ot ilz estoient,
sur l’orée de l’eaue, et descendismes franchement parmy eulx,
dequoy ilz demenérent grand joye, et se prindrent tous les homnes
a chanter et danser, en deux ou troys bandes, faisant grant signe

They go quite naked, except for a small skin, with which they cover
their privy parts, and for a few old furs which they throw over
their shoulders. They are not at all of the same race or language
as the first we met!®. They have their heads shaved all around
in circles, except for a tuft on the top of the head, which they
leave long like a horse’s tail!!, This they do up upon their heads
and tie in a knot with leather thongs. They have no other dwelling
but their canoes, which they turn upside down and sleep on
the ground underneath!*. They eat their meat almost raw, only
warming it a little on the coals; and the same with their fish.
On St. Magdalen’s day!*, we rowed over in our long-boats to the
spot on shore where they were, and went on land freely among
them. At this they showed great joy, and the men all began to
sing and to dance in two or three groups, exhibiting signs of great

1 Cf. pes 52-57;

'l Cf. Rev. Peter Jones, History of the Ojibway Indians, London, 1861,
p. 76: ‘‘Some of the old men have the hair of their heads cut very close. . .
except a small tuft on the crown which is left as a bravado, so that in case they
should fall into the hands of their enemies they may be scalped with ease;”’
and The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, V, 242.

12 Lescarbot (op. cit., 1609, p. 276) has added in the margin: ‘‘ Sauvages
logeans souz leurs barques ou canoas.” 18 Wednesday, July 22.

65°

62 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

de joye de nostre venue. Mays ilz avoyent fait fouyr toutes les
jeunes femmes dedans le boys, fors deux ou trois, qui demeuré-
rent, 4 qui nous donnasmes, chaincune vng pigne, et 4 chaincune
vne petite clochette d’estang, dequoy ilz firent grand joye, remer-
cyant le cappitaine, en luy frottant les bras et la poictryne avec-
ques leurs mains. Et eulx, voyant que on avoyt donné a celles
qui estoient demourées, firent venir celles qui estoient fuyes! au
boys, pour en avoyr autant comme les aultres, qui estcient bien
vne vi[n]gtaine, que se assemblérent sus ledit cappitaine, en le
frottant avec leursdites mains, qui est leur fagon de faire chére.
Et il leur donna a chaincune sa petite rangette d’estaing, de peu de
valleur; ct incontinent, se assemblérent ensemble a danser, et
dyrent plusieurs chanssons. Nous trouvasmes grant quantité
de macquereaulx, qu’ilz avoyent pesché bort a bort de terre,
avecques des raiz qu’ilz ont 4 pescher, qui sont de fil de chanvre,
qui croist en leur pays, ot ilz se tiennent ordinairement; car ilz
ne vyennent A la mer que au temps de la pescherye, ainsi que j’ay
sceu et entendu'*. Pareillement, y croist de groz mil, comme
poix, ainsi que au Brésil, qu’ilz mangent en lieu de pain, dequoy

! The copyist first wrote, fuz, and forgot to erase it when he had followed
this up by writing, fuyes.

pleasure at our coming. But they had made all the young women
retire into the woods, except two or three who remained, to whom
we gave each a comb and a little tin bell, at which they showed
great pleasure, thanking the captain by rubbing his arms and his
breast with their hands. And the men, seeing we had given some-
thing to the women that had remained, made those come back
who had fled to the woods, in order to receive the same as the
others. These, who numbered some twenty, crowded about the
captain and rubbed him with their hands, which is their way of
showing welcome. He gave them each a little tin ring of small
value; and at once they assembled together in a group to dance;
and sang several songs. We saw a large quantity of mackerel
which they had caught near the shore with the nets they use for
fishing, which are made of hemp thread, that grows in the country
where they ordinarily reside; for they only come down to the sea
in the fishing-season, as I have been given to understand‘*. Here
likewise grows Indian corn like pease, the same as in Brazil, which
they eat in place of bread, and of this they had a large quantity
14 Vid. p. 23 supra note 10.

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 — + 63

ilz avoyent tout plain aveques eulx, qu’i nomment en leur lan-
gaige, kagaige®'. Pareillemeat ont des prunes, qu’ilz seichent,
comme nous faisons, pour l’yver, qu’i nomment, honnesta'; des|
figues, noix, poires, pommes et aultres fruictz; et des febves, qu’i
nomment, sahe*’, les noix, caheya™*, les figues', honnesta, les pom-
mes. . .). Si on leur monstre aucune choses dequoy ilz n’ayent
poinct, et qu’i ne scavent que c’est, ilz secouent la teste, et dyent
nouda *, qui est a dire qu’il n’y en a point, et qu’ilz ne scavent que
c’est. Des choses qu’ilz ont, ilz nous ont monstré par signes, la
fagon comme il croyst, et comme ilz l’acoustrent. Ilz ne man-
gent jamays chose ot il y ait goust de sel. Iz sont larrons 4 mer-
veilles, de tout ce qu’ilz peuvent desrober !.

® Ramusio has, kapaige. 4 Ramusio has, sahu.

i These two words have been repeated in the MS.

i There is a blank here in the MS. and in Ramusio.

k Ramusio has, nohda. Though Lescarbot did not visit this region he has
added here (op. cit., 1609, p. 278): ‘‘ Le langage de ces peuples a changé, car
auiourd’hui ilz ne parlent point ainsi.”

with them. They call it in their language, Kagaige. Further-
more they have plums which they dry for the winter as we do,
and these they call, honnesta; also figs, nuts, pears, apples and
other fruits, and beans which they call, sané!". They call nuts,
caheya'*, figs, honnesta, apples. . . If one shows them something
they have not got and they know not what it is, they shake their
heads and say, nouda, which means, they have none of it and
know not what it is. Of the things they have, they showed us
by signs the way they grow and how they prepare them. They
never eat anything that has a taste of salt init. They are wonder-
ful thieves and steal everything they can carry off’.

15 This word is not found elsewhere.

16 This word is given again in the vocabulary of Cartier’s second voyage
(p. 242), which shows that this tribe was of the Huron-Iroquois family. Cf.
Sagard, Dictionnaire, ‘‘ Prunes, Tonestes,’’ and ‘‘ semences de Citroiiilles, Onesta.”’

17 Cf. p. 81 infra, and Sagard, Dictionnaire, ‘‘ Meures, Sahiesse.”’

18 Cf. H. R. Schoolcraft, The American Indians, etc., Buffalo, 1851, p. 337:
“The language spoken by these Gaspé Indians is manifestly of the Iroquois
type. ‘‘ Cohehya”’ (sic) is, with a slight difference, the term for fruit in the
Oneida.” Cf. Sagard, Dictionnaire, etc. ‘‘ Tous menus fruicts, Hahique.”

19 Cf. The Jesuit Relations, etc., V, 240: ‘“‘ Je ne croy pas qu'il y ait nation
sous le ciel plus portée au larcin que la Huronne, il faut tousiours avoir les yeux
sur leurs pieds & sur leurs mains quand ils entrent en quelque endroit. On dit
qu’ils dérobent des pieds aussi bien que des mains,’’ etc.

65°

64 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

[COMMENT LES NOSTRES PLANTERENT VNE
GRANDE CROIX SUR LA POINCTE DE L’ENTREE
DUDIT HABLE, ET COMMENT EST VENU LE CAPI-
TAINE DE CES SAUVAGES, ET COMMENT APRES
VNE GRANDE HARANGUE, IL FUT APPAISE PAR
NOSTRE CAPITAINE, ET RESTA CONTENT QUE
DEUX DE SES FILS ALLASSENT AVECQUES LUY*.]

Le XXIIII™ jour dudict moys, nous fismes faire vne croix,
de trente piedz de hault, qui fut faicte devant plusieurs d’eulx,
sur la poincte! de l’entrée dudit hable*, soubz le croysillon de
laquelle mismes vng escusson en bosse, a troys fleurs de lys, et
dessus, vng escripteau en boys, engravé en grosse lettre de forme’,

ot il y avoit, VIVE LE ROY DE FRANCE. Et icelle croix

® The Italian reads: Come li nosiri piantorono una gran Croce sopra la punta
dell’ entrata del porto, et venuto il Capitano di quei Salvatichi dopo un lungo sermone
finalmente acquetato dal nostro Capitane rimase contento che duoi suoi figlhiuoli
andassero con lut.

How our PEOPLE SET UP A LARGE CROSS ON
THE POINT AT THE MOUTH OF THIS HARBOUR,
AND HOW THE CHIEF OF THAT TRIBE CAME AND
AFTER A LONG HARANGUE WAS QUIETED BY OUR
CAPTAIN AND ALLOWED TWO OF HIS SONS TO
DEPART WITH THE LATTER.

On [Friday] the twenty-fourth of the said month [of July], we
had a cross made thirty feet high, which was put together in the
presence of a number of the Indians on the point? at the entrance
to this harbour”, under the cross-bar of which we fixed a shield
with three fleurs-de-lys in relief, and above it a wooden board,

} Since the cross was intended to serve as a landmark for entering the
harbour, it was probably set up on the Peninsula, as it is called, which lies
opposite to Sandy Beach point.

? Gaspé harbour. Though there is no mention of a name being given to
Gaspé bay, it is called r. de Memorancy on the Harleian and Desceliers mappe-
mondes, and in Thevet (op. cit., 1011%). This may however be by mistake.
Cf. Prof. Ganong’s paper in Transactions of the Royal Society, 1®* ser., VII,
ii, 33. Gaspé peninsula was afterwards generally spoken of as Honguedo
(Vid., pp. 103, 178, 193, 235 and 288), and this name is given on the Desliens
map and on the Desceliers planisphere. Vid. J. M. Clarke, op. cit. 40,

PLATENV.

Jean Roze’s Map of the Gulf of St. Lawrence.

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 65

plantasmes sur ladicte poincte devant eulx, lesquelz la regardo-
yent faire et planter. Et aprés qu’elle fut eslevé en l’air, nous
mismes tous 4 genoulx, les mains joinctes, en adorant icelle devant
eulx, et leur fismes signe, regardant et leur monstrant le ciel, que
par icelle estoit nostre redemption, dequoy ilz firent plusieurs
admyradtions, en tournant et regardant icelle croix.

Nous estans retournez en noz navires, vint le cappitaine,
vestu d’vne vielle peau d’ours noire, dedans vne barque, aveques
trois de ses filz et son frére, lesquelz ne aprochérent si prés du bort
comme avoyent de coustume, et nous fit vne grande harangue,
nous monstrant ladite croix, et faisant le signe de la croix avec deux
doydz; et puis nous monstroit la terre, tout a l’entour de nous, |
comme s’il eust voullu dire, que toute la terre estoit 4 luy, et que
nous ne devyons pas planter ladite croix sans son congé. Et
aprés qu'il eut finy sadite harangue, nous luy monstrasmes vne
hache, faignant la luy bailler pour sa peau. Aquoy il entendit, et
peu a peu, s’aprocha du bourt de nostre navire, cuydant avoyr

engraved in large Gothic characters’, where was written, LONG
LIVE THE KING OF FRANCE. We erected this cross on the
point in their presence and they watched it being put together
and set up. And when it had been raised in the air, we all knelt
down with our hands joined, worshipping it before them; and
made signs to them, looking up and pointing towards heaven,
that by means of this we had our redemption, at which they
showed many marks of admiration, at the same time turning and
looking at the cross.

When we had returned to our ships, the chief, dressed in an
old black bear-skin, arrived in a canoe with three of his sons and
his brother; but they did not come so close to the ships as they had
usually done. And pointing to the cross he [the chief] made us
a long harangue, making the sign of the cross with two of his fingers;
and then he pointed to the land all around about, as if he wished
to say that all this region belonged to him, and that we ought
not to have set up this cross without his permission. And when
he had finished his harangue, we held up an axe to him, pretending

3 Cf. Geofroy Tory, Champfleury au quel est contenu Lart & Science de la

deue & vraye Proportion des Lettres Attiques, etc., Paris, 1529, feuille LXXIIII
verso at the end of liv. III, where examples are given of Lettres de forme.

48493—5

66°

66 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

ladite hache. Et l’vn de noz gens, estant dedans nostre bateau,
mist la main sur sadite barque, et incontinant il en entra deux
ou troys dedans leur barque, et les? fist on entrer dedans nostre
navire, dequoy fureat bien estonnez. Et eulx estans entrez, furent
asseurez par le cappitaine qu’ilz n’auront nul mal, en leur mons-
trant grant signe d’amour; et les fist on boyre et manger, et faire
grant chére. Et puis leurs montrasmes par signe, que ladite
croix avoit esté plantée pour faire merche et ballise, pour entrer
dedans le hable; et que nous y retourneryons bien tost, et leurs
apporteryons des ferremens et aultres choses; et que nous voul-
lyons emmener deux de ses filz avecques nous, et puys les rapporte-
ryons audit hable. Et acoustrasmes sesdits deux filz de deux che-

b Ramusio has, & subito lo constrinsero.

we would barter it for his fur-skin. To this he nodded assent and
little by little drew near the side cf our vessel, thinking he would
have the axe. But one of our men, who was in our dinghy, caught
hold of his canoe, and at once two or three more stepped down into
it and made the Indians come on board our vessel, at which they
were greatly astonished. When they had come on board, they
were assured by the captain that no harm would befall them,
while at the same time every sign of affection was shown to them;
and they were made to eat and to drink and to be of good cheer.
And then we explained to them by signs that the cross had been
set up to serve as a land-mark and guide-post on coming into the
harbour, and that we would soon come back and would bring them
iron wares and other goods; and that we wished to take two of
his [the chief’s] sons away with us and afterwards would bring

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 67

mises, et en livrées, et de bonnetz rouges, et a chaincun, sa chainette
de laton au col. Dequoy se contentérent fort, et baillérent leurs
vieulx haillyons 4 ceulx qui retournoient. Et puis donnasmes
aux troys que renvoyames, a chaincun son hachot et deux cous-
_ teaulx, dequoy menérent grant joye. Et eulx estans retournez
a la terre, dyrent les nouvelles aux aultres. Envyron midi d’icel-
luy jour*, retournérent six barques a bort, ot il y avoit A chain-
cune cing ou six hommes, lesquelz vencyent pour dire adieu aux
deux que avyons retins; et leurs apportérent du poisson. Et
nous firent signe qu’ilz ne habbatroyent ladite croix, en nous
faisant plusieurs harengues que n’entendions.

them back again to that harbour. And we dressed up his two
sons in shirts and ribbons and in red caps, and put a little brass
chain round the neck of each, at which they were greatly pleased;
and they proceeded to hand over their old rags to those who were
going back on shore. To each of these three, whom we sent back,
we also gave a hatchet and two knives at which they showed
great pleasure. When they had returned on shore, they told the
others what had happened. About noon on that day* six canoes
came off to the ships, in each of which were five or six Indians,
who had come to say good-bye to the two we had detained, and to
bring them some fish. These made signs to us that they would
not pull down the cross, delivering at the same time several haran-
gues which we did not understand...

4 Friday, July 24.

48493—53

667

68 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

[COMMENT, ESTANS PARTIS DUDIT HABLE, FAISANS
LA ROUTE LE LONG DE CESTE COSTE, ALLERENT
QUERIR LA TERRE, QUI GISOIT SUEST ET NOR-
OUEST *.]

Le landeman, XXV™ jour dudit moys, le vent vynt bon, et
appareillasmes du[dit®] hable’; et nous estans hors de ladite
ryviére, fismes porter a l’est nordest, pour ce que, depuis l’entrée
de ladite riviére, estoit la terre rengée, faisant vne baye”, en ma-
niére de demy cercle, dont avyons veues de toute la couste de noz
navires*. Et en faisant la routte, vynmes querir ladite terre*,
qui gisoit suest et noruoyst, le paraige de laquelle il povoyt avoir
de distance, despuis ladite riviére!, envyron xx lieues?.

2 The Italian reads: Come partiti dal porto sopradetio facendo il cammino
drieto quella costa andorono @ cercar la terra ch’era posta verso Scirocco & Maestro.

>From Ramusio who has, da detto porto.

How AFTER SETTING FORTH FROM THIS HARBOUR
AND MAKING THEIR WAY ALONG THAT COAST,
THEY WENT IN QUEST OF THE COAST THAT RAN
SOUTH-EAST AND NORTH-WEST.

The next day [Saturday] the twenty-fifth of the said month
[of July], the wind came fair and we set sail from that harbour’;
and when we were outside of the river, we headed east-north-
east, because, from the mouth of that river the coast ran back
forming a bay’, in the shape of a semi-circle, of which we could
see the whole coast-line from our ships*. And holding our course,
we drew near that coast’, which ran south-east and north-west.
This locality was distant from the last-mentioned river! possibly
some twenty leagues°.

1 Gaspé harbour. * The passage between Gaspé and Anticosti island.

3 That is to say (see Plate V, p. 64) after following the Gaspé shore for
some distance, they thought, probably on account of a mirage, that this
passage into the river St. Lawrence was a bay, and they therefore stood over to
the shore of Anticosti. These mirages are common in the gulf. Cf. W. Kelly
in the Transactions of the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec, III, 26-27.
Cf. also Belleforest, op. cit., tom. II, col. 2184: ‘‘ Poursuyvant le fleuve voisin
de Cap de Pré [Pratto], il y a un goulphe fait en demy croissant, qui donne
bonne grace a toute la coste, laquelle on descouvre aisement de la mer avant, &
apres ils trouverent un Promontoire qu’ils appellerent Cap de saint Loys,” etc.

* Anticosti island near South-West point.

® The distance from>cape Gaspé, at the mouth of Gaspé bay, to South-
West point on Anticosti island is about forty-four miles.

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 69

[Du cap sAInT Loys ET CAP DE MONMORANCY,
ET D’AULCUNES AULTRES TERRES; ET COMMENT
VNE DE NOS BARQUES TOUCHA SUR VN ROCHER
ET INCONTINANT PASSA OULTRE®.]

Dempuys le lundi, XXVII°, soleil A ouest, rangasmes ladite
terre, comne dit est, gisant suest et noruoest, jusques au mardi?,
que vismes vng aultre capt!, of la terre commence Aa s’abatre a
Vest, et la rangasmes xv lieues; et puis commence ladite terre
a se rabbatre au nort”. A troys lieues d’icellui capt?, y a de
sonde xxiiii. brasses et tangnay*. Le tout desdites terres sont
terres vnyes, et les plus descouverte de boys que nous ayons veu

® The Italian reads: Del Capo di Santo Alvise & Capo di Memoransi, &
d’alcune altre terre: & come una delle nostre barche tocco un scoglio, & subito passd
oltre.

b Ramusio has, sino al mercoledi.

Or Cape St. LEWIs, AND CAPE MONTMORENCY,
AND OF SOME OTHER COASTS; AND HOW ONE OF
OUR LONG-BOATS STRUCK UPON A ROCK BUT
SOON PASSED ON.

We sailed along that [south] coast [of Anticosti], which as
before mentioned ran south-east and north-west, from Monday
afternoon, the twenty-seventh [of July] until Tuesday [July 28],
when we had sight of another cape’, where the coast begins to
run off to the east; and we ranged it fifteen leagues. Then the
coast begins to fall away to the north?. Three leagues from this
cape” the depth is twenty-four fathoms, with muddy bottom ?.
The whole of this coast is flat, and the most bare of timber that
we have seen or found, with beautiful fields and marvellously green

1 South point’on Anticosti island. Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., 1, 61: ‘‘ From
South point to. . . South-West point a distance of 56 miles there is such a
sameness in the character of the coast, that it is very difficult to make out one
part from another.”

2 At Heath point, the south-eastern extremity of the island, twenty-two
and a half miles from South point.

3 Tbid., 59-60: ‘‘ The lines of 20 and 30 fathoms, which off East cape are
respectively half a mile and one mile and a quarter distant from the shore, turn
abruptly south-eastward, forming a projecting flat ledge off Heatly point, from
which the 20 fathoms line is seven miles and three quarters and the 30 fathoms
line is 13 miles distant respectively.”

70 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

et trouvé, avec belles praryes, et champaignes, vertes a mer-
veilles*, Ledit capt” fut nonmé le capt saint Loys, pour que ledit-
jour® estoit la feste dudit saint, et [est]° 4 40 et 9 degrez, vng
quart de latitude, et a soixante et trois degrez et demy de longi-
tude ®.

Le mecredi au mactin’, nous estans a l’est dudit capt, et
fismes porter au noruoist, pour accoincter la terre, jusques envyron
soleil couchant. Icelles? gisent nort et su. D2empuis ledit cap

° From Ramusio who has, & é in gradi 49. & mezo di latitudine.

4 As this word is given in contraction, it may be singular and the sense
be, «celle gisant Nord et Sud. Ramusio has: & trovamo che la risguardava Tra-
montana & Ostro.

meadows’. The above cape” was named cape St. Lewis, on ac-

count of that day being the festival of this saint®. It lies in lati-
tude 49° 15’ and in longitude 63° 307°.

On Wednesday morning’ we were to the east of that cape and
headed north-west to examine that coast, until about sunset.
The land here runs north and south. From cape St. Lewis® to

4 Cf. Travels in North America by M. Crespel with a Narrative of his Ship-
wreck . . . on the island of Anticosti; and an Account of that Island, etc. (London,
1797), Introd. pp. XIX-XX: ‘ The land, from the South-West point to the
East point, is chiefly low heaths. . .; bears no wood for the space of one or
two miles from the sea shore,’’ etc.; and Geological Survey of Canada, Toronto,
1857, p. 195: “The south side of the island, in its general aspect, is low; the
general height above the_sea is from ten to twenty feet.’’ Vid. also Hakluyt,
op. cit., III, 194, and Huard, op. cit., 223.

® July 28, the festival of St. Leobatius, abbot of Senneviéres.

® Heath point lies in lat. 49° 5’ and in long. 64° 2’ west of Paris.

T July 29,

8 Table Head, a densely wooded summit 260 feet high on the north coast
of Anticosti island and about twenty-three miles from Heath point. Cf. Belle-
forest, op. cit., tom. II, col. 2184: ‘‘ & apres ils trouverent . . . un autre [Pro-
montoire], auquel ils donnerent le nom de Mommorency, en souvenance de ce
grand Connestable Anne de Mommorency, qui pour ses vertus, sagesse, & vail-
lance a eu l|’heur de servir quatre Roys de France estant Mareschal, grand
Maistre, & depuis Conestable de France.’ Vid. F. Decrue, Anne de Mont-
morency Grand Maitre et. Connétable de France, @ la cour, aux armées et au conseil
du rot Francois 1°", Paris, 1885. His arms are on the Desceliers planisphere of
1550. The name may be given on the Harleian mappemonde on Anticosti but
is illegible. The Mercator map places it on Gaspé peninsula. Cf. Ganong’s
paper in Transactions of the Royal Sociey, 1°* ser., VII, ii, 33, 1890. There is
no mention of East point, for the reason doubtless that being some distance
off, they did not notice it.

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 71

saint Loys® jusques A vng aultre cap, nonmé cap de Monmorancy®,
envyron quinze lieues audit cap, la terre commence a se rabbatre
au noruoist. Nous cuydasmes sonder a troys lieues ou envyron
dudit cap *, et ne peulmes y treuvé fons 4 cent cinquante brasses®.
Nous rengasmes icelle terre environ dix lieues, jusques en la haul-
teur de cinquante degrez en latitude?®.

Le samedi, premier jour d’aoust, a soleil levant, husmes
congnoissance et veue d’aultres terres +}, | qui nous demoroient
au nort et au nordest de nous, quelles estoient haultes terres a
merveilles, et hachées 4 montagnes; entre nous et lesquelles y
avoyt des basses terres, ot il y a boys et riviéres!?. Nous ran-
gasmes lesdites terres, tant d’vne part que d’aultre, faissant le

another cape named Montmorency the distance is fifteen leagues ®.
There the coast begins to run off towards the north-west. We
thought we would take soundings three leagues or thereabouts
from that cape but could not get bottom in 150 fathoms®. We
ranged that [north] coast [of Anticosti] about ten leagues, as far
as fifty degrees of latitude!®.

At sunrise on Saturday the first of August, we descried and
came in sight of another coast‘? that lay to the north and north-
east of us. It was a marvellously high coast cut up into peaks;
and between them and us the shore was low with rivers and
timber thereon!”. Heading north-west we ranged these coasts,
first on one side and then on the other, to see if this'* was a bay or
a strait, until Wednesday the fifth of the said month [of August]—
the distance from shore to shore is about fifteen leagues and the
centre is in latitude 50° 20’14—without ever being able to advance
up it more than about twenty-five leagues, on account of the

° A depth of 154 fathoms is given on the charts a few miles north-east
of Table Head.

10 The parallel of fifty degrees runs up the middle of the passage between
Anticosti island and the Quebec coast opposite.

11 The Quebec coast opposite to Anticosti.

12 At about seven miles inland the hills rise to over 1,000 feet. Cf. Bay-
field, op. cit., I, 197: ‘‘ The coast . . . is low near the sea, rising a short distance
back into mounds and ridges, but nowhere exceeding 400 feet in height . . . The
sandy tracts are always thickly wooded with spruce trees.”’

13 The passage north of Anticosti.

14 Vid. note 10 supra.

67°

72 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

noruoest, pour veoyr s’il c’estoit baye ou passage’*, jusques au
cinquiesme jour dudit moys,—il y a de l’vne terre a Vaultre -
envyron xv lieues, et le parmy en cinquante degrez!* vng tiers
en latitude °—sans jamais pouvoyr gagner dedans icelle plus que
envyron xxv‘ lieues, pour la difficulté des grandz ventz et ma-
réez contraires®, qui lA estoient’®. Et fusmes jusques au plus
destroit d’icelle", o& l’on voyt la terre facillement de l’vng a
l’aultre!®, et 14 commence soy alaiser. Et pource que ne faisions

€ In the MS. these two phrases are not of course thus separated off, but
unless this is done, the sense is lost. Cf. Ramusio: Noi andamo.. . .sino
alli cinque del detto mese. all’ una terra all’ altra vi sono circa 15. leghe et tl mezzo
2 in cinquanta & un terzo gradi di latitudine, et havemo difficulta grande di poter
andar avanti, etc.

f Ramusio has, leghe cinque.

£ The MS. has only an illegible abbreviation. Ramusio has, marea con-
traria.

h Ramusio has: & non fumo avanti piu di quelle cinque leghe di dove si
vedeva, etc.

heavy head-winds and of the tides, that set against us!®. And
we made our way as far as the narrowest part of it, where one can
easily see the shore on both sides!®. There it begins to broaden
out again. And as we kept continually falling off before the
wind, we set out for the shore in our long-boats, to try and make
our way as far as a cape on the south shore, which stretched out
the longest and the farthest of any we saw from the water, the

15 With south-west winds a current of about a knot an hour sets eastward
through the channel to the north of Anticosti. Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 20 and
26.

16 The distance from North point on Anticosti to Walrus island, one of
the Mingan islands off the coast of Quebec, is only about fifteen miles.

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 1

que dechoir avaulx le vent, fusmes a terre avec nosdites barques,
pour devoyr aller jusques 4 vng cap de ladite terre du su, qui estoit
le plus long et le plus hors que nous vissions a la mer, ov il y avoit
envyron cinq! lieues!’. Et nous arrivez a ladite terre, trouvasmes
que c’estoient rochers et fons curé, ce que n’avions trouvé par
tous les lieux ot avons esté devers le seu, despuis le cap sainct
Jehan*!8. Et A icelle heure y avoyt hebe, qui portoit contre-
vent a oest, tellement, que en nageant le long de ladite couste,
l’vne de noz barques toucha sus vng rocher, qui fut incontinent
franchie, de sorte qu’il ' nous fallyt tous saulté hors pour la boutter
a flot.

} Ramusio has, quindici leghe.
Kk There is only an abreviation in the MS. Ramusio has, San Giovanni.
' Cf. Ramusio: ma ci convenne, etc.

distance to which was about five leagues'’. On reaching the

shore we found cliffs and a rocky bottom, which we had not met
within all the places visited towards the south since leaving cape
St. John'®. And at that hour the tide was running out, which
caused a counter-current to the west, to such an extent that in
rowing along that coast, one of our long-boats struck upon a
rock, but we immediately cleared it, by all of us jumping out and
pushing the boat into deep water.

17 North point on Anticosti island. Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 66: ‘‘ North
point . . .is so little remarkable as to be only distinguished by the change
which takes place in the direction of the coast.”

18 Cape Anguille in St. George’s bay. Vid. p. 29 supra, note 3.

67%

74 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

[COMMENT AYANS CONSULTE CE QUI ESTOIT LE
PLUS EXPEDIENT DE FAIRE, DELIBERERENT DE
SE RETOURNER; DU DESTROIT NOMME SAINT
PIERRE, ET DU CAP DE THIENNOT?.|

Et aprés que nous eusmes nagé le long de ladite couste envyron
deux heures, le flot commenga a faire, qui venoyt de l’oest contre
nous si impetueusement, qu’il ne nous estoit poissible de gaigner
en avant la longueur d’vn gy de pierre | avec treize advyrons.
Et nous convint laisser lesdites barques, et partye de noz gens
a les garder, et aller par terre, dix ou douze homnes, jusques audit
cap!, ouquel trouvasmes ladite terre commencoit A se rebatre au
suruoest. Nous ayant ce veu, retournasmes avec nosdites bar-
ques, et vinsmes a noz navires, qui estoient a la voille, esperant
tousiours gagner en avant, qui estoient deschuz plus de quatre
lieues aval le vent, de 14 ot les avyons laissées. Et nous arrivez
audit navire”, assemblasmes tous les cappitaines, pillottes, mays-
tres, et compagnons, pour avoyr l’oppinion et advys de ce qu'il

* The Italian reads: Come consultato quel ch’era piu espediente a fare delibe-

rorono di ritornarsi, del destretto nominaio San Pietro, & del Capo di Tiennot.

How AFTER DELIBERATING WHAT WAS BEST TO
BE DONE, THEY DECIDED TO RETURN HOME; OF
THE STRAIT CALLED ST. PETER’S STRAIT AND OF
CapE THIENNOT.

When we had rowed along the said coast for some two hours,
the tide began to turn and came against us from the west so
violently that it was impossible to make a stone’s throw of
headway with thirteen oars. And we deemed it advisable to
leave the long-boats, with part of our men to stand guard over
them, and for ten or twelve of us to go along the shore as far as
that cape where we found that the coast began to turn off towards
the south-west’. When we had seen this, we made our way back
to our long-boats and returned on board the ships, which were

' still under sail, hoping always to make headway; but they had

drifted more than four leagues to leeward from the spot where
we had left them. And on arriving on board the said vessel?, we
assembled all the captains, pilots, masters and sailors to have their

1 North point, recently rechristened, Cap de Rabast.. Vid. 17th Report of
the Geographic Board of Canada, p. 29, Ottawa, 1922. Vid. p. 101, infra.
* No doubt Cartier’s vessel.

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 75

estoit bon de faire. Et aprés avoyr, l’vng aprés l’aultre dict que,
conscideré les grant ventz d’avaulx qui commencoyent, et que les
marées estoient fortes, tellement, qu’ilz ne faisoient® que decheoyr,
et qu’il n’estoit possible de gaigner oultre en ceste saison; et aussi,
que les tormentes commencoyent en celluy temps en la Terre
Neufve; et que nous estions encores bien loing, et ne scavions
les dangiers qui estoient entre deux, qu’il estoit bien temps de soy
retirer, ou de demourer par 14°; neant et davantage, que si vne
muayson de vent d’amond nous prenoyt, que c’estoit force de y
demeurer. Aprés lesquelles oppinions prinses, fusmes arrivez
large 4 nous en retourner. Et pource que le jour saint Pierre’,
nous entrasmes dedans ledit destroit, nous le nonmasmes le des-
troyt saint Pierre*. Nous l’avons sondé en plusieurs lieux, et y
avons treuvé, en aucuns, viii**4 brasses, et en aultre, cent, et plus
prés de terre, soixante et quinze® brasses®, et partout fons curé®.

b Ramusio has: che non facevamo altro tutta hora che discadere, etc.

© Ramusio has: overo fermarsi quivi per tutto il resto dell’ anno. Vid. Trans-
actions of the Royal Society of Canada, 24 ser., III, i, p. 119, note 4. 1897.

4 Ramusio has, cento cinquanta. © Ramusio has, sessanta.

opinion and advice as to what was best to bedone. When they had
stated one after the other that, considering the heavy east winds that
were setting in, and how the tides ran so strong that the vessels only
lost way, it was not possible then to go farther; and also that as
the storms usually began at that season in Newfoundland, and we
were still a long way off, and did not know the dangers that lay
between these two places, it was high time to return home or else
to remain here for the winter; that nevertheless and moreover should
a succession of east winds catch us, we should be obliged to remain.
When these opinions had been heard, we decided by a large majority
to return home. And as it was on St. Peter’s day® that we had
entered that strait, we named it St. Peter’s strait*. We sounded it
in many places and found in some 160 fathoms, in others 100, and
closer in shore seventy-five fathoms ®, and everywhere clean bottom °.

3 Saturday, August 1.

4 This is the passage to the north of Anticosti. The name is correctly
given on the Harleian mappemonde but Mercator’s map places it to the south
of the island. See Map No. VIII, p. 128.

5 The depths vary from 154 fathoms off Table Head to seventy fathoms
between North point and Mingan island.

6 According to Bayfield (op. cit., I, 25) the bottom, in the deep chaunel,
is for the most part blue mud.

68°

76 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

Et depuys ledit jour jusques au mecredi, eusmes vent a gré,
et fort ventant, et rengeasmes ladite terre du nort, est suest et
oest noruoest, car ainsi gist, fors vne | ance et cap de terre basses’,
qui prent plus du suest, qui est envyron xxv lieues dudit des-
troit®, auquel lieu vismes des fumées que les gens de ladite terre
faisoient sur ledit cap. Et pource que le vent chargeoyt a la
couste, n’y aprochasmes; et eulx, voyans que n’y aprochions,
viendrent avec deux barques, environ douze hommes, lesquelz
vindrent aussi franchement a bort de noz navires comme s’ilz
eussent esté francoys. Ilz nous firent entendre qu’ilz venoient
de la Grant baye’, et qu’ilz estoient au cappitaine Thiennot,

From that day [Saturday, August 1] until Wednesday [August
5] we had a strong favourable wind and coasted this north shore
east-south-east and west-north-west; for so it runs, except for a
bight and a cape of low land’ that takes more of a south-easterly
direction. It lies about twenty-five leagues from the strait®. On
this [Natashkwan] point we saw smoke rising from fires that the
inhabitants of the coast were making at that spot. But because
the wind blew towards the shore, we did not approach it; and
seeing we kept away, some twelve Indians set off in two canoes,
and came as freely on board our vessels as if they had been French-
men. They gave us to understand that they had come from the
Grand bay®*, and that they were Chief Thiennot’s people, who

7 Natashkwan harbour and point. Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 196: “A
remarkable sandy promontory.”’ The bight to the west of it leads to Natashk-
wan harbour.

8 Saint-Pierre, i.e. the passage north of Anticosti. Natashkwan point
lies fifty-two miles from the Mingan islands, opposite the west end of Anticosti.

*The strait of Belle Isle with that portion of the gulf of St. Lawrence
lying just inside the strait. The name was a most natural one if it be borne
in mind that those who first made their way from the Atlantic through this
strait into the gulf were quite unaware both of the extension of that inland
water as far as Cabot strait and of the existence of the river St. Lawrence. This
west end of the strait naturally appeared to them therefore to form a “ Big
Bay.” Cf. Appendix II, p. 283. It was this expedition of Cartier’s which
first made known the existence of open water over such a vast area and led to
the supposition set forth on p. 35 supra that this was a gulf with another entrance
between Cape Breton island and Newfoundland. Vid. Alfonse’s maps in
Harrisse, op. cit., 225, N° 74 and also N°® 67 and 80 at pp. 198 and 239-240;
Lok’s map in Hakluyt Divers Voyages (at p. 17 of which mention is made of

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 77

lequel estoit sur ledit cap, nous faisant signe qu’ilz s’en retour-
noyent en leurs pais, devers 14 ot nous venyons; et que les navyres
estoient appareillez de ladite baye, tous chargez de poisson!°.
Nous nonmasmes ledit cap, le cap Thiennot*}.

Dempuis celluy cap gist la terre est suest et ouaist noruoist;
et sont toutes basses terres, bien belles, toutes rangées de sablons,
ot il y ala mer de arasiffes et basses, jusques envyron vingt lieues??,
ou!*® commence la terre A s’aterré A l’est et a l’est nordest, toute
rangée d’isles, estantes 4 deux ou troys lieux loing de terre’*, le
parraige desquelles y a des basses dangereuses, 4 plus de quatre
ou cinq lieues loing de terre.

himself was on the cape [Natashkwan], making signs to us that
they were returning to their own country in the direction whence
we were coming; and that the ships had all set sail from the [Grand]
bay laden with fish!®. We named that cape, cape Thiennot!?.
From this cape onward the coast runs east-south-east and west-
north-west,andisavery fine lowshore but bordered with sand-banks.
Therearealso a greatnumber of shoalsand reefs for the spaceof some
twenty leagues!”, when?? the coast begins to run east and east-
north-east, and is all skirted withislands to a distance of two or three
leagues off shore!*. In the neighbourhood of these are dangerous
reefs to a distance of more than four or five leagues from shore.

“Jacques Cartier’s two voyages of discovering the grand bay’); Hakluyt’s
Discourse concerning Westerne Planting, 34, 38 and 88; and his Principall
Navigations III, 134, 149, 186, 191 and 194; and finally Champlain’s maps of
1612 and 1632. Cf. Plates I, V and VIII, pp. 1, 64 and 128.

10 This shows that other vessels, besides the one met with from La Rochelle,
came yearly from France to the strait of Belle Isle for fish. Vid. p. 21 supra.

11 Natashkwan point. The old name is given on the Harleian and Desce-
liers mappemondes and on Mercator’s map. The Desliens map has C. de Nenot
and the Vallard map C. Trenot. Cf. also Belleforest, op. cit., II, 2185.

12 Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 188: ‘‘ With the exception of the first 13 miles
eastward of Natashkwan point, where the shore is of sand, this coast is of granite,
which rises into steep hills and ridges, with rounded summits. . . The mainland
is seldom higher than 200 feet, even at the heads of the bays, and it diminishes
in height towards’ the sea, as do also the innumerable small islands, islets, and
rocks, which fringe the coast.”

13 At cape Whittle, sixty-two miles from Natashkwan point. Vid. p. 98 infra.

14 Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 188: ‘‘ The innumerable small islands, islets, and
rocks, which fringe the coast . . . in some parts extend fully 5 miles from the
nearest point of the mainland.”

68%

78 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

[COMMENT LE NEUFIESME D’AOUST ENTRERENT
DEDANS BLANC SABLON, ET LE CINQUIESME DE
SEPTEMBRE, ARRIVERENT AU PORT DE SAINT-
MAtLo®.]

Despuis ledit mercredi jusques au samedy, eusmes grant
vent de suruoist, et fismes porter a l’est nordest; et ledit jour
vynmes querir la terre de l’oest® de Terre Neufve, entre les Gran-
ches! et le cap Double”. Et alors le vent vint a l’est nordest
en yre et tormente; et mysmes le cap au nort noruoist, et allasmes
querir la bande du nort*, qui est, comme davent, toute rengée
disles*. | Et nous estans jouxte ladite terre et isles, le vent

® The Italian reads: Come alli nove d’Agosto entrarono dentro Bianco Sab-
bione, & alli cinque di Settembre arrivorono al porto San Malo.
b Ramusio has, di levante di terra nuova.

How on AvGust 9 THEY ENTERED BLANC
SABLON AND ON SEPTEMBER 5 ARRIVED AT
St. MALo.

From the said Wednesday [August 5] until Saturday [August
8] we had a heavy south-west wind and ran east-north-east, and
that day we reached the west coast of Newfoundland between the
Barn mountains! and cape Double?.. And then the wind came
out of the east-north-east with fury and violence, and we headed
north-north-west and came to the north shore ®, which is all border-
ed with islands like the part previously explored*. And when we
were off this coast and its islands, the wind calmed down, and came
out of the south; and we headed into the [Grand] bay®. And the
next day [Sunday] August 9, we arrived at Blanc Sablon ®, thanks
be to God.

1 The highlands of St. John. Vid. p. 25 supra.

2 Rich Point. Vid. p. 24 supra.

3 The north shore of the gulf to the east of cape Whittle.

4 Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 143: ‘‘ In some parts the islands and rocks are so
numerous as to form a complete labyrinth.”

5 La Grande baie i.e. the western end of the strait of Belle Isle, or perhaps
la baie des Chdteaux. Vid. pp. 9, 11, 13, 15, 24 and 76 supra and pp. 95-96
infra.

6 Vid. pp. 15-16 supra.

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534 79

carmyt*’, et vint au su; et fismes porter dedans ladite baye’?.
Et le landemain, IX™° d’aoust, entrismes dedans Blanc Sablon ®,
[la grace 4 Dieu ®].

FIN DU DESCOUVREMENT.

Et despuis, scavoyr le quinziesme jour d’aoust, jour et feste
de l’Assunption Nostre Dame, partismes assemblement dudit
hable de Blanc Sablon, aprés avoir messe, et avecques bon temps,
vynmes jusques 4 la my mer d’entre Terre Neufve et Bretaigne,
auquel lieu eusmes, troys jours continuez, de grande tormente de
ventz d’avaulx, laquelle, avec l’ayde® de Dieu, nous souffrimes et
endurasmes. Et despuis eusmes temps a gré, tellement, que
arrivasmes au hable de Saint-Malo, dont estyons partiz, le V°
jour de septembre audit an.

° Cf. Palsgrave, op. cit., 172: “‘ Carme for a calme wether’”’; and also
tbid., 202.

4 From Ramusio who has: entramo dentro Bianco sabbione per lo (sic) Dio
gratia, & questo & quanio habbiamo scoperto.

CONCLUSION OF THE DISCOVERY.

And afterwards, that is to say on [Saturday] August 15, the day
and feast of the Assumption of Our Lady, we set forth together
from the harbour of Blanc Sablon, after hearing mass, and made
our way in fine weather as far as mid-ocean between Newfoundland
and Brittany, where we experienced a heavy storm of east winds
for three consecutive days, but by God’s help we bore up under
it and rode it out. And afterwards we had such favourable
weather that we reached the harbour of St. Malo whence we had
set forth, on [Saturday] September 5 in the said year [1534].

80 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

|LANGAGE DE LA TERRE NOUVELLEMENT DESCOU-
VERTE NOMMEE LA NOUVELLE FRANCE?.]

LANGUAGE OF THE LAND CALLED NEW FRANCE RECENTLY DISCOVERED

[Iddio. Dieu Dre God.
Il Sole Le Soleil. Isnez3, The Sun.
Idella ?[Stella]. Estoile*, Suroé>, Star.
Cielo. Ciel. Camet®, The Heavens.
Giorno. yo ORE. te A eee Day.
Notte. Nuyt. Aiagla ®, _ Night.
Acqua. Eaué. Ame. [H. Esmeu 7]. Water.
Sabbione. Sablon. Estogaz. Sand.
Vela. Voile. Aganie. Sail.
Testa. Teste. Agonazé8 [I. Akenontsi]. Head.
Gola. Gorge ®. Conguedo. Throat.
Naso. Nez. Hehonguesto [H. Aongya!®]. Nose.
Denti. Dents. Hesangué! [H. Asconchia]. Teeth.
Unghie. Ongles. Agetascu /! [H. Ohetta]. Nails.
Piedi. Piedz. Ochedasco ! [H. Achita Feet.

I. Ositakon].
Gambe. Jambes. Anoudasco!? [H. Anonta]. Legs.
Morto. Mort. Amocdaza. Dead.
Pelle. Peau. Aionasca!’ [H. Auoitsa!4]. | Skin.
Quello. Celuy. Yca [H. Ichi., I. Iken.]. That one.
Un manaretto. Un hachot }, Asogné [M. Atsochta!®]. A hatchet.
Molue pesce. Molue. Gadogourseré. Codfish.
Buon da mangiar. Bon a mangier. Quesandé!”, Good to eat.
Carne. Chait: s° fa one eee Flesh.

1 The Italian is: Linguaggio della terra nuovamente scoperta, chiamata la
nuova Francia.

* Where blanks occur no Indian terms are given in Ramusio. Thevet in
his list given in the Grand Insulaire has inserted here Cudrani. Bibliothéque
Nationale, MS. fr. 15452, fol. 158.

3 The second Relation (p. 244 infra) gives Ysnay.

4 Such is the word given in Thevet’s French list cited above note 2.

5 Cf. p. 244, infra. ® The second Relation (p. 246, infra) gives Anhena.

7 The Iroquois terms [I] are taken from J. A. Cuoq, Lexique de la langue
troquoise (Montréal, 1882); the Mohawk [M] from Von Curler’s Journal in the
Report of the American Historical Association for 1895 (Washington, 1896);
the Huron [H] from Sagard’s, Dictionnaire de la langue huronne (Paris, 1632);
the Onondega [On] from D. Zeisberger, Indian Dictionary, etc. (Cambridge, 1887);
and the Cayuga [C], Oneida [O] and modern Mohawk [MM] from Schoolcraft,
Notes on the Iroquois, pp. 264-281 (1851). 8 Cf. p. 241 infra.

® Thevet (Joc. cit.) has bouche but that word is given below p. 81.

10 Cuoq (op. cit. 35) gives Ononwetsa for ‘‘ nuque, cou, téte”’.

11 Cf, pp. 241-242 infra. 12 The original probably had Anondasco.

13 The original probably had Aiouasca. 14 Sagard gives this word for, chair.

15 Thevet loc. cit. has, une petite hache but cf. p. 243 infra.

16 Van Curler (op. cit., 99) gives this word for “‘ adze.”

17 In Sagard for Donme moy a manger. Cuogq (op. cit., 21) has Keskonte for
rotir.

les.

Amandole.
Fighi.

Oro.

Il membro natural.
Un arco.
Latone.

La fronte.
Una piuma.
Luna.
Terra.
Vento.
Pioggia.
Pane.
Mare.
Nave.
Huomo.
Capelli.
Occhi.
Boca.
Orecchie.

Braccia.
Donna.
Mallato.

Scarpe.
Una pelle da coprir le
parti vergognose.

Panno rosso.
Coltello.

Sgombro.

Noci.

Pomi,

Fave.

Spada.

Una frezza.
Arbore verde.

Un pitaro di terre.

THE FIRST VOYAGE 1534

Amandes,
Figues.
Or.

Le vit.
Un are.
Laton.

Le front.
Une plume.
La lune.
Terre.
Vent.
Pluye.
Pain.
Mer.
Navire.
Homme.
Cheveux®.
Yeux.
Bouche.
Oreilles.

Bras.
Femme.
Malade.

Souliers.

Une peau pour cou-
vrir les parties hon-
teuses.

Drap rouge.

Cousteau.

Macquereau 22,
Noix.
Pommes!*,
Febves.

Espée.

Une fleche.
Arbre vert.

Un pot de terre.

Anougaza!,

Asconda2,

Henyosco.

Assegnaga ®,

Aignetazé 4 [M. Karistaji].

Anscé® [H. Ayeintsa].

Yeo.

Casmogan.

Conda®,

Canut.

Onnoscon.

Cacacomy 8,

Amet.

Casaomy ’.

Undo8.

Hochosco.

Vegata [I. Okata].

Heché.

Hontasco [H. Ahonta].
[I. Ohontakon].

Agescu.

Enrasesco.

Alouedeché 9 [H.Ondecha-

teni].
Atta [M. Achta, I. Ahta].
Ouscozon uondico.

Cahoneta.

Agoheda [M. Atoga, MM.
Atokeal]. 14

Agedoneta 8,

Caheya.

Honesta ,

Sahé.

Achesco.

Cacta.

Haueda 36,

Undaco [M. Ondach].]

1 Thevet (Joc. cit.) gives Anougasa.

2 Cf. p. 63 supra and p. 242 infra.
4 Cf. pp. 106 and 171 infra.

5 Cf p. 241 infra.
5 Sagard gives (op. cit., 4) Caracona for biscuit.

7 Cf. p. 243 infra the phrase, Allons au bateau.
p. 100 gives Casoya.

8 Cf. Sagard where Ando is given as ‘‘mon beau fils”.
® Thevet (loc. cit.) has here, chapeau.
10 Ramusio’s -v can be read as -”.
12 Thevet (loc. cit) gives congre.
14 Cf. p. 63 supra where this word is given for figs.
15 Sagard gives Tonestes for ‘‘ prunes’ and Onesta for ‘‘semence de citrouil-

Almonds.
Figs.
Gold.
Phallus.
A bow.
Laton.
The forehead.
A feather.
Moon.
Earth.
Wind.
Rain,
Bread.
Sea.

Ship.
Man.
Hair.
Eyes.
Mouth.
Ears.

Arm.
Woman.
Tl.

Shoes.
A skin to cover.
the privy parts.

Red cloth.
Knife.

Mackerel.

Nuts.

Apples.

Beans.

Sword.

An arrow.
Green tree.

An earthen dish.

3 Cf. p. 242 infra.
Thevet (loc. cit.) gives Aignetase.
8 Cf. p. 244 infra.

Van Curler (op. cit.),

11 These are the words for axe.
13 Thevet (loc. cit.) gives agedoneda.

16 Here again Ramusio’s -v should be -n.

48493—6

‘ 6 See
é es moh : it oe

ete i
a f

1
ea e ¥
Ae

CARTIER’S SECOND VOYAGE
1535-1536

48493—64

EXPLANATION OF THE BRACKETS IN THE
FRENCH TEXT.

The French text here given is that of Manuscrit
Francais 5589 in the Bibliothéque Nationale at Paris
called B.

Words or phrases found in the printed version which
was published at Paris in 1545, called P, have been
added in square brackets thus [ t

Words found in MS. francais 5653 in the Biblio-
théque Nationale, called A, are given in square brackets
with a star to the left thus* [ i

Words founds in MS. francais 5644 in the Biblio-
théque Nationale, called C, are given in square brackets
with a star to the right thus [

Letters and words in round brackets should be
omitted.

Further indications will be found in the lettered
notes-under the French text.

THE SECOND VOYAGE, 1535-1536 85
DEUXIEME VOYAGE DE CARTIER, 1535-1536.

Seconde navigation faicte par le conmandement et vouloir
du Trés-Chrestien Roy Francgoys, premier de ce nom, au parache-
vement* de la descouverture des terres occidantalles, estantes
soubz le climat! et paralelles des terres et royaulme dudict sei-
gneur, et par luy precedantement ja conmancées a faire descou-
vrir; icelle navigation faicte par Jacques Cartier, natif de Sainct
Malo de l’isle” en Bretaigne, pillote dudict seigneur, en l’an mil
cing cens trante six. |

Au Roy Tris-CHRESTIEN °,

Considérant, 6 mon trés-redoubté prince, les grant[z]° bien
et don de grace qu’il a pleu a Dieu, le Créateur, faire a ses créa-
tures, et entre les aultres de mectre et asseoirs le souleil, qui est

8 A has, parachement. > P has, grandz.

CARTIER’S SECOND VOYAGE, 1535-1536.

The second Voyage undertaken by the command and wish
of the Most Christian King of France, Francis the First of that
name, for the completion of the discovery of the western lands,
lying under the same climate! and parallels as the territories and
kingdom of that prince, and by his orders already begun to be
explored: this expedition carried out by Jacques Cartier, native
of St. Malo on the Island?, in Brittany, pilot of the aforesaid
prince, in the year 1536. ;

To THE Most CuHristTIAN Kinc?.

Considering, O my most redoubted Prince, the great benefits
and favours it has pleased God, the Creator, to grant to His crea-
tures, and amongst others to place and fix the sun, upon which the

1The ‘climate’? was the zone of latitude of the ancient geographers
within which the day was approximately of the same length.

2 At that time St. Malo was only connected with the mainland by the
sillon or ridge of sand.

® Francis I. Ican find no authority for the statement of the Quebec editor
(p. IV), that this dedication was composed by Belleforest, though it is doubtful
if Cartier was the author. One would be more inclined to name Jehan Poullet.

Fol. EY

86 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

la vie et congnoissance de toutes icelles, et sans lequel nul ne peult
fructiffier ny générer e1 lieu et place, 14 ot il a son mouvement
et déclinaison, contraire et non semblable aux ° aultres planectes;
par lesquelz mouvement et déclinaison, toutes créatures estantes
sur la terre, en quelque lieu et place qu’elles puissent estre, en ont,
ou en pevent avoir, en l’an dudict souleil, qui est 365 jours et
six heures, aultant de veue occulaire, les vngs que les aultres;
non qu'il soit tant chault et ardant es vngs lieux que es aultres,
par ses rayz et réverbérations, ny la division des jours et nuictz
en parreille égalité; mais suffist qu’il est? de telle sorte et taut
tempérement, que toute la terre est, ou peult estre habitée en
quelque zone, climat, ou parallélle que ce soit; et icelle[s] avecq
les eaulx, arbies, herbes et toutes autres créatures, de quelque[s]
genre[s] ou espece[s] qu’elles soint, par l’influance d’iceluy souleil,
donner fruictz et génnérations, selon leurs natures, pour® la vie
et nourriture des créatures humaines. Et si aucuns vouloint

° P has, es.
4 P has, y ayt; C, y est. This dedication is omitted in A.
© P has, par which C has copied.

lives and existence of all depend, and without which none can
bring fourth fruit nor generate, at that place where it is, where it
moves and sets in a motion contrary and different from that of
the other planets, by which rising and setting all the creatures
on earth, no matter where they live, are able in the sun’s year,
which is 365 days and six hours, to have as much visual
sight of it, the one as the other. Not that its beams and
rays are as warm and hot in some places as in others, nor
the division of days and nights of like equality everywhere,
but it suffices that its heat is of such a nature and so temperate
that the whole earth is or may be inhabited, in any zone, climate
or parallel whatsoever, and that these zones, with their waters,
trees, plants and all other creatures of whatever kind or sort
they be, may through the sun’s influence, give forth fruit and
offspring according to their natures for the life and sustinence
of humanity. And should any persons wish to uphold the con-
trary of the above, by quoting the statements of the wise philo-
sophers of ancient times, who have written that the earth was
divided into five zones, three of which they affirmed to be uninha-
bitable, namely the torrid zone which lies between the two tropics

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 87

- dire le coatraire de ce que dessus, en allégant le dict des saiges.

philozofes du temps passé, qui ont escript et faict division de la
terre par cing zones, dont ilz ont dict et affermé troys iahabita-
bles ', c’est assavcir, la zone torida, qui est entre les deux tropic-
ques ou solistices, pour la grant challeur et réverbération du
souleil, qui passe par le zenill® [des testes des habitans| de ladicte
zone, et les deux zoies articque et antarticque, pour la grant
fr[olideur qui est en icelles, 4 cause du peu d’élévation qu’ilz ont
dudict souleil, et autres raisons, je confesse qu’ilz oat escript de
la maniére, et croy fermement qu’ilz le pensoint ® ainsi, et qu’ilz
le trouvoint' par aucunes raisons naturelles, 14 ot ilz prenoint
leur fondement, et d’icelles! se contentoint seulement, sans aven-
turer ny mectre leurs personnes aux * dangers | esquelz ilz eussent

£P has, dont ilz dient & afferment trois inhabitées; C, dont ilz en dient, etc.
as in B.

®P has, zenic; C, zenit.

» P has, pensent.

* Phas, treuvent.

+P has, d’icelluy.

KP has, es.

or solstices, on account of the great heat and the reflection of the
sun’s rays, which passes over the heads of the inhabitants of that
zone, and the arctic and antarctic zones, on account of the great
cold which exists there, owing to their small elevation above the
said sun’s horizon, I confess that they have so written and firmly
believe they were of that opinion, which they formed from some
natural reasonings whence they_drew the basis of their argument,
and with these contented themselves without adventuring or
risking their lives in the dangers they would have incurred, had
they tried to test their statements by actual experience. But I
shall simply reply that the prince of those philosophers left among
his writings a brief maxim of great import, to the effect that ‘‘ Expe-
rience is the master of all things*,”’ by which teaching I have
dared to set before the eyes of Your Majesty this preface as an
introduction to this little work; for the simple mariners of to-day,
not being so afraid at your royal command to run the risk of those
perils and dangers, as were the ancients; and being desirous of
doing you some humble service to the increase of the most

4 The saying is Aristotle’s. Cf. Metaphysics I, 4.

88 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

peu encheoirs a chercher l’expériance de leur dire. Mais je diray!
pour ma replicque, que le prince d’iceulx philoscphes a lessé, par
my ses escriptures, vng bref mot de grande conséquance, qui dict
que experientia™ est rerum magistra*; par l’enseignement duquel,
jay ozé entreprandre de adrecer a la veue de vostre magesté
roialle cestuy propos, en maniére de prologue de ce myen petit
labeur; car, suyvaot vostre roial conmandement, les simples
mariniers de présent, noa ayans eu tant de craincte d’eulx™ mectre
en°® l’aventure d’iceulx perilz et dangers qu’ilz ont eu et ont desir
de vous faire trés-humble service, 4 l’augmentation de la trés-
saincte foy chrestienne, ont congneu le contraire d’icelle oppinion
desdictz philozophes, par vraye expériance.

J’ay alleguéP? ce que davant, pource que je regarde que le
souleil, qui, chaincun jour, se lieve a l’oriant et se reconse%? a
Voccidant, faict’ le tour et circuyt de la terre®, donnant lumiére

P has, diciz.

™¥From P. B has, experiantia.

" C has, de soy.

° P has, ad.

PP has, Je allegue.

4 C has, retire.
®From PandC. B has, faisant.

holy Christian faith, have convinced themselves by actual
experience of the unsoundness of that opinion of the ancient
philosophers.

I have set forth the above for the reason that just as the sun
which rises every day in the east and sets in the west, goes round
and makes the circuit of the earth®, giving light and heat to every-
one in twenty-four hours, which is a natural day, without any
interruption of its movement and natural course, so I, in my
simple understanding, and without being able to give any other
reason, am of opinion that it pleases God in His divine goodness,
that all human beings inhabiting the surface of the globe, just
as they have sight and knowledge of the sun, have had and are to
have in time to come knowledge of and belief in our holy faith.
For first our most holy faith was sown and planted in the Holy
Land, which is in Asia to the east of our Europe, and afterwards
by succession of time, it has been carried and proclaimed to us,
and at length to the west of our Europe, just like the sun, carry-

5 Copernicus did not publish his, De revolutionibus orbium celestium until 1543.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 89

et challeur 4 tout le monde en vingt quatre heures, qui est vng
jour naturel, sans aucune interruption de son mouvement et cours
naturel. A l’exemple de quoy®, je pense en mon simple * entende-
ment, et sans autre raison y alleguer, qu’il pleust" 4 Dieu, par sa
divine bonté, que toutes humaines créatures, estantes et habi-
tantes sur le globe” de la terre, ainsi qu’elles ont veue et congnoes-
sance d’iceluy souleil, aint eu et ayent pour le temps a venir, con-
gnoissance et créance de nostre saincte foy. Car premiérement icelle
nostre trés-saincte foy a esté semée et plantée en “ la Terre Saincte,
qui est en |’Asye, a l’oriant de nostre Europpe, et dempuis, par
succession de temps, apportée et divulguée jucques 4 nous; et
finablement en™ l’occidant de nostredicte Europpe, a l’exemple
dudict souleil, portant sa clarté et challeur d’oriant en occidant,
comme dict est. Et parreillement auxi avons veu icelle nostre
trés-saincte foy, par pluseurs foyz, a l’occasion | des meschans

®* P has, duquel which C has copied.

*P has, @ mon foible.

"P has, plaist, which C has copied.

Y From P. B has, clobe: P, soubz le globe.
YP has. a.

ing its light and its heat from east to west, as already set forth.
And likewise also, we have seen this most holy faith of ours in
the struggle against wicked heretics and false law-makers here
and there sometimes go out and then suddenly shine forth again
and exhibit its brightness more clearly than before. And even
now at present, we see how the wicked Lutherans, apostates and
imitators of Mahomet, from day to day strive to cloud it over and
finally to put it out altogether, if God and the true members of
the same did not guard against this with capital punishment,
as one sees daily by the good regulations and orders you have
instituted throughout your territories and kingdom. Likewise
also one sees the princes of Christendom and the true pillars of
the Catholic church, unlike the above infants of Satan, striving
day by day to extend and enlarge the same, as the Catholic king

® The first Hugenot executed seems to have been Jacques Pauvan burnt
at Paris in August, 1528. During the winter of 1534-1535 however some twenty-
four persons met a similar fate in the affair of the Posters. Vid H. M. Baird,
History of the Rise of the Huguenots, I, 89-90 and 178, note 3, London, 1880.

90 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

héréticques et faulx législateurs*, eclipser en aucuns lieux, et
dempuis soubdainement” reluire et monstrer sa clarté plus apper-
tement que auparavant. Et maintenant vncores a présent, voions
comme les meschans Lutheriens, [apostatz et imitateurs de Ma-
honnet], de jour en aultre, s’efforcent d’icelle obnubiller’, et finable-
ment du tout estaindre, si Dieu et les vrayz suppostz d’icelle n’y
donnoint® ordre par mortelle justice®, ainsi que on voit faire
chaincun jour en voz pays et royaulme, par [le] bon ordre et police
que y avez mys. Parreillement auxi voit on comme, au contraire
d’iceulx enfens de Satan, les princes” chrestiens et vrayz pilliers de
l’Eglise catolicque s’efforcent, de jour en aultre, d’icelle aug-
menter et acroistre, ainsi que a faict le catholicque Roy d’Espai-
gne! es terres qui, par son commandement, ont esté descouvertes
a° l’occidant de ses pays et royaulme[s, les]quelles, auparavant,
nous estoint incongneues, estranges et hors de nostre foy, comme
la Neufve Espaigne, l’Ysabelle, Terre Ferme® et aultres ysles,

*From P. B and C have, legistateurs. @P has, donnent.
¥ C has, semblablement. > P has, paoures.

2 P has, opprimer. °P has, en.

of Spain’ has done in the countries discovered to the west of his
lands and kingdoms, which before were unknown to us, unexplored
and without the pale of our faith, as New Spain, Isabella, the
Spanish Main® and other islands, where innumerable peoples
have been found, who have been baptized and brought over to
our most holy faith.

And now through the present expedition undertaken at your
royal command for the discovery of the lands in the west formerly
unknown to you and to us, lying in the same climates and parallels
as your territories and kingdom, you will learn and hear of their

7 Charles V.

8 New Spain was Mexico: Isabella is the name given to Cuba on the
Waldseemiiller map, while the Spanish Main embraced the coast from the isthmus
of Panama to the mouth of the Orinoco.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 91

ou on a trouvé innumerable peuple(s), qui a esté baptisé et reduict
a° nostre trés-saincte foy.
Et maintenant en la présente navigation, faicte par vostre
roial conmandement, en la descouverture des terres occidantalles,
estantes soubz les clymatz et paralelles de voz pays et roiaulme,
non auparavant a vous ny A nous congneues, pourrez veoirs et
savoir la bonté et fertillité d’icelle[s], la innumerable cantité des
peuples y habitans, la bonté et paisibleté d’iceulx, et pareillement
la fécondité du grant fleuve® qui decourt? et arouse le parmy © @ "#"
$ q 0 p y: de Canada
d’icelles voz terres, qui est le plus grant sans conparaison, que on
saiche jamais-avoir veu. [Les]quelles choses donnent a ceulx qui
les ont veues, certaine espérance de l’augmentation future de
nostredicte trés-saincte foy, [&] de voz seigneuries et nom trés-
chrestien, ainsi qu’il | vous plaira veoir par ce[stuy] present petit 2”
livre, auquel sont amplement contenues toutes les choses dignes
de memoire que avons veues et qui nous sont avenues, tant en
faisant ladicte navigation que estans et faisans séjour en vosdictz
pays et terres, les rottes, dangers et gisemens d’icelles terres.

4 P has, descend.
41From P and C. B has non.

fertility and richness, of the immense number of peoples living

there, of their kindness and peacefulness, and likewise of the
richness of the great river’, which flows through and waters the Ce Pes
midst of these lands of yours, which is without comparison the £
largest river that is known to have ever been seen. These things

fill those who have seen them with the sure hope of the future
increase of our most holy faith and of your possessions and most
Christian name, as you may be pleased to see in this present
booklet wherein is fully set forth everything worthy of note that

we saw or that happened to us both in the course of the above

voyage and also during our stay in those lands and territories of

yours, as well as the routes, dangers and situation of those

lands.

® The St. Lawrence.

92 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

Le dimanche, jour et feste de la Pandecoste, XVI™° jour de

may, en l’an® mil cing cens trente cing, du commandement du?
cappitaine’® et bon voulloir de tous, chascun® se confessa, et
ressumes tous ensemblement Nostre Créateur en l’eglise cathe-
dral[e] dudict® Sainct Malo. Aprés lequel avoir receu, fumes nous
présenter au cueur de ladicte église, davant révérand pére en Dieu
Monseigneur! de Sainct Malo, lequel, en son estat episcopal, nous
donna sa bénédiction?}.

°From Pand C. Aand B have, audict an.

£C has, de nostre.

In the dedication, which however may be by another hand, there is,
chaincun. Elsewhere in B and C there is always a contraction. A and P give
the spelling in the text.

4 P and C have, de.

iP has, monsieur.

On Sunday, May 16, the day and feast of Whitsuntide, in the
year 1535, by command of the Captain?° and the willing consent
of all, each confessed himself and we all received our Creator
together in the Cathedral of St. Malo. After communion we went
and kneeled in the choir of the church before the Reverend Father
in God Monseigneur St. Malo who, in his episcopal state, gave us
his benediction".

10 Jacques Cartier.

11 Denis Brigonnet, who had been made bishop of St. Malo in 1513, suffered
towards the close of his life so much in health that on December 31, 1534, Francis
I gave permission for the former’s nephew, ‘‘ Francois Bohier, abbé de l’abbaye
de Nostre Dame de Bernay, de l’ordre sainct Benoist,” to take possession of the
see. On January 5, 1535, this man took the oath of fidelity before the king at
Paris. It was he who officiated on this occasion. Brigonnet died on 18 December,
1535. Vid. Archives de la Loire-Inférieure, série B 52, fols. 93-94; P. P. B.
Gams, Series episcoporum ecclesie catholice, etc., 618, Ratisbone, 1873; and
Guy Bretonneau, Histoire généalogique de la maison des Bricgonnets, 39 and
225-278, Paris, 1620. In 1891 the following inscription was placed in the floor
of the Cathedral by the late Honoré Mercier:

Ici
s’est agenovillé
Jacqves Cartier
Povr recevoir la bénédiction
de l’évéqve de Saint Malo
A son départ povr la découverte
dv Canada le 16 mai 1535.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 D3)

Et le mercredi ensuivant, dix-neufviesme jour [dudict moys]*
de may, le vent vint bon et convenable; et appareillasmes avecq
lesdictz troys navires, savoir: la Grand Hermyne, du port de
envyron cent a vi** thonneaulx, ot estoit ledict cappitaine-géné-
ral, et pour maistre Thomas Fromont?!”, Claude de! Pontbryand,
filz du seigneur de Montreal!? et eschansson de monseigneur le
Daulphain!*, Charles de La Pommeraye?®, [Jehan Poullet]+®,
et aultres gentilzhommes. Au second navire, nommé la Petite
Hermyne, du port de envyron soixante thonneaulx, estoit cappi-
taine, soubz ledict Cartier+’, Macé Jalobert!*®, et maistre Guil-
laume Le Maryé?®, et au tiers et plus petit navire, nommé |’Heme-
rillon, du port de envyron xl thonneaulx, en estoit cappitaine
Guillaume Le Breton?°, et maistre Jaques Maingart?). Et

iP, Cand A have du. Vid. p. 148.

And on the Wednesday following, May 19, the wind came
fair and in our favour and we set sail with three vessels, namely,
the Great Ermine of some 100 to 120 tons’ burden, on board of
which sailed the Commander, [Cartier] with Thomas Fromont??
as mate, and Claud de Pontbriant!*, son of the Lord of Montreal,
and cup-bearer to His Highness the Dauphin?*, Charles de La
Pommeraye?®, John Poulet!®, and other gentlemen. In the
second ship called the Little Ermine of about sixty tons’ burden,
went as captain under Cartier!’, Macé Jalobert!® and William

12 He was from La Bouille near Rouen. Vid. Jotion des Longrais, Jacques
Cartier, p. 128, Paris, 1888.

13 Although P has, Montreuil, in all probability he was the son of Pierre de
Pontbriant, seigneur de Montréal in the department of the Gers, who was captain
of the famous castle of Bergerac under Francis I, Francois de Pontbriant,
governor and seneschal of Limousin under Henri II, was doubtless his eldest
brother. Vid. M. Lainé, Archives généalogiques et historiques de la noblesse de
France, tome 1°", art. Pontbriant, pp. 7 et seg. Paris, 1828; and Biblioth. Nat.,
Cabinet des titres, Piéces originales, vol. 2334, n°° 52,557, n°* 50, 57-63, 68-70
and 73-75 and Carrés d’Hozier, vol. 505, fol. 145.

14 Vid. p. 36 supra note 21.

15 According to M. Jotion des Longrais (op. cit., p. 142 note 1) he was a
nephew of Olivier de La Pommeraye, canon of St. Malo and archdeacon of Dinan.

16 Though this man’s name does not occur in any of the MSS. he was in
all probability the redactor of this and of the former Relation. He hailed from
Dol near St. Malo. Vid. Biggar, Early Trading Companies, p. 215 and note.

17 This is the only mention of Cartier by name in the whole Relation.
It is not surprising therefore that the edition of 1545 was not at first connected
with him and his voyages.

94 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

3% navigasmes avecq bon temps | jusques au vingt sixiesme * jour
dudict moys de may, que le temps se tourna en yre et tormente,
qui nous a duré, en ventz contraires et serraisons, autant que
jamais navires qui passassent ladicte mer, eussent, sans aucun
amandement, tellement que le vingt cinquiesme! jour de jung,
par ledict mauvays temps et serraison, nous entreperdymes tous
troys, sans que nous ayons eu nouvelles les vngs des aultres jus-
ques a la Terre Neufve, 14 ot [nous] avyons limytté nous trouver
tous ensemble.

Et despuis nous estre entreperduz, avons esté avecq la nef
généralle par la mer, de tous ventz contraires, jusques au VII°
jour [du moys] de juillet, que nous arrivasmes 4 ladicte Terre
Neufve, et prinsmes terre A l’isle es™ Oyseaulx”*, laquelle” est

KP has, 20.

1C has, XX Vie,
m P has, aux.

"C has, qui.

Le Marié!® as mate; and as captain of the third and smallest
vessel named the Merlin of some forty tons’ burden, went William
Le Breton?® with Jack Maingard as mate”!. We sailed on
in fine weather until [Wednesday] May 26, when it turned bad
and stormy and continued so for such a long time with incessant
headwinds and overcast sky that no ships that have crossed the
ocean ever had more of it; so much so that on [Friday] June 25,
on account of this bad weather and lowering sky, we all three
became separated and had no news of one another until we reached
Newfoundland, where we had agreed to meet.

And after separation, we in the commander’s vessel had
continual headwinds until [Wednesday], July 7, when we sighted
Newfoundland and made land at the isle of Birds??, which lies

18 He was married to Alison des Granches, the sister of Cartier’s own wife.
It is possible that Hermine Jalobert was his sister and that we have here the
origin of the name of the two larger vessels. Vid. Joiion des Longrais, op. cit.,
130.

19 The father of Jean Le Marié, a canon of St. Malo.

20 The son of Guillaume Le Breton, sieur de La Bastille near Limoilou at
Paramé. Vid. also p. 54 supra note 4.

*1 The son of Allain Maingard and Collette des Granches.

22Funk island which Cartier had already visited on the first voyage.
Vid. p. 6 supra.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 95

4 xiiili lieues de la grand terre. Quelle® ysle est si trés-plaine
d’oiseaulx, que tous les navires de France y pourroyent facille-
ment charger sans que on s’apperceust qule |’Jon en eust tiré; et
14 en prinsmes deux barquées”, pour parties de noz victailles?*.
Icelle ysle est en l’eslevation du polle en quarente neuf degrez,
quarente mynuttes”*. Et le VIII® jour dudict moys, nous appa-
reillames de ladite ysle, et avecq bon temps vinsmes au hable*®
de Blanc Sablon, estant en® la baye des Chasteaulx?®, le quin-
ziesme jour dudict moys, qui est le lieu of nous devyons randre.
Auquel lieu fumes attendans noz compaignons, jusques au vingt
sixiesme jour | dudict moys, [lequel jour "] ilz arrivérent tous deulx
ensemble; et 14 nous acoustrasmes et prinsmes eaues, boys et aul-
tres choses nécessaires. Et appareillasmes et fymes voille pour

° C has, laquelle.

P P has, barques.

9 P and C have, a.

TFrom P. A, B and C have, moys, qu’ilz, etc.

fourteen leagues from the main shore. This island is so exceeding
full of birds that all the ships of France might load a cargo of them
without one perceiving that any had been removed. We took
away two boat-loads to add to our stores**. This island lies in
latitude 49° 40’ N?*. On [Thursday], July 8, we set sail in fine
weather from this island, and on [Thursday] the fifteenth of that
month reached the harbour of Blanc Sablon?®, lying inside the
bay of Castles?®, which was the point where we had agreed to
meet. We stayed there awaiting our consorts until [Monday]
the twenty-sixth of the month, on which day they both arrived
together. Here we refitted and took on board wood, fresh water
and other necessaries. And at daybreak on [Thursday] the
twenty-ninth of that month, we made sail and got under way to
continue our voyage; and headed along the north shore [of the
gulf], which ran east-north-east and west-south-west, until about
eight o’clock in the evening, when we lowered sail opposite to two
islands?” which stretch farther out than the others. These we

23 Cf. supra p. 7, note 6.

24 Funk island lies in latitude 49° 45’ 29” N.

25 Tescarbot, op. cit., 1609, p. 295 has added: “ L’autheur écrit ainsi ce
que nous disons havre.”’ It is still called by the same name. Vid p. 15 supra.

26 The strait of Belle Isle. Vid. p. 9 supra.
27 Dukes and Shagg islands near Cumberland harbour.

4°

96 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER =

passer oultre, le vingt neufviesme jour dudict moys, a l’aube du
jour; et fismes porter le long de la coste du nort, gisant est nord-
est et ouaist surouaist®, jusques envyron les huict heures du soir,
que mismes les voilles bas, le travers de deulx ysles*’ qui s’avan-
sent plus hors que les aultres, que nous nommasmes, les ysles
sainct Guillaume**®, lesquelles* sont envyron vingt lieues oultre
le hable de Brest?®. Le tout de ladicte coste, dempuis les Chas-
teaulx?® jusques icy, gist est nordest et ouaist surouaist, rangée
de plusieurs ysles et terres, toute hachée et pierreuse, sans aucunes
terres ny boys, fors en aucunes vallées®°.

§P has always, Ornaist, Surnatst, etc. Vid. Joiion des Longrais, op. cit.,
129, note 1. *P has, £f

named ‘St. William’s islands ’?°. They lie about twenty leagues
beyond the harbour of Brest?®. The whole coast from the Cas-
tles*® to this point runs east-north-east and west-south-west,
and is bordered with numerous islands. The shore is broken
and rocky having no soil nor timber except in some of the valleys*®.

On the following day, the last but one of the month*!, we
sailed westward to examine some other islands*”, which lay some
twelve leagues and a half from us. Between the two groups of
islands, the coast forms a bight running north??, full of islands

?8 The festival of St. William, bishop of St. Brieux near St. Malo fell on
that day.

29 Bonne Espérance harbour. Vid. p. 17 supra.

39 Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 143, cited supra p. 22, note 8.

31 Friday, July 30.

32 Great Mecatina and the islands about it ie. Treble Hill, Flat, Dukes and
Murr islands which lie off cape Mecatina. The latter is fifty-five miles from
cape Whittle. Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 167: ‘‘ Great Mecattina island, about
33 miles long, north and south, and about 3 miles wide, is distant rather more
than 2 miles from...the nearest part of the mainland to the north-west.
Treble Hill island lies E. by S., about 3 miles from the centre of [Great Mecat-
ina] island; Flat island lies S.S.E. 3 E. 3 miles from the south point [of Great
Mecatina]. Treble Hill and Flat islands are quite bold all round.”

33 Ha-Ha bay. Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 166: ‘ The bay runs in about eight
miles, N.E. by N.”

34 Ibid. I, 163-164: ‘The coast between Mistanoque island and cape
Mecattina is broken into large bays and inlets, between large islands of moderate
height .. . and partially covered with moss. Many smaller islands, islets, and

PLATE VI

Pee fC : 13 !

” ie Came wre Se <f brs prmrnant sons oe LE
Se Serene oe oor sta ‘

ier Oo abe a. a- mp

Bowtie: Ee ak © eevee po ss
Soe > Ae = Pree Zs
, le
i epEee Toe N

| OR oc ya “pe

TEs = Om. Somme J thier )

ee ae
= aie

MS. fr. 5589, called B. fol. 18.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 97

Le landemain, penultime jour dudict moys*!, nous fimes

courrir 4 ouaist, pour avoir congnoissance d’aultres ysles*?, qui
nous demouroyent envyron douze lieues et demyes; entre les-
quelles ysles se faict vne conche" vers le nort?*, toute a ysles et
grandes bayes’, apparessantes y avoir plusieurs bons hables*+.
Nous © les nommasmes les ysles saincte Martre®*; hors | lesquelles,
envyron vne lieue et demye a la mer, y a vne basse ®® bien donge-
reuse, oti il y a quatre ou cinq testes, qui demeurent le travers
desdictes bayes, en la routte d’est et ouaist desdictes ysles sainct
Guillaume®’, et aultres ysles*®, qui demeurent 4 ouaist surouaist

" P has always, couche. Vv P has, grande voye.
WP and C have, &.

and large bays where to all appearance are some good harbours *?+.

We named these islands ‘‘St. Martha’s islands’*®. About a
league and a half from them lies a very dangerous shoal*®, and
in the course east and west from St. William’s islands*” are four
or five patches lying off the above bays. Some seven leagues to

4yv

the west-south-west of St. Martha’s islands®® lie more islands?® °

which we reached that day about one o’clock in the afternoon.

rocks are interspersed, and outside all the coast is lined with small islets, rocks,
or ledges, in groups, or scattered here and there... The entrances from the
sea to these channels and bays, through the outer islets and rocks are in general
too intricate for any directions to be of use.”

35 P has always, Marthe, whose festival fell on Thursday July 29. The
islands were Great Mecatina, Treble Hill, Flat, Dukes, etc. as given in note 32.

36 Murr rocks. Cf. ibid. I, 167: ‘‘ The two Murr islets lie S.W., about
4 miles from the same [South] point of Great Mecattina island. These islets
are about a quarter of a mile apart ... Murr rocks are two small and low rocks
above water, lying about half a mile S.S.E. from the southern of Murr islets.
A ledge on which the sea generally breaks lies N.E. by E., more than a quarter
of a mile from the eastern of Murr rocks.”

37 Dukes and Shagg islands. Vid pp. 95-96.

38 Little Mecatina and the Harrington islands. Cf. ibid., I, 171: ‘‘ Little
Mecattina island is comparatively large, being nearly 74 miles long, in a N.N.E.
direction, and about 3 miles wide. De Salaberry bay, on its west side, cuts it
nearly in two parts. All outside the narrows isthmus, namely two-thirds of
the island, is high and remarkable land, which can be seen from a great distance
out at sea long after the other islands have disappeared below the horizon;”
and also p. 177: ‘‘ Harrington islands extend northward 4 miles . . . The longest
of these islands is about 1} miles long, and several of the others are nearly as
large. They are high islands, the highest being estimated at 300 feet above the
sea.”

48493—7

98 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

des ysles saincte Martre*®, envyron sept lieues, lesquelles ysles
nous vinsmes querir ledict jour, envyron vne heure apres midi.
Et despuis ledict jour jusques a l’orloge virante?*, fumes* couryr
envyron quinze lieues, jusque le travers d’vn cap*° d’isles basses,
que nous nommasmes les ysles sainct Germain**. Au suest duquel
cap, envyron troys lieues, y a vne aultre basse *”, fort dongereuse;
et pareillement entre ledict cap sainct Germain *? et saincte Mar-
tre**, y a vng banc, hors desdictes ysles envyron deux lieues, sus
lequel n’y a que quatre brasses*®. Et pour le dongier de ladicte
coste, mismes les voilles bas, et ne fismes porter ladicte nuyct*®.

=P and C have, feismes.

And from that hour until the change of watch®*, we made some
fifteen leagues till we came opposite to a cape *° on some low islands,
which we named “‘ St. German’s islands ’*!. Some three leagues
to the south-east of this cape lies another very dangerous shoal *’,
and likewise between the said cape St. German *? and St. Martha’s
islands**, some two leagues from the latter, lies a shoal on which

39 Probably eight o’clock inthe evening; for though some of the sand glasses
only took one hour to empty, others lasted three and four hours. Cf. Pére
Georges Fournier, Hydrographie (Paris, 1643), p. 30: ‘“‘ Une horloge de trois ou
quatre heures,” Florio has ‘“ until midnight,” after Ramusio who gives, infino
a@ mezza noite. i

4° Cape Whittle, 128 miles from Blanc Sablon. Vid. the photograph in
Townsend, op. cit. 118.

41 Wapitagun, Outer Wapitagun and Lake islands. Cape Whittle forms
the south-western extremity of the latter. The festival of St. German, bishop
of Auxerre, fell on Saturday, July 31. Cf. Bayfield, op. cif., I, 184: ‘ Outer
Wapitagun islands...are of bare granite, about 70 or 80 feet high... The
south shore of Lake island, between cape Whittle [its south-western extremity]
and Cormorant point, its south-east extreme, is very remarkable, being quite
straight in an E. by S. 4 S. direction, and composed of craggy cliffs of dark red
granite, upwards of 100 feet in height, stained white by the cormorants.

42South Makers ledge, six miles and a half S. E. of cape Whittle. Cf.
Bayfield, op. cit., I, 183-184: “South Makers ledge is a small rock, which is
never entirely covered when the sea is smooth. Its whole extent, above and
under water is 13 cables east and west, by half a cable north and south... The
soundings are very irregular round this ledge.”

43 Cape Whittle.

44 Boat islands are meant but as no name had been given to them, nor to
Little Mecatina and the Harrington islands, the isles St. Martha (i.e. Great

Mecatina, etc.) are mentioned, as they were the only ones to which a name
had been given.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 99

Le landemain, dernier jour de juillet, fismes couryr le long de
ladicte coste, qui gist est et ouaist, quart du suest, laquelle est
toute rangée d’isles et basses, et coste fort dongereuse; [la]quelle
contient, dempuys ledict cap des ysles sainct Germain*’ jusques
a la fin des ysles**, envyron dix-sept lieues et demye(s). Et| A
la fin desdictes ysles, y a vne moult’ belle terre basse, plaine de
grandz arbres et haultz*®. Et est icelle coste toute rangée de
sablons sans y avoir aucune apparoissance de hable jusques au
cap de Tyennot®°, qui se rabat au norouaist, qui est 4 envyron

¥P and Cc have, qui. =P and © have, fort.

there is a depth of only four fathoms*®. On account of the

dangerous nature of this coast, we lowered the sails here and lay
to for the night*®.

On the following day [Saturday], the last day of July, we
continued our way along that coast, which runs east and west,
one quarter south-east, and is skirted all along with islands and
shoals and is very dangerous coast. The distance from the cape
at St. German’s islands*’ to the point where the islands end 48,
is about seventeen and a half leagues. And at the point where
the islands end, there is a fine headland, covered with large, high
trees*®. This coast is fringed all along with sandy beaches, and
with no sign of a harbour, as far as cape Thiennot®°, where it
turns north-west. This cape lies some seven leagues from the

45St. Mary reefs between cape Whittle and Boat islands and nine miles
from South Makers ledge. Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 179: ‘‘ St. Mary reefs, the
most dangerous off the coast, are four ledges just under water on some of which
the sea always breaks. ‘From the northernmost to the southernmost ledge the
distance is one mile, and the latter lies S.W. 2 S. 22 miles from the south-west
extreme of Boat islands.’’ They lie nine miles W. } N. from South Makers ledge.

46 Thid., I, 171: ‘‘ The coast from cape Mecattina to cape Whittle is as
. dangerous as can well be imagined, to a stranger falling in with it at night, or
in thick weather; and even to those who are quite acquainted with it, the navi-
gation is not without much difficulty.” 47 Cape Whittle.

48 The islands end at Kegashka bay about forty miles beyond cape Whittle.
Vid. Huard, op. cit., 441.

49 Kegashka point, which according to Bayfield (op. cit., I, 194) was
“‘ partly covered with spruce trees.’

50 Natashkwan point. The first Relation has Thiennot (p. 77) which is
also the reading here in P. A has, Thyennot. Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 195:
“ At the distance of 24 miles westward of Kegashka river, fine sandy beaches,
in front of sandy cliffs...commence and continue to Natashquan point, a
distance of 1334 miles.”

48493—74

5°

100 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

sept lieues desdictes ysles°’, lequel cap cognoissons du voiaige
précédent®?. Et pour ce, fimes porter” toute la nuict a. ouaist
norouaist, jusques au jour, que le vent vint contraire, et allasmes
sercher® vng havre®’, oi mismes noz navires, qui est vng bon petit
havre, oultre ledict cap Tiennot °° envyron sept lieues et demye(s) ;
et est entre quatre ysles sortente[s] 4 la mer. Nous le nommasmes
le havre sainct Nicollas®*, et sus la plus prouchaine ysle, plantasmes
vne grande croix de boys, pour merche®. I1¢ fault amener ladicte
croix au nordest, puys l’aller querir et la laisser de tribort; et
treuverez de parfond vi brasses, posez dedans ledict hable a quatre
brasses; et © se fault donner garde de deulx basses, qui demeurent
des deulx coustez, 4 demye lieue hors. Toute cestedicte couste
est fort dongereuse, et plaine de basses. Non obstaat qu’il semble

°C has, couryr. > P has, feusmes charcher.
© Cf. Lescarbot (op. cit., 1609, 297), “il veut dire marque.”
4 P and C have, Et. °C has, a.

last of the islands®!; and we recognized it from our former
voyage°”. On this account we sailed on all night [Saturday-
Sunday, July 31-August 1] to the west-north-west until daylight,
when the wind came ahead, whereupon we looked out for a harbour
in which to anchor. We found a nice little harbour®? some seven
and a half leagues beyond cape Thiennot °°, lying among four islands

which stretch out into the gulf. We named it ‘‘ St. Nicholas’s

harbour ”’°*; and on the nearest island we set up a large wooden

cross for a land-mark. One must keep this cross to the north-
east, then head for it and leave it to starboard. You will find
a depth of six fathoms and anchorage in the harbour in four
fathoms. One must beware of two shoals, one on each side, half

51 The last islands along the coast lie off Curlew point, the eastern extrem-
ity of Kegashka bay, which is twenty-two miles to the east of Natashkwan point.
Green island and Black islet the very last islands are in Kegashka bay itself.

52 Vid. pp. 76-77 supra.

58 Pashashibu bay, twenty miles west of Natashkwan point.

54 Pashashibu bay. The old name appears on the Harleian and Desceliers
mappemondes and on Mercator’s map. Vid. Charlevoix, Histoire et description
générale de la Nouvelle France, 1, 10, Paris, 1744 in 4°. The festival of
St. Nicolas de Vardagréle fell on Saturday, August 7. Cf. Bayfield, op. cit.,
I, 201: ‘‘ Pashasheeboo, etc. ... are small bays, full of small islets and rocks,
which render their entrances so difficult and dangerous that no directions would
be of the least avail. They are occasionally ...entered by small coasting
schooners intimately acquainted with the coast.” and also Huard, op. cit.,
348-349,

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 101

y avoir plusieurs [bons] hables, n’y a que basses et plateys®°®.
Nous fumes audict hable®® dempuis ledict jour jusques au diman-
che, VIII™°! jour d’aoust, auquel jour appareillasmes, et vins-
mes querir la terre du su® vers le cap de Rabast®’, lequel® est
distant dudict hable®® [d]**envyron vingt lieues, | gisant nort nord-
est et su surouaist. Et le landemain®, le vent vint contraire,
et pource que ne treuvasmes uulz hables a ladicte terre du su’,
fismes porter vers le nort, oultre le précédent hable®® d’envyron
dix lieues, od [nous] treuvasmes vne fort! belle et grande baye®’,
plaine d’isles et bonnes entrées, et posaige * de tous les temps qu’il
pourroyt faire®’. Et pour congnoissance d’icelle baye, y a vne

£ P has, VII but Sunday fell on the eighth. £ P has, deca.

4 A and C have, qui as the copyist of B first wrote. A later hand has put,
lequel, which is also the reading in C. — iP and C have, moult.

EP has, passaige de tous les ventz qu'il scavoit faire.

a league out. This whole coast is very dangerous and is full of
reefs. Though one would think it contained many good har-
bours, there are shoals and reefs everywhere®®. We remained in
that harbour®® from that day [Sunday, August 1] until Sunday,
August 8, when we set forth and made our way towards cape
Rabast, on the coast towards the south®’. This cape lies some
twenty leagues south-west of the above [Pashashibu] harbour.
On the following day *® we had a head wind and since we found
no harbours along this south coast®’, we sailed north to a point
some ten leagues beyond the former [Pashashibu] harbour
where we discovered a very fine large bay®, full of islands
and with good entrances and anchorage for any weather that
might prevail®. This bay may be known by a large island

55 Cf. Bayfield, op .cit., I, 197: ‘‘ The coast is broken into numerous coves
and small bays, affording shelter everywhere to boats, and occasionally to very
small schooners. The small and bare islets and rocks are innumerable along
it, but nowhere extend farther out from the points of the mainland than 2 miles.”

56 Pashashibu bay.
57. On Anticosti island and still so called. It had been explored on the

former voyage. Vid., p. 74 supra. 58 Monday, August 9.
59 The only harbour on the whole island of Anticosti is Ellis bay on the
south coast below West point. 6 Pillage bay.

61 The harbour is called Ste. Geneviéve harbour and lies between Ste.
Geneviéve island and the mainland. Cf. Abbé J. B. A. Ferland, Cours
d’histoire du Canada, 2éme édit., I, 22-23, note, Quebec, 1882 in 8°; and

102 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

grande ysle, comme vng cap de terie, qui s’avance plus hors que
les aultres®’, et sus la terre, envyron deux lieues, y a vne mon-
taigne ®’, faicte comme vng tas de blé. Nous nommasmes la-
dicte baye, la baye sainct Laurens™.

Le XIII® jour dudict moys, nous partismes de ladicte baye
sainct Laurens, et fismes porter 4 ouaist, et vinsmes querir vng
cap de terre devers le su®, qui™ gist envyron l’ouaist, vng cart du
surouaist, dudict hable sainct Laurens™, envyron vingt cing
lieues. Et par les deux sauvaiges que avyons prins le premier

1P has, douztesme. The thirteenth was a Friday. ™ C has, lequel.

which stretches out beyond the others like a headland ®, and on
the mainland, some two leagues off, stands a mountain ® having
the form of a shock of wheat. We named this bay ‘“ St. Law-
rence’s bay ’’ *.

On [Friday] the thirteenth of that month, we set out from
St. Lawrence’s bay and heading towards the west, made our way

as far as a cape on the south side®, which lies some twenty-five

leagues west, one quarter south-west of St. Lawrence’s harbour™.

And it was told us by the two Indians whom we had captured on

Bayfield, op. cit., I, 205-207: ‘‘ St. Genevieve and Betchewun Harbours. Both
are excellent harbours, not difficult of access or egress... and are fit for large
ships... So little sea comes in that the whole space [of Pillage bay] may be
considered as a harbour capable of holding a great number of vessels of large
draught.” *

® Ste. Geneviéve island. Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., 1, 203: “ St. Geneviéve island,
the easternmost fof the Mingan group], is about 5 miles in circumference. Its
north-east point is a bluff headland, the termination in that direction of the
highest part of the island, which is about 200 feet above the sea.”

3 Mount Ste. Geneviéve. Vid. Ferland, Joc. cit., and cf. Bayfield, op. cit.,
loc. cit.; ‘‘ Mount St. Geneviéve is an isolated table hill on the mainland, of
limestone, 332 feet above high water, resting on the granite about one mile
inward, and 2% miles N. $ E. from the north-east point of [Ste. Geneviéve]
island.”

64 Now Pillage bay and Ste. Geneviéve harbour. The festival of St.
Lawrence, archdeacon of Rome, fell on Tuesday, August 10. It is an important
festival in Brittany. The name appears on the Desliens and Vallard maps, on
the Harleian and Desceliers mappemondes, on the Desceliers planisphere and
on the Mercator map. Vid. Plates VIII, X, X¥I, XIV and XV. pp. 128,
160, 192, 224 and 240. For an explanation of the extension of this name to the
gulf and thence to the river, see p. 108, note 91.

6 West point on Anticosti island. The depth of water, mentioned later,
proves this.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 103

voiaige®®, nous fut dict que c’estoit de la® terre devers le su, et
que c’estoyt vne ysle®’, et que par | le su d’icelle estoit le chemyn 6
& aller de Honguedo®®’, ot nous les avions prins le premier voi-
aige°®, 4 Can[a]da®®, et que a deulx journées dudict cap et ysle’°
commancoyt? le royaume du% Saguenay”?, a la terre devers le

nort, allant vers ledict Canada. Le travers dudict cap’°, envyron

troys lieues, y a de parfond cent brasses et plus’?; et n’est mé-

moyre de jamais avoir tant veu de baillaines, que nous vismes
celle journée, le travers dudict cap™.

® P and C have, ladicte. PP has, commenceroit.
° P and C have, /’an precedent. @ A has, de.

our first voyage ®®, that this cape formed part of the land on the
south which was an island ®’; and that to the south of it lay the
route from Honguedo®®, where we had seized them when on our
first voyage, to Canada®®*; and that two days’ journey from this
cape and island’°, began the kingdom of the Saguenay”!, on the
north shore as one made one’s way towards this Canada. Some

three leagues from this cape’°, there is a depth of more than 100

fathoms’?; and none of us ever remembers having seen so many

whales as we saw that day off this cape”?.

66 Vid. pp. 65-67 supra.

57 Anticosti island which is 135 miles long and about thirty miles in width
at the broadest part.

68 Gaspé. Lescarbot has always read, Hongnedo which the Quebec editor
copied. Thevet gives Honguade (Cosmog. Univ., ii, 1011"). The name appears
on the Desliens map and on the Desceliers planisphere. The Desceliers mappe-
monde gives, Onygnedo, while Mercator’s map has, Hunedo and places Hon-
guedo some distance up the Saguenay. Vid. p. 64 supra, note 2, and p. 289 infra.

69 As will be observed farther on, this word is always used to designate
the region along the St. Lawrence from Grosse island on the east (p. 119) toa
point between Quebec and Three Rivers on the west (pp. 142 and 172). It
is so represented on the Vallard and Mercator maps and on Hakluyt’s map of

70 West point on Anticosti island.

71 The word Saguenay is perhaps derived from the Montagnais, saki-nip,
“‘ water which issues forth.” Cf. Abbé Laverdiére’s note in Champlain, Giuvres,
II, p. 4, note 5, Québec, 1870.

72 The charts give 105 fathoms a short distance to the south of West point.

73 On the whale fishing in the Gulf, vid. C. F. Duro, Libro sexto de las
disquisiciones nauticas, 273 et seq, Madrid, 1881; Hakluyt, op. cit, III,
132, 153, 165, and 194-195; Champlain’s Works, I, 177, and Giwvres, III, 140
and 226-228; Lescarbot, op. cit., 1609, 835 et seg.; and finally the engraving
in Thevet’s Cosmographie universelle, II, 1017.

104 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

Le landemain’, jour Nostre Dame d’aoust, quinziesme
*[jour] dudict moys, nous passas(sa)mes le destroit la nuict [de]
davant’*;~et le landemain eusmes congnoissance de terres qui
nous demouroient vers le su’®, qui est vne terre A haultes mon-
taignes 4 merveilles; dont le cap susdict de ladicte ysle’’, que
nous avons nomméfe] l’isle de l’Assumption’®, et vng cap des-
dictes haultes terres’®, gisent est nordest et ouaist -surouaist;

T As there is no mention of Saturday, August 14, it should be, surlendemain.

After passing through the strait [of St. Peter] on the previous
night ’*, the next day which was our Our Lady’s day of August,
[Sunday] the fifteenth of that month, we had sight of land towards
the south, which turned out to be a coast with marvellously
high mountains’®. The above-mentioned [West] cape on the
island [of Anticosti], which we named “ Assumption island’’”§,
and a cape on this high [Gaspé] shore”, lie east-north-east and west-

1589. Cf. also Belleforest, La Cosmographie universelle, 11, Paris, 1575, 2190:
“Le pays de Canada est enuironné des hautes mdtaignes de Saguenai vers
Septentrion, au Leuant luy gist le goulphe de saint Laurens, au Ponent le pays
de Hochelaga, & au Midy la terre de Nurumbeg.”’ On the Harleian and Desce-
liers mappemondes and on the Desceliers planisphere however, the name em-
braces the region on both sides of the St. Lawrence down as far as Anticosti.
It is also employed in this sense by Thevet in his Singularitez (Paris, 1558, fols.
149 and 150%) as well as in his Cosmographie, II, 1010. The name “ river of

74Saturday-Sunday August 14-15. Lescarbot, op. cit., 1609, p. 299 has
added: ‘ C’est le Détroit sainct Pierre.” It is the passage to the north of
Anticosti between it and the Quebec shore. On the naming of this strait see
p. 75 supra.

76 The south shore of the St. Lawrence between Fame point and cape
Magdalen. The mountains were Mont Louis and the Notre Dame chain.

77 West point on Anticosti.

78 The island of Anticosti. Cf. Belleforest, op. cit., II, col. 2185: ° &
courant du Leuant au Ponét, le long du goulphe de S. Laurés...on voit I’Isle
de l’Assumption, d’autant qu’elle fut descouverte le iour de la nostre Dame
d’Aoust [August 15] qui est la feste de l’Assumption, & trespas de la glorieuse
vierge Marie;” and also Lescarbot, op. cit., 1609, p. 289: ‘‘ Cette Ile est appe-
‘Mlée par les Sauvages du pais Anticosti qui est celle que Jacques Quartier a
nommée l’Ile de l’Assumption,” etc. The Montagnais call it Natascoueh,
“where the bear is hunted.” It is given on the Desceliers mappemonde and on
Mercator’s map. On the Desliens map and on the Desceliers planisphere it is
called y° de l’Arcipel.

9 Probably Fame point on the Gaspé shore. The variation of the compass
would account for Cartier’s direccion.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 105

et y a entre eulx vingt cinq lieues. Et veoyt on les terres du
nort encores plus haultes que celles du su, a plus de trente lieues.
Nous rangasmes lesdictes terres du su, dempuys ledict jour®®
jusques au mardi®?!, midi, que le vent vynt ouaist, et mismes le
cap au nort, pour aller querir lesdictes haultes terres que voyons.
Et nous estans 1a, trouvasmes lesdictes terres vnyes et basses |
vers la mer, et les montaignes de devers le nort, par sus lesdictes
basses * terres, gisentes icelles [terres] est et ouaist, vng cart du
surouaist®”. Et par les sauvaiges que avions, nous a esté dict

t P has, haultes.

south-west; and the distance from one to the other is twenty-
five leagues. Thenorth shore, when one is some thirty leagues off,
looks higher than the south shore. We coasted this south shore
from that day, [Sunday]®°, until noon on Tuesday*?, when the
wind came out of the west. We then headed north in order to make
our way towards the high coast we saw in that direction. And on
reaching it, we found that the shore was low and flat at the water’s
edge, but that beyond this low shore there were mountains. This
coast runs east and west, one quarter south-west®”. Our Indians

Canada ’”’ by which the St. Lawrence was frequently designated (Vid. p. 108
infra note 91) helped this extension, which seems to have been definitely ratified
by Lescarbot. Although the real limits of Canada, he says (op. cit., 1609, p.
250) were those given by Belleforest, ‘‘ Toutefois j’ay appris . . . que les peuples
de Gachepé, & de la baye de Chaleur ...se disent Canadoquoa c’est 4 dire
Canadaquois . . . Cette diversité a fait que les Geographes ont varié en I’assiette
de la province de Canada, les uns l’ayant située par les cinquante, les autres par
les soixante degrez. Cela presupposé, je dy que l’un & l'autre cété de ladite
riviere [de Canada] est Canada;’’ and again p. 843: “‘ Voila comme de tout
temps on a decrié le pais de Canada (souz lequel nom on comprend toute cette
terre)” Cf. also Charlevoix, op. cit., 1, 11. Cartier gives the word in his Indian
vocabulary (p. 245) as meaning ‘‘ town,” while MS. C has the expression
Canada undagneny (p. 245) meaning ‘‘ Whence come you?’ The old Mohawk
word for castle given by Van Curler (Report of the American Historical Asso-
ciation for 1895, p. 100, Washington, 1896) is Canadaghi and the old Huron form
Andata. The modern Mohawk form is Kanata. Vid. Schoolcraft, op. cit.,
256 No. 58; and Cf. Lescarbot, op. cit., 250-251; Ferland, op. cit., I, 25; and
Rev. W. M. Beauchamp, Indian Names in New York, p. 104, Fayetville, 1893.

80 Sunday, August 15.

81 Tuesday, August 17. They had in all probability made their way along
the south shore to a point a little beyond cape Ste. Anne.

82 The north shore near Lobster bay to judge from the distance run and the
description of the coast.

6°

106 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

que c’estoit le commancement du Saguenay *’, et terre habitée",
4v84

et que de 14 venoyt le cuyvre rouge, qu’ilz appellent caignetdazé.
Il y a entre les terres du su et celles du nort envyron trente lieues,
et plus de deulx cens brasses de parfond 85. Et nous ont les-
ditz sauvaiges certiffyé estre le chemyn et commancement du

grand fleuve de Hochelaga®® et chemyn de Canada®’, lequel

"P has, habitable.

Y Such is the reading in P and Ternaux-Compans. Lescarbot has read:
Caquetdazé which the Quebec editor copied. A has, caitgnetd—the rest of the
word having been cut away by the binder. In the vocabulary at the end of the
first Relation (p. 81) it is spelt, aignetazé.

told us that this was the beginning of the Saguenay ®* and of the
inhabited region; and that thence came the copper they call

caignetdazé®*. The distance from the south to the north shore is

about thirty leagues; and there is a depth of more than 200
fathoms*®. - The two Indians assured us that this was the way
to the mouth of the great river of Hochelaga®® and the route
towards Canada®’, and that the river grew narrower as one approach-

83 See p. 103, note 71.

84 The old Mohawk form of this word was Karistaji meaning “ iron, copper
and lead.” Cf. Gen. J. G. Wilson, Arent Van Curler and his Journal of 1634-
1635 in the Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the year
1895, 99, Washington, 1896; and Schoolcraft, op. cit., p. 267, N°® 128 and 129.

85 The charts give a depth of 228 fathoms N.E. of cape Ste. Anne, the
distance from which to Lobster bay on the Quebec coast is about forty-eight
miles,

86 This seems to have been the name given by Cartier to the St. Lawrence
and it is so styled by Thevet (Singularitez, etc. fol. 150; Cosmographie II, 1010¥
and 1011; Grand Insulaire in the Biblioth. Nat., MS. fr. 15452, fols. 121, 149,
157 and 164); by Belleforest (op. cit., II, 2184); by Wytfliet (Descriptionis Ptole-
maice augmentum, map 18 Lovani, 1597), and by Herrera, Descripcion de las
Indias occidentales, p. 20, Madrid, 1601.

87 Vid. p. 103 supra, note 69.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 107

alloit tousiours en estroissisant jusques 4 Canada*®; et puis, que
lon treuve l’eaue doulce audit fleuve, qui va si loing, que jamays
homme n’avoit” esté [iusques] au bout, qu’ilz eussent ouy; et
que aultre passaige n’y avoit que par bateaulx®®. Et voyant
leur dire, et qu’ilz affermoient n’y avoir aultre passaige, ne voullut
ledict cappitaine passer oultre, jusques 4 avoir veu la reste [de
ladicte terre] et coste devers le nort, qu’il avoit obmis 4 veoyr
dempuys la baye sainct Laurens®®, pour aller veoyr la terre du
su, pour veoyr s'il y avoit aucun passaige. |

Ww P has, »’auroit.
+

ed Canada®°; and also that farther up, the water became fresh,
and that one could make one’s way so far up the river that they
had never heard of anyone reaching the head of it. Furthermore.
that one could only proceed along it in small boats*®. In view of
these statements and of their assertion that no other passage
existed, the Captain [Cartier] was unwilling to proceed further
until he had explored the remainder of the north shore to see if
there was a strait there; for on account of our passing over to the
south shore, the coast from St. Lawrence’s bay*®® onward had
not been visited.

88 At Quebec the St. Lawrence is only 3,230 feet wide. Hence the name
kebec, meaning ‘‘ where the stream is obstructed.” Vid. Champlain’s Works,
I, 129; and Lescarbot, op. cit., 1611, p. 622.

89 Vid. infra pp. 169 and 200 et seq.
9° Pillage bay. Vid. p. 102.

108 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

COMMENT LE* CAPPITAINE FICT RETOURNER LES
NAVIRES EN ARRIERE, JUSQUES A AVOIR CONGNOIS-
SANCE DE LA BAYE SAINCT LAURENS, POUR VEOYR
S’IL Y AVOIT AUCUN PASSAIGE VERS LE Nort. ?!

Le mercredi, XVIII° jour d’aoust, ledict* cappitaine fict
retourner les’ navires en arriére, et mectre le cap a |’aultre bort;
et rangasmes ladicte coste du nort, qui gist nordest et surouaist,
faisant vng demy arc, qui est vne terre fort haulte, non tant com-
me celle du su. Et? arrivasmes, le jeudi [ensuyvant??], A sept
ysles moult® haultes, que? nous nommasmes les ysles Rondes**
qui°® sont A envyron quarente lieues des terres du su°4, et s’avan-

xP and C have, nostre. YP has, ses. 7C has, Nous.
8 P has, fort. > P has, lesquelles. °C has, lesquelles.

How THE CAPTAIN ORDERED THE SHIPS TO HEAD
BACK AS FAR AS THE BAY OF ST. LAWRENCE,
TO MAKE SURE THAT NO STRAIT EXISTED ALONG
THE NORTH SHORE ®?,

On Wednesday, August 18, the Captain ordered the ships
to head back and to steer in the opposite direction; and we coasted
the north shore, which runs north-east and south-west in the

®11t seems to be due to the misunderstanding of this heading by early
writers that the river called by Cartier (p. 106) the “ river of Hochelaga ”’ is
called by us the St. Lawrence. This name had been given by Cartier to Pillage
bay (p. 102) where the festival of St. Lawrence had been spent; but most readers
forgetting this, would understand the name to refer here to the expanse of
water at the mouth of the river of which the Indian guides had just spoken.
Thus in 1552, only seven years after the publication of the Brief recit, Gomara
speaks of the gran rio dicho san Lorengo, que algunos lo tienen por braco de mar.
(Istoria de las Indias, fol. VII¥). Four years later Ramusio not only mentioned
(op. cit., III, 417) the gran fiwme detto di san Lorenzo but actually translated
the above heading: come il nostro Capitano fece rilornar le navi indietro per haver
notitia, se nel golfo di san Lorenzo v'era alcun passaggio verso tramontana. These
writers were doubtless Mercator’s authority for calling this gulf on his map of
1569, Sinus S. Laurentii, in which nomenclature he was followed by Ortelius,
Belleforest and Thevet. Florio’s translation of Ramusio in 1580 gave the name
to Hakluyt, who employed it frequently (Discourse on Western Planting 102,
map of 1589, and Principall Navigations, III, 152, 157, 164-165, etc.) Although
in 1609 Lescarbot sought to impose the name “ riviere de Canada plustot que
de Hochelaga ou de sainct Laurens” (of. cit., 1609, 250), yet four years later
Champlain (who in 1603, Works I, 95, 129, 136, had followed Alfonse, Parkhurst,
Thevet and Noel in calling it “ river of Canada ”’) also adopted the name St.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 109

cent hors A la mer troys ou quatre lieues. Le travers desquelles
y a vng commancement de basses terres, plaines de beaulx ar-
bres?®; lesquelles terres nous rangasmes le vendredi avecques
noz barques; le travers desquelles y a plusieurs bancqs de sa-
blon®®, a plus de deulx lieues 4 la mer, fort dongereulx, lesquelz
decuevrent de basse mer. Et au bout d’icelles basses terres, qui
contiennent envyron dix lieues, y a vne ripviére d’eaue doulce?’,

sortent? 4 la mer, tellement que a plus d’vne lieue de terre,
elle est aussi doulce que eaue de fontaine®’. Nous entrasmes en
ladicte ripviére avecq noz | barques, et ne trouvasmes a l’entrée
[d’icelle] que brasse et demye. II y a dedans ladicte ripviére plu-

sieurs poissons qui ont forme de chevaulx, lesquelz vont a la

4 C has, sortente.

form of a semi-circle. It is a high shore though less so than the
south shore. And on the following day, Thursday °”, we came to
seven very high islands, which we named the “‘ Round islands ”’ ??.
They lie some forty leagues from the south shore®*, and stretch
out into the gulf to a distance of three or four leagues. Opposite

to them commences a low shore covered with trees®®, which we.

coasted with our long-boats on the Friday [August 20]. Some

Lawrence by which the river has ever since been known. (Ciuvres, III, 135,
202, 268-269; IV, 19, 69; V, 7, 47: and The Jesuit Relations and Allied Docu-
ments, III, 40, 68, 160: IV, 190: V, 68, 86, 98, 100, etc.) Cf. also Charlevoix,
op. cit., I, 10.

®2 The following day, Thursday, August 19.

98 Farther on (p. 111) he calls them the Sept-Isles and this is still their
name though in reality there are only six. The mistake was due to the penin-
sula of Seven Islands bay which from a distance looks like an island. They
are given on the Desliens and Vallard maps, on the Harleian and Desceliers
mappemondes, on the Desceliers planisphere and on the Mercator map. Some
islands of the same name lie off the coast of France to the west of St. Malo.
Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 228: ‘‘ Seven Islands are high and steep, of primary
rocks, very thinly wooded, and can be seen from a distance of 7 or 8 leagues,
being unlike anything else in the gulf’; and H. Y. Hind, Explorations in the
Interior of Labrador Peninsula, etc. I, 319-320, London, 1863. Vid. also
Whittier’s poem, ‘‘ The Bay of Seven Islands ” in his works, Boston 1894,
127-130.

94 The distance across to cape Ste. Anne on the south shore is about fifty-
eight miles.

95 Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 226: “‘ Here [Moisie bay] the rocky shores termi-
nate and the bold sandy beach, which extends to the River Moisie, commences.”
Cartier’s vessels remained at anchor in Seven Islands bay.

110 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

terre de nuyct, et de jours a la mer, ainsi qu’il nous fut dict par
noz deulx sauvaiges®, et de cesditz‘ poissons vismes grand nom-
bre dedans ladicte ripviére ®®.

Le landemain, XXI™° jour dudict moys**", au matin, a
l’aube du jour, fymes voille, et fismes porter le long de ladicte
couste tant que nous eusmes congnoissance de la reste de ladicte
coste du nort, que n’avions veu, et de l’isle de l’Assumption*, que
nous avyons esté querir au partir de ladicte terre. Et lors que
nous fumes certains que ladicte coste estoit rangée, et qu'il n’y
avoit nul passaige, retournasmes 4 noz navires, qui® estoient

100

two or more leagues from shore lie several very dangerous sand-
bars which become bare at low water®®. At the end of this low
shore, which continues for some ten leagues, is a fresh-water
river?” [Moisie], which enters the gulf with such force that at a

distance of more than a league from shore, the water is as fresh

as spring water’®. We entered this river with our long-boats

and at the mouth of it found a depth of only a fathom and a half.
Up this river were several fish in appearance like horses which go
on land at night but in the day-time remain in the water, as our
two Indians informed us. We saw a great number of these fish
up this river®®.

96 Moisie shoal and rock and St. Charles reef. Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I,
227: “ Although the bar of the river Moisie is so bold that there are 50 fathoms
water at the distance of three-quarters of a mile from it to the south and S. E.,
yet the shallow water continues from it 3} miles westward past Moisie point,
in such a manner as to form an extensive triangular sandy shoal, with from 1}
to 3 fathoms on it at low water. Moisie rock, near the south-west extremity
of Moisie shoal, and with 3 feet least water, lies 2? miles W. by S. from Moisie
point and nearly 12 miles from the shore.”

97 River Moisie. Lescarbot, op. cit., 1609, p.» 302 has added: “ Laquelle
est appellée auiourd’huy Chischedec d’un nom de l’imposition des Sauvages;’’
and at p. 237 he says: ‘“‘ Riviere dite Chischedec, od il y a grande quantité de
chevaux aquatiques dits Hippopotames!”” The Harleian and Desceliers mappe-
mondes have, r. de Chevaulx, and the Mercator map, r. doulce de Chevaulx. Vid.
plates VIII and XII, pp. 128 and 192 infra.

°8 The Moisie and its tributary the Cold Water river drain an area extend-
ing over 120 miles inland. Vid. Hind, of. cit., 1, 234 et seg. and the map at p.
239 of that work.

®® Walruses. Vid. Lascarbot, op. cit. 1609, 838-39, and Appendix III,
p. 304 infra.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 111

esdictes Sept Ysles, ot il y a bonnes raddes® a xviii et A vingt
brasses, et! sablon”. Auquel lieu avons esté, sans pouvoyr sortir
ny faire voille pour la cause des bruymes et ventz contraires qu’i
faisoit), jusques au XXIIII° [iour] dudict moys*, que nous appa-
reillasmes, et avons esté par la mer, chemyn faisant, jusques au
vingt neufviesme dudict moys*, que sommes arryvez a | vng
hable de la coste du su®, qui*® est [A] envyron iiii** lieues des-
dictz Sept Ysles, lequel! est le travers de troys ysles plattes!®,
qui sont par le parmy du fleuve.® Et envyron le my chemin des-

» P has, bonne radde. 1P has, de. iP has, faisoient.
KC has, lequel. 1P has, qui.
la Lescarbot read petites so the Quebec editor (p. 30) gave, petites et plates.

At dawn on the following morning [Saturday], the twenty-
first of the said month}°°, we set sail and made our way along
this shore until we had examined all the omitted portion, and had
arrived at Assumption island which we had explored on leaving
this coast?. And when we had made certain that we had examined
the whole coast and that no strait existed, we returned to our
ships, which were at the above-mentioned Seven islands, where there
are good harbours with eighteen and twenty fathoms and sandy
bottom”. We remained there, without being able to leave on
account of fogs and head-winds, until [Tuesday] the twenty-fourth
of that month®, when we made sail and were under way, pursuing
our course, until [Sunday] the twenty-ninth*, when we came to a
harbour on the south shore some eighty leagues from the said Seven
islands®. It lies opposite to three flat islands that stand in the

100 Saturday August 21.

1 Anticosti. Cf. pp. 102-104 supra. They had now returned to the point at
which they had left this north shore.

2 Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 228-229: ‘‘ The Seven islands are so placed as
to completely shelter the magnificent bay within them which is 2? miles wide
at the entrance...and...extends about 6 miles northward and westward,
being so nearly landlocked as to resemble a lake, sufficiently extensive for large
fleets to lie in safety; the bottom is of clay, and there are no shoals;”’ and also
Huard, op. czt., 118.

3 Tuesday, August 24.

4 Sunday, August 29. ;

5 Old Bic harbour. It is indicated but not named on the Harleian and
Desceliers mappemondes. Lescarbot (op. cit., 1609, p. 241) gives it but calls
it ‘‘ Le Pic ” after Champlain’s little volume of 1603, Works, 1,95,. In his maps
of 1612 and 1632 however Champlain put, ‘ Bic.”

112 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

dictes ysles et ledict hable, devers le nort, y a vne fort grande
ripviére’, qui est entre les haultes et basses terres 8 laquelle™
faict plusieurs bancs a la mer, a plus de troys lieues, qui est vng
pays fort dongereulx, et sonne” de deux brasses et moins ®; et
a la choiste® d’iceulx bancqs, treuverés xxv et trente brasses,
bort A bort. Toute icelle coste du nort gist nort nordest et su

surouaist.

m P has, qui. " P has, sont. ° P has, creste.

middle of the stream®. About half-way between this harbour
and the above-mentioned [Seven] islands, on the north shore, is a
large river’ with one bank high and the other low’, which forms
several shoals at a distance of more than three leagues from shore,
which spot is very dangerous as there is only a depth of two fathoms
and less®. Off the edge of these shoals the depth is twenty-five
and thirty fathoms steep-to. The whole of this north shore runs
north-north-east and south-south-west. ;

The aforesaid [Old Bic] harbour, where we anchored, is
on the south shore, and is a tidal harbour of little value!!. We
named it the “ islets of St. John,” since we reached it on the anni-

6 Bic and Bicquette islands and North-west reef. Cf. Bayfield,. op. cit.,
I, 93-94: ‘‘ Bic island...is about 3 miles long...and one mile broad. Its
shores are of slate rocks; it is thickly wooded, uninhabited, and its height does
not exceed 150 feet above the sea... Bicquette island, lying three-quarters of
a mile northward of Bic island, is half a mile long, a quarter of a mile broad, and
about 100 feet high above the sea... Several large rocks above water extend
one-third of a mile east and south-east of Bicquette island.”

7 Manikuagan river. The Desceliers planisphere has, R. doulche at this
point. Lescarbot (op. cit., 1609, p. 303) says Champlain called it the Mantanne
but Champlain (Works, I, 168) places the Mantanne (now called Matane) on
the south side where it belonged.

8 Bayfield, op. cit., I, 244: “St. Giles point, the northern entrance point
to Manicouagan river, is high and rocky, like the coast to the eastward; while
Manicouagan [i.e. the west] point is low and thickly wooded, with a broad sandy
beach.”’

® The Harleian and Desceliers mappemondes and Mercator’s map called
them, les bance St. Jacques. It is now called Manikuagan shoal. Cf. Bay-
field, op. cit., I, 244-245: ‘ The easternmost point of this dangerous and extensive
[Manikuagan] shoal is 2} miles E, S.E, from St. Giles point, and 53 miles E. by N.
from the north-east end of Manicougan peninsula.”

10 Old Bic Harbour. Vid p. 111.
'l Tbid., 1,92: ‘Old Bic Harbour... dries at low water, and has many
rocks in it.”

PLATE VII.

ee Brict recit, &

fuccinéte narration, de la nauiga-
tion faite es yfles de Canada, Ho-
chelage & Saguenay & autres, auec
particulieres meurs,langaige, & ce-
ritnonies des habitans d’icelles:fort
delectable a veoir.

Auec priuilege,
4 + "fe
On les uend a Paris au fecond pillier en lagrand
falle du Palais , ¢x en ls rue neufue noftredame 4
V'enfeigne de lefcu de frace,par Ponce Roffer dict
Faucheur,¢y Anthoine le Clerc freres.
154 5-

Title-Page of Brief Recit, 1545.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 113

Le hable davant dict!® ot posames?, qui est a la terre du su,
est hable de marée, et de peu de valleur!?. Nous le? nommasmes
les ysleaulx sainct Jehan, pource que nous y entrasmes”* le jour
de la decollation dudict sainct!”. Et auparavant que arriver
audict hable, y a vne ysle!*, a l’est d’icelluy envyron cinq lieues,
ou il n’y a poinct de passaige entre terre et elle que par bateaulx!*.
Ledict hable des ysleaulx sainct Jehan asseche toutes les marées,

PA has, pasames. 2 P has, les. *C has, arrivasmes.

versary of the beheading of that saint'?. And before coming to
it, one passes an island’*® some five leagues to the east, with no
passage between it and the mainland, except for small boats1‘.
The best spot in which to anchor vessels is to the south of a small
islet in the middle of this [Old Bic] harbour and close to the islet 1°.

On [Wednesday], September the first we set sail from this
harbour to make our way towards Canada’®. Some fifteen
leagues to the west-south-west of this harbour, in the middle of
the stream, lie three islands!’, and opposite to them there is a very
deep and rapid river! *, which is the river and route to the kingdom
and country of the Saguenay, as we were informed by our two

12 Sunday, August 29. The Cabot map has, ys. de S. Juan at this spot.

18 Barnaby island, seven and a half miles east of Old Bic harbour.

14 Thid., loc. cit.: ‘‘ Barnaby island is 3} miles long, and very narrow...
The channel between the island and Rimouski is dry at low water. There is a
depth of 7 to 12 feet through it at high water... but at no time should a vessel
drawing more than 8 feet attempt this passage.”

16 Thid., 92-3. ‘‘ Two round and high rocky islets . . . will be seen extend-
ing westward from its [Old Bic harbour’s] east point ... Midway between these
rocky islets and the west point of the harbour, small vessels may anchor in Old
Bic road in 3 fathoms at low water, with a muddy bottom.”’

16 Vid. p. 103 supra, note 69.

17 Basque, Apple and Green islands. Basque island lies twenty miles
from Bicquette island. Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 101: ‘“‘ Basque island is 1}
miles long, parallel to the coast, and 2 cables wide ... There is no passage for
ships between it and the south shore, from which it is distant 2 miles... Apple
island, 2? miles from Basque island, is formed by one principal and several
smaller rocks; the whole covering a space one mile long parallel to the coast,
by 14 cables wide. It is 30 or 40 feet above the sea at high water, without any
trees, and distant 24 miles from the nearest point of main land.” Green island
lies two and three qurater miles from Apple island and is about seven miles long.

18 The Saguenay. It is given on the Desliens and Vallard maps, on the
Harleian and Desceliers mappemondes, on the Desceliers planisphere and on the
Mercator map. Vid. plates VIII, X, XII, XIV and XV, pp. 128, 160, 192, 224
and 240 infra.

48493—8

Riviére de
Saguenay

114 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

et y marine l’eaue de deulx brasses. Le*® meilleur lieu 4 mectre
navires est vers le su d’vn petit yslot, qui est au parmy dudict
hable, bort audict yslot}®.

Nous appareillasmes dudict hable le premier jour de sep-
tembre, pour aller vers Canada'®. Et envyron quinze lieues
dudict hable, 4 l’ouaist surouaist, y a troys ysles’’ au parmy
dudict fleuve, le travers desquelles y a vne ripviére!® fort par-
fonde et courante, qui est la ripviére et chemyn du royaume et
terre du Saguenay, ainsi que nous a esté dict par noz [deux] hom-
mes* du pays de Canada!®. Et est icelle ripviére entre haultes

e'Cryhas. 27 te,
'P has, noz deux sauvages.

savages from Canada’*. This river issues from between lofty
mountains of bare rock with but little soil upon them?®. Notwith-
standing this, a large number of various kinds of trees grow upon this
naked rock as in good soil, in such sort that we saw there a tree
tall enough to make a mast for a ship of thirty tons, which was as
green as possible, and grew out of the rock without any trace of
earth about it. At the mouth of this river we found four canoes
from Canada”! that had come there to fish for seals and other

19 Although Taignoagny and Dom Agaya had been seized in Gaspé harbour
their home was in the region about Quebec. Cf. p. 66 supra and 196 infra.

20 Cf. J. G. A. Creighton in Picturesque Canada, II (Toronto, 1882), 710:
“All at once ...the mountains are cleft by a mighty rift and a tremendous
chasm opens to view, black, forbidding, like the entrance to a world beneath the
mountains ... You are at the mouth of the Saguenay.”

21 Vid. 103 supra, note 69.

22 Cf. however Peter D. Clarke, Origin and Traditional History of the
Wyandotts (Toronto, 1870), p. 4: ‘‘ The ships of the first discoverer of Canada
were first seen by the Delaware Indians, whom the Wyandotts had sent from
about Quebec to the Gulf coast to look out for the strangers and guard the shores.
One day the “coast guard “ observed several objects appearing, one after
another, like sea gulls, as they were scanning the gulf as far as the eye could
reach, and which seemed, gradually, to increase in size, as the strange objects
came on toward them, and after a while, the spread sails and dark hulls came in
full view filling the Indians with wonder. The Delaware messengers sent to the
first Wyandott village to inform them of this; represented the ships as some
great dark animals, with broad white wings spitting out fire! and uttering the
voice of thunder. The Indians on the St. Lawrence had heard, before this, of
there being some “ great, dark body and white winged animals,” seen north-
east and south of them, passing over the ‘big-waters’.”” Vid., also Jones, op.
cit., 27, and Silas Rand, Legends of the Micmacs, 225, London, 1894.

”

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 115

montaignes de pierre nue", sans y avoir que peu de terre”°, et
non obstant, y croist grande quantité d’arbres, et de plusieurs
sortes, qui croissent sus ladicte pierre nue comme sus bonne terre;
de sorte que nous y avons veu tel arbre, suffisant 4 master navire
de trente thonneaulx, aussi vert qu’il soit possible [de veoir],
lequel estoit sus vng rocq sans y avoir aucune saveur de terre.
A l'entrée d’icelle ripviére, trouvasmes quatre barques de Canada”?,
qui™ estoient 14 venues pour faire pescherie de loups marins et
aultres poissons””. Et nous estans posez dedans ladicte ripviére 73,
vint* deux desdictes barques** vers noz¥ navires, lesquelles

U A has, mues. VC has, ce. WC has, lesquelz.

* Lescarbot put vindrent so the Quebec editor (p. 32) gave, vinrent.

¥ Chas, nozdictes.

fish”. And when we had anchored in that river?*, two of the
canoes”* came towards our ships but in such great fear and trem-
bling that one of them finally went back but the other approached
near enough to hear one of our Indians who gave his name and
told who he was and made them come alongside?® in all confidence.

On the morrow [Thursday], September 2, we set forth again
from this river?® to make our way towards Canada?’, and found
the tide extremely swift and dangerous on account of two islands?®
that lie to the south of this river [Saguenay]. At a distance of
more than three leagues from these, there is a depth of only two
and three fathoms”’, and the bottom is strewn with large boulders
like casks and puncheons, so that with the tide running out bet-
ween these islands, we thought we should lose our bark*°, but
saved her with the help of our long-boats*!. On the edge of this

23 Probably in the little bay where Tadoussac now stands. Cf. Cham-
plain’s Works, I, 96.

24 Lescarbot, op. cit., 1609, p. 304 has added in the margin: ‘‘ Ces barques
sont petits canots, ou navicules faits d’écorce.”’

25 Lescarbot (op. cit., loc. cit.) has added: ‘‘ A bord, c’est A dire dans le
navire,” but this seems incorrect. Vid. pp. 121-122 infra. °° The Saguenay.

27 This shows they had not yet reached Canada. Vid. p. 103, note 69.

28 Red islet and Green island opposite the mouth of the Saguenay.

29 Red Islet bank. Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 257: ‘‘ Red islet is quite bold
at its south-west end, but a rocky bank or reef, nearly dry in some parts at low
water, extends 24 miles N.E. and is 14 miles wide.” 30 The Emérillon.

81 What may be considered the first difficult pass ascending the St. Law-
rence,” says Bayfield (op. cit., 1, 255) is ‘‘the difficulty arising not only from the
dangerous reefs off Green island, Red islet, and Saguenay river, but also from the
great velocity and transverse direction of the tidal streams” at this point.

48493—85

116 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

venoient en vne [grande]* peur” et craincte, de sorte qu'il en
ressortit® vne, et l’aultre aproucha prés”, qu’ilz peurent entendre
l’vn de noz sauvaiges, qui se nomma et fict sa congnoissance, et
les fict venyr seurement a bort?®.|

Le landemain, deuxiesme jour dudict moys de septembre,
resortismes hors de ladicte ripviére?® pour faire le chemin vers
Canada?’; et trouvasmes la marée fort courante et dongereuse,
pource que, devers le su de ladicte ripviére, y a deulx ysles”8,
a l’entour desquelles, 4 plus de troys lieues, n’y a que deulx et trois
brasses?*, seméez de gros perrons, comme thonneaulx et pippes,
et les marées decepvantes par entre lesdictes ysles, de sorte que
cuydasmes y perdre nostre gallion®°, sinon le secours de noz
barques*?. Et a la choiste® desdictz plateys, y a de parfond
trente brasses et plus. Passé ladicte ripviére du Saguenay et

* P has, en grand peur, while C has put, en une grande peur.

=P has, recueillit.

> Lescarbot has added si before prés in which he is followed by the Quebec
editor (p. 32).

°P has, creste, while Lescarbot (op. cit., 1609, p. 326) explains choiste thus:
“C’est a dire, A la cheute desdits rochers.”

shoal there is a depth of thirty fathoms and more. Some five
leagues to the south-west, beyond the river of the Saguenay and
these islands*?, lies another island **. Opposite to this island the
north shore is extremely high, and when we tried to anchor there,
to let the tide run out**, we could not get bottom at a bowshot
from shore in 120 fathoms”. We were thereupon obliged to return
to that [Hare] island*®, where we anchored in thirty-six fathoms
with good bottom.

32 Red islet and Green island.

33 Cartier on his way home (p. 234) named this island Ile aux Liévres or
Hare island and this name has remained. It is given on Mercator’s map. Vid.
also Appendix II, pp. 293 et seq.

34 Lescarbot (op. cit., p. 326) has added: ‘“‘ Estaller l'ebbe est ietter I’ancre,
attendant que la mer soit basse.”

35 The Vallard map gives Grand Parfont at this spot. Vid. plate X, p. 160.
Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 274: ‘‘ There is no anchorage on the north shore south-
west of this [Basque road] to Murray Bay, a distance of 28 miles’? The charts
give a depth of fifty-three fathoms off cape Dogs opposite Hare island.

36 Tle aux Liévres or Hare island.

37 Friday, September 3.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 177

lesdictes' ysles**, envyron cinq lieues vers le surouaist, y a vne
aultre ysle*?, vers le nort de laquelle y a de moult* haultes terres,
le travers desquelles cuydames poser |’ancre, pour estaller l’ebbe *4,
et n’y peusmes treuver le fons 4 vi** brasses*®®, A vng trec° d’arc
de terre, de‘ sorte que fumes contrainctz retourner vers ladicte
ysle*®, ot: posames® a trente cing brasses, et beau fons.

Le landemain?’, au matin, fismes voille et appareillasmes
pour passer oultre; et eusmes congnoissance | d’vne sorte de pois-
sons*8, desquelz il n’est mémoire d’homme avoyr veu ny ouy.
Lesdictz poissons sont aussi groz comme morhoux®, sans avoir
aucun estocq}, et sont assez faitz par le corps et teste de la facon
d'vn levrier, aussi blancs comme? neige, sans [avoir] aucune tache; et
y ena moult * grand nombre dedans ledict fleuve !, qui vivent entre la
mer et l’eaue doulce. Les gens du pays les nomment, adhothuys™; et
nous ont dict qu’ilz sont fort bons 4 manger; et si nous ont affermé
n’y en avoyr, en tout ledict fleuve, ny pays, que en cest endroyt.

4 P and C have, fort. © P has, éraict. £C has, en. =P has, passames.
5P has, marsouyns. ‘Phas, estre. %4Phas,gue. *P and C have, fort.
1P has, la dicte riviere. ™ A has, adhotuis; C, adhotthuys.

The next morning *’, we made sail and got under way in order
to push forward, and discovered a species of fish?®, which none
of us had ever seen or heard of. This fish is as large as a porpoise
but hasno fin. Itis very similar to a greyhound about the body and
head and is as white as snow, without a spot uponit. Of these there
are a very large number in this river, living between the salt and
the fresh water. The people of the country call them Adhothuys
and told us they are very good to eat. They also informed us
that these fish are found nowhere else in all this river and country
except at this spot.

38 Cf. the Encyclopedia Britannica, 9th edit., vol. XXIV, (Edinburgh 1888),
p. 525: ‘ The beluga (Delphinapterus leucas) is often called the ‘‘ white whale,”’
though scarcely exceeding the length of 12 feet. Its colour is almost pure white,
and it has no dorsal fin, but a low ridge in its place.” A sketch of one ‘‘from
a specimen taken in the river St. Lawrence, and exhibited in London in 1877,”
will be found zbid., vol. XV, p. 339, fig. 50. Vid. also the photograph in Huard,
op. cit., 141 and plate No. XLVI, fig. I of the Bulletin of the United States National
Museum, No. 36 (Washington, 1889), which contains a Review of the Family
Delphinide by Dr. F. W. True, to whom I am indebted for the above facts and
references. On pp. 146-149 of this monograph, Dr. True has given a scientific
description of the beluga. Cf. also Sagard, Grand Voyage, etc, 51-2,

10°

118 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

Le VI™ jour dudict moys*’, avecq bon vent, fismes courir
amont ledict fleuve envyron quinze lieues, et vinsmes poser 4 vne
ysle*®, qui est bort a la terre du nort, laquelle” faict vne petite
baye*! et conche® de terre, a laquelle il ya vng nombre inestimable
de grandes tortues, qui? sont es envyrons d’icelle? ysle. Pareille-
ment, par ceulx du pays, se | faict es envyrons de ladicte’* ysle
grande pescherye de[sdictz]* adhothuys, cy davant escriptz*”. II
y a aussi grand courant es envyrons de ladicte ysle, comme davant
Bordeaulx de flo et ebbe**. Icelle ysle contient envyron troys
lieues de long** et deulx de laize®, et est vne fort* bonne terre et

" P and C have, quit. °P has, couche. P C has, lesquelles.
4C has, de ladicte. ™C has, d’icelle. ® A and P have, large.
*P. has, moult.

On [Monday] the sixth of that month °°, we ran with a favour-
able wind some fifteen leagues up this river, and came to. anchor
at an island near the north shore*®, which here makes a small bay
and inlet*?. In this bay and about this island are great numbers
of large turtles. The people of the country also fish near this
island for the above-mentioned Adhothuys*?. The current here
is as strong as at Bordeaux on the ebbing and flowing of the tide*?.
This [Coudres] island is some three leagues long by two in width *+.
The soil is rich and fertile, and the island is covered with several

39 Monday, September 6.

40 Tle aux Coudres or Coudres island opposite baie St. Paul, and so named
by Cartier himself, p. 119. Cf. also Bayfield, of. cit., I, 318-319: “ Prairie bay
on the north side of Coudres island . . . is one of the best sheltered anchorages
in the river. Vessels may anchor in 10 fathoms or less as convenient, three-
quarters of a mile from the shore.” This bay is still called, le havre Jacques-
Cartier or mouillage de Cartier. Vid. Pope op. cit., 62.

41 The Desceliers planisphere calls it b. de I’Islet. It is the present baie
St. Paul. Vid. plate XIV, p. 224.

“? Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 318: ‘‘ Coudres island is surrounded by reefs,
on several of which are large rows of stakes with nets affixed to catch the
Marsouin or White fish which frequent this part of the river St. Lawrence in the
early part of the summer.”

43 Bayfield, op. cit., I, 316: ‘‘ The ebb stream sweeps round this [St. Paul]
bay with a velocity of 73 knots at spring tides, and makes a dangerous ripple
for boats”; and also pp. 320 and 320-322. The river Garonne at Bordeaux is
extremely dangerous both on account of its strong current and of the many sand-
bars which obstruct its course.

“4 Coudres island is six miles long and two and a half in width. Vid.
also Pope, op. cit., 39-40, note 17, and Champlain, Ceuvres, III, 158.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 119

grasse, plaine de beaulx et grandz arbres de plusieurs sortes*.
Et entre aultres, y a plusieurs couldres franches, que" [nous]*
treuvasmes fort chargez de nozilles, aussi grosses et de meilleur
saveur que les nostres, mais vng peu plus dures; et pour” ce, la
nommasmes I’isle es Couldres*®,

Le VII° jour dudict moys, jour Nostre Dame‘’, aprés avoir
ouy la messe, nous partismes de ladicte ysle pour aller amont
ledict fleuve; et vinsmes a xiiii ysles*®, qui estoient distantes
de ladicte ysle es Couldres de sept a huict lieues, qui est le com-
mancement de la terre et prouvynce de Canada*’. Desquelles
y en a vne grande®® qui a envyron dix lieues de long et cing de

“Chas, lesquelz nous.

Vv A and P have, parce. There is an abbreviation in B and C.

species of fine large trees*®. Amongst others we found many hazel-
bushes, loaded with hazel-nuts as large as ours and better-tasting,
though a little more bitter. On this account we named the island
“ Hazel-bush island ’’*°.

On [Tuesday], the seventh of the month, being our Lady’s
day*’, after hearing mass, we set out from this [Coudres] island
to proceed up stream, and came to fourteen islands*® which lay
some seven or eight leagues beyond Coudres island. This is the
point where the province and territory of Canada begins*®. One
of these islandsis large, being some ten leagues long and five leagues
wide®°, and is inhabited by Indians who are much employed in

45 Cf. J. G. A. Creighton, op. cit., II, 707: “The whole surface of Isle
aux Coudres ... is spread out to your view, a lovely panorama. Over its clumps
of spruce and cedar, its groves of maple and birch and hazel, you see the south
shore,’ etc.

46 Tt is still called by this name which is given on the Vallard map, on the
Harleian and Desceliers mappemondes and on the Mercator map. Vid. plates
VIII, X, XII and XV, pp. 128, 160, 192 and 240 infra.

47 The anniversary of the Virgin’s birth really fell on Wednesday, September
8. Ramusio got over the difficulty by putting Ja vigilia della Madonna, whence
Florio’s ‘‘ our Ladies even.” Cf. Faillon, Histoire de la Colonie frangaise en
Canada, I, 13, note. Villemarie, 1865.

48 There are in reality fifteen: Goose, Crane, Mill, Race, Middle, Canoe,
Crowl, Margaret, Two Heads, Cliff, Grosse (the Quarantine station), Brothers,
Patience, Reaux and Madame, without counting the island of Orleans.

49 Vid. p. 103 supra, note 69.

50 The island of Orleans, so called by Cartier himself (p. 232) though he
also named it isle of Bacchus. Vid., p. 126 infra. It is twenty-one miles long
and seven wide. Cf. Champlain, Géuvres, III, 159.

C’est Vile
d’Orleans.

10V

Verte folia duo.

120 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

laize”, ot* ily a | gens demourans qui font grande pescherie de
tous les poissons qui sont dedans ledict fleuve, selon les saisons’,
de quoy sera faict cy aprés mention®*. Nos estans posez et a
l’ancre entre icelle grande ysle et la terre du nort®”, fumes” a
terre, et portasmes les deux hommes® que nous avyons prins le
précédent voiaige®?; et treuvasmes plusieurs gens du pays, les-
quelz commancérent 4 fuyr, et ne voullurent” aproucher jusques
ad ce que lesdictz® deux hommes commanceérent a parler, et leur
dire qu’ilz estoient Taignoagny* et dom®* Agaya®. Et lors qu’ilz
eurent congnoissance d’eulx®>, commancérent a faire grand chére {,
danssant et faisant plusieurs serimonyes; et vindrent partie ®

Ww A and P have, large. *P and C have, en laquelle. ¥ P has, leur saison.

=P has, allasmes. 8 P has, sauvaiges. > P has, vouloient.

4 Qne can also read Taiguragny as did Lescarbot wherein he was followed
by the Quebec editor. P however has the above spelling which is also the
reading in Ternaux-Compans. A seems to have read, Taiguragny.

© These two words have previously always been printed as one, though they
are kept quite separate in all the MSS. and are so printed in P.

£ P has, a demener ioye. ® P has, parler.

fishing for the many varieties of fish caught in this river, according
to the season. Mention will be made of these fish farther on®?.
After we had cast anchor between this large island and the north
shore®”, we went on land and took with us the two Indians we
had seized on our former voyage’*®. We came upon several of
the people of the country who began to run away and would not
come near, until our two Indians had spoken to them and told
them that they were Taignoagny and Dom®* Agaya. And when
they knew who it was®®, they began to welcome them, dancing
and going through many ceremonies. And some of the headmen
came to our Jong-boats, bringing us many eels and other fish,
51 According to Champlain (CEwvres, III, 159) these were principally sturgeon.
52 Cf, Bayfield, op. cit., I, 323; ‘Orleans channel is suitable only for
vessels drawing 15 feet or * ter, as there are several shoals nearly in mid-
channel with that depth.”’
53 Vid. p. 66 sera and infra p. 196.
54 Cf. Jotion des Longrais, op. cit., 138: ‘Dom au XVI® siécle, dans
la Haute Bretagne et particuli¢érement A Saint-Malo, indique un prétre et un
prétre séculier, spécialement méme un prétre non pourvu de canonicat ou du
bénéfice d’une cure, un simple chapelain, un prétre libre, comme nous dirions.”’
°° Florio has: “ who [i.e. the Canadians] as soone as they had taken aquain-
tance of them,” i.e. Taignoagny and Dom Agaya.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 121

des principaulx 4 noz bateaulx, lesquelz nous apportérent" force
anguilles et aultres poissons, avecq deux ou troys charges de groz
mil, qui est le pain duquel' ilz vivent en ladicte/ terre, et plu-
sieurs groz mellons®®. Et icelle journée, vindrent A noz navires
plusieurs barques dudict pays, chargées de gens, tant hommes
que femmes, pour veoyr et faire chére A nosdictz deulx hommes ®’,
lesquelz furent tous bien receuz par ledict* cappitaine, qui les
festoya de ce qu’il peult, et pour faire sa congnoissance leur donna
aucuns petitz présens de peu de valleur, desquelz! se contentérent
fort. |

Le landemain®®, le seigneur de Canada, nommé Donnacona
en nom, et l’appellent pour seigneur agouhanna™®®, vint avecq
douze barques, acompaigné de plusieurs gens, davant noz navires;
puis, en fict retirer arriére dix, et vint seullement avecques deulx

[desdictes barques]* 4 bort desdictz navires, acompaigné de seize

4 P has, apportoient. iP and C have, dequoy. iC has, leur.

KP and C have, nostre. 1P has, de quoy.

™ P has, Agouhanna which is also the reading in Lescarbot (op. cit., 329)
who adds: ‘‘Agouhanna nom de Seigneur, ou capitaine.”’

with two or three measures of Indian corn, which is their bread
in that country, and many large melons®®. And during that day
many canoes filled with the people of the country, both men as
well as women, came to our ships to see and welcome our two
Indians®’. The Captain received them all well and treated
them to what he had to offer. And to ingratiate himself with
them, he gave them some small presents of little value, at which
they were much pleased.

On the morrow®®, the lord of Canada, named Donnacona
(but as chief they call him Agouhanna®®*), came to our ships accom-
panied by many Indians in twelve canoes. He then sent back
ten of these and came alongside our ships with only two canoes.
And when he was opposite to the smallest of our three ships [Eméril-
lon], this Agouhanna began to make a speech and to harangue us,
moving his body and his limbs in a marvellous manner, as is their

56 Florio has, ‘‘ many gret musk milions.”

57 Florio has, “‘ take aquaintance of our two men.”

58 Wednesday, September 8.

59 Van Curler (loc. cit.), gives Aguayanderen as the old Mohawk word for
chief, while the modern form is Rakowana. In the Oneida dialect the form is
Hagoéno. Cf. Schoolcraft, op. cit., 265, No. 62.

pitee

Donnacona
Agonhbanna

Baiser le bras.

hc THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

hommes. Et commanga ledict agouhanna, le travers du plus
petit de noz [trois] navires, 4 faire vne predication et preschement
4X leur modde, en demenant son corps et membres d’vne merveil-
leuse sorte, qui est vne serymonye de joye et asseurance. Et
lors qu’il fut arryvé A la nef généralle,? od estoient lesdictz Tai-
enoa(i)gny°® et dom Agaya?, parla ledict seigneur 4 eulx, et eulx
a luy; et luy commancérent 4 compter ce qu’ilz avoyent veu en
France et le bon traictement qu’il leur avoyt esté faict®*, de
quoy fut ledict seigneur” fort joieulx, et pria le* cappitaine de luy
bailler ses braz, pour les baiser et accoller, qui est leur modde de
faire chére en ladicte terre. Et lors ledict* cappitaine entra
dedans la¥ barque dudict agouhanna, et commanda que on ap-
portastY pain et vin pour faire boire et manger ledict seigneur
et sa bande; ce qui fut faict; de quoy furent fort contens. Et

°B has, Taignoaigny here but elsewhere the -i is omitted.
PP and C have, Taignoagny et son compaignon.

'C has, celluy seigneur. 8 P and C have, nostre.
tP has, nostre; C, nostredict. UP has, en ladicte.

Vv P has, commanda apporter.

custom when showing joy and contentment. And when he came
opposite to the Captain’s vessel, on board of which were Taignoa-
gny and Dom Agaya, the chief spoke to them and they to him, telling
him what they had seen in France, and the good treatment meted
out to them there®!. At this the chief was much pleased and
begged the Captain to stretch out his arms to him that he might
hug and kiss them, which is the way they welcome one in that
country. After this the Captain stepped down into this Agou-
hanna’s canoe, and ordered bread and wine to be brought that
the chief and his Indians might partake thereof. When this had
been done they were much pleased; but no other present was then

60 La Grande Hermine.

61 Cf, Champlain’s Works, I, 99-100: ‘‘ L’vn des sauvages . . . commenga
a faire sa harangue de la bonne reception que leur avoit fait le Roy [Henri IV]
& le bon traictement qu’ils auoient receu en France, & qu’ils s’asseurassent que
sadite Majesté leur vouloit du bien, & desiroit peupler leur terre... en leur
comptant aussy les beaux Chasteaux, Palais, maisons & peuples qu’ils auoient
veus, & nostre fagon de viure. II fut entendu avec vn silence si grand qu’il ne
se peut dire de plus.” As Cartier’s two Indians were of the Huron-Iroquois race
while these mentioned here were of the Montagnais tribe, a branch of the Algon-
kins, these latter possessed no tradition of any former voyage across the “great
waters.”

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 . 123

pour lors ne fut autre présent faict audict seigneur, actendant lieu
et temps. Aprés lesquelles choses [ainsi] faictes, se despartérent
les vngs des | aultres, et prindrent congé; et se retira ledict agou-
hanna“ a* ses barques, pour soy” retirer et aller en son lieu.
Et pareillement ledict” cappitaine fict apprester noz® barques,
pour passer oultre, et aller amont? ledict fleuve avecq le flo, pour
sercher hable et lieu de sauveté pour mectre les navires. Et
fumes oultre ledict fleuve envyron dix lieues, cottoyant ladicte
ysle®?, et au bout® d’icelle trouvasmes vng affourcq? d’eaues ®?,
fort beau et plaisant, auquel lieu y a vne petite ripviére et hable
de basre®*, marinant de deulx 4 troys brasses, que trouvasmes
lieu 4 nous propice pour mectre nosdictz navires 4 sauveté. Nous
nommasmes ledict lieu® saincte Croix®® pource que ledict jour y

arrivasmes®®. Auprés d’icelluy- lieu y a vng peuple dont est

“C has, seigneur. * P and C have, en.

¥ P has, se; C has, pour s’en aller a son lieu.

2C has, nostre. 4 P has, ses. > P has, avant.
© P has, bort. 4 P has, asseurg.

©C has, ladicte ripviere.

made to the chief, pending a more suitable time and place. After
these things had been thus carried out, they took leave of each
other and separated, the said Agouhanna returning to his canoes
to make his way home again. And the Captain likewise ordered
out our long-boats to make our way up the stream with the flood
tide, to find a harbour and safe spot in which to lay up the ships.
And we went some ten leagues up the river, coasting this island
fof Orleans], at the end of which we came to a forking of the
waters®*, which is an exceedingly pleasant spot, where there is
a small river and a harbour with a bar°*, on which at high tide,
there is a depth of from two to three fathoms. We thought this
river [St. Charles] a suitable place in which to lay up our ships

62 Orleans.

®3 Tt is the fork formed by the St. Charles and the St. Lawrence. Cf.
Champlain, Géuvres, III, 159-160: ‘‘ & n’y a audit affour, comme l’appelle Quar-
tier, aucune riviere gue celle qu’il nomma saincte Croix, distante de l’isle d’Or-
leans d’vne bonne lieue, ot de basse mer n’y a que demie brasse d’eau.. .&...
de plaine mer... il y a 3 brasses d’eau,” etc. On reaching the Basin of Quebec
the St. Lawrence swings off to the left while the St. Charles lies right ahead.

64 The river St. Charles. Lescarbot (op. cit., 1609, p. 330) has added:
“‘ Hable de barre, &. c’est A dire Havre qui asseche de basse mer, & y a de deux
4 trois brasses d’eau de haute mer.”

11%

Saincte Croix

Stadaconé

Chanvre
sauvage

12”

124 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

seigneur ledict Donnacona, et y est sa demeurance, lequel‘ se
nomme Stadaconé*’, qui est aussi bonne terre qu’il soit possible
de veoyr, et bien fructifferante, plaine de moult® beaulx arbres,
de la nature et sorte de France, comme” chaisnes, hourmes, fren-
nes, noyers, prunyers, yfz, seddrez, vignes, aubespines, qui por-
tent [le] fruict aussi groz que prunes de Damas, et aultres arbres,
soubz lesquelz croist de aussi bon chanvre que celluy de France,
lequel’ vient sans semance ny labour. Aprés avoyr visité ledict
lieu et treuvé estre convenable, | se retira ledict! cappitaine et
les aultres dedans les barques, pour retourner aux * navires; et
ainsi que sortimes hors [de] ladicte ripviére®®, trouvasmes, au-

£ P and C have, qui. ® P has, fort. 4 C has, savoir.
iP has, qui. iC has, nostre. KP and C have, es.

in safety. We named it ‘Ste. Croix’’®*®, as we arrived there
that day®®. Near this spot lives a tribe of which this Donnacona

_ is chief, and he himself resides there. The village is called Stada-

cona®’. This region is as fine land as it is possible to see, being

very fertile and covered with magnificent trees of the same varieties
as in France, such as oaks, elms, ash, walnut, plum-trees, yew-
trees, cedars, vines, hawthorns, bearing a fruit as large as a damson,
and other varieties of trees. Beneath these grows as good hemp
as that of France, which comes up without sowing or tilling it.
After visiting this river [St. Charles] and finding it suitable, the
Captain and the others returned to the long-boats in order to go

65 The river appears on the Harleian and Desceliers mappemondes and on
the Mercator map as Stadin flu. Cf. also Thevet, Cosmographie universelle, 11,
1010: “‘ Ce fut en leur terre, que les Frangoys bastirent, il y a long temps,
vn fort...& fut basty ce fort 4 cause d’vne riviere d’eau doulce, nommee
Stadin, qui l’avoisine,” etc. Further on however (p. 126) Cartier calls it, la
ripviere saincte Croix.

66 The anniversary of the Elevation of the Cross fell on Tuesday, September
14. This was still Wednesday, September 8, but it was not until Tuesday that
the ships were brought to the mouth of the river St. Charles or to ‘‘ Ste. Croix
harbour ” as the name is given on the Harleian and Desceliers mappemondes.
The two larger vessels were warped into the St. Charles on Thursday the six-
teenth. Vid. p. 130 infra.

°7 Lescarbot has printed this word Stadaconé just as he also put Caquetdazé

(p. 106) and Razé (p. 239). There are of course no accents of any sort in the
MSS. P printed it only once with an accent (p. 39b). It is given on the Harleian

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 125

davant de nous l’vng des seigneurs dudict peuple de Stadaconé,
acompaigné de plusieurs gens, tant hommes, femmes! [que en-
fans], lequel seigneur commanga 4a faire vng preschement, a la
facgon et modde du pays, qui est de joye et asseurance, et les femmes
danssoient et chantoyent sans cesse, estans™ en l’eaue jusques es
genoilz®®. Le® cappitaine, voyant leur bonne amour et bon
voulloir, fict aprocher la barque ot il estoit, et leur donna des
cousteaulx et petites patenostres de verre®; de quoy menérent
vne merveilleuse joye, de sorte que nous estans despartiz d’avecq
eulx, distant d’vne lieue ou envyron”°, les ouyons chanter, dansser
et mener feste? de nostre venue.

1A, B and C have only, tant hommes que femmes.
™ B is torn here. A and P have as in the text, while C gives, lesquelles
estoient. ” P and C have, Nostre. ~ ° P has, voirre. PP has, soye.

back to the ships. And as we came out of the river ®®, we saw one

of the headmen of the Stadacona Indians coming to meet us,
accompanied by several men, women and children; and he began
to make an harangue, expressing joy and contentment after the
manner of the country, while the squaws danced and sang uninter-
ruptedly, being in the water up to their knees®*. The Captain,
seeing their great affection and good-will, ordered the long-
boat in which he was seated to go towards them, and gave them
some knives and glass-beads, at which they showed wonderful
pleasure. And when’ we were a league or so away’®, we still
heard them singing, dancing and rejoicing over our visit.

mappemonde but the Desceliers planisphere has, Estadacone. In the edition
of 1617 (p. 303), Lescarbot has added: “‘ Stadaconé c’est aujourd’hui Kebec,”’
after Champlain, Giuwvres, III, 159. Vid. pp. 195-196 infra. The English form
is first given in 1556 by Ramusio and was copied in 1580 from the Italian by
Florio who spelt it ‘‘Stadagona.”” Hakluyt corrected this to Stadacona which
has now the sanction of age.

68 St. Charles.

69 These Indians doubtless came to the west point of the St. Charles where
the Quebec docks have since been built; for Stadacona lay under the north brow
of cape Diamond. Cf. Champlain’s Works, I, 108: ‘‘ Ils ne bougent d’vn lieu
en dansant, & font quelques gestes & mouvemens du corps, levans vn pied, &
puis l’autre, en frappant contre terre’; and Giuvres, IV, 90: ‘ Ils [the Hurons]
n’ont que deux sortes de dances qui ont quelque mesure, l’vne de quatre pas, &
l’autre de douze comme si on dangoit le Triolyde Bretagne.”

70 Ramusio has tre miglia, while Florio gives, ‘‘ about 3 leagues.”

12:7;

126 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

COMME LE® CAPPITAINE RETOURNA AUX" NAVI-
RES, ET ALLA VEOYR L’ISLE”!, LA GRANDEUR ET
NATURE D’ICELLE; ET COMME IL FICT MENER LES-
DICTZ NAVIRES A LA RIPVIERE SAINCTE Croix! ?. |

Aprés que nous fumes arrivez avecques les* barques aus-
dictz* navires, et retournez de la ripviére saincte Croix’?, le"
cappitaine commanda aprester lesdictes barques, pour aller a
terre 4 ladicte ysle’! veoyr les arbres, qui sambloient A veoir fort
beaulx, et la nature de la terre d’icelle ysle; ce qui fut faict. Et [nous]
estans a ladicte ysle, la trouvasmes plaine de fort beaulx arbres,
comme chaisnes, hourmes, pins, seddrez et aultres boys de la
sorte des nostres; et pareillement y treuvasmes force vignes, ce
que n’avyons veu, par cy davant, a toute la terre; et pour ce, la
nommasmes l’isle de Bascuz’’®. Icelle ysle tient de longueur

4P and C have, nosire.

TP has, es.

5 P has, noz.

tC has, esdictz.

"C has, nostre.

Vv A has, Baccus; P, Bacchus.

How THE CAPTAIN RETURNED ON BOARD THE
SHIPS, AND WENT TO VISIT THE IsLAND’!; THE
NATURE AND SIZE OF THE SAME; AND HOW HE
HAD THE SHIPS BROUGHT INTO THE RIVER STE.
Croix??,

When we had arrived with our long-boats at the ships on our
return from the river Ste. Croix’*, the Captain ordered the long-
boats to be manned again in order to go on shore at the island
[of Orleans] to examine the trees, which appeared to be very fine,
and also to see the nature of the soil of that island; which was
done. And on reaching the island, we found it covered with very
fine trees, such as oaks, elms, pines, cedars and other varieties
like our own; and we likewise found there a great store of
vines, which heretofore we had not seen in all this region. On
that account we named the island ‘‘ Bacchus’s island ’’7*. This
island is some twelve leagues in length’*, and in appearance is

71 The island of Orleans.
72 The St. Charles.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 127

envyron douze lieues’*, et est moult belle terre [A veoir], et

vnye, [mais est] plaine de boys, sans y avoir aucun labouraige,
fors qu’il y a [aucunes] petites maisons, ot ilz font pescherie,
comme par cy davant est faict mention.

Le landemain™®, partismes avecq nosdictz navires, pour les
mener audict lieu de saincte Croix, et y arrivasmes le landemain
XITII® dudict moys*. Et vindrent audavant de nous _lesdictz
Donnacona, | Taignoagny” et dom Agaya, avecq” vingt cing
barques chargéez de gens, lesquelz® venoient du lieu d’ot” estions
partiz, et alloient audict Stadaconé, ot est leur demourance; et
vindrent tous 4 noz navires, faisant plusieurs signes de joye, fors
les® deulx hommes que avions apportez, savoir, Taignoagny® et

WP has, fort.

*C has, XIIII® jour de septembre.

’ C has here, Taignouagny.

2C has, acompaignesz de.

2 P has, gut.

> P has, dudict liew dont.

°P has, noz; C, fors que noz.

4 P has here, Thaignoagny. &

a fine flat land, covered with timber, without any of it being
cultivated, except that there are a few small cabins which the
Indians use for fishing as has been mentioned above.

On the following day’®,we set sail with our ships to bring
them to the spot called Ste. Croix, where we arrived the next day,
[Tuesday] the fourteenth of the month. And Donnacona, Tai-
gnoagny and Dom Agaya came to meet us with twenty-five canoes
filled with Indians who were coming from the direction whence
we had set out and were making towards Stadacona, which is
their home. And all came over towards our ships, showing many
signs of joy, except the two Indians we had brought with us, to

73 Cartier farther on (p. 232) also called it tle d’Orléans in all probability
after Charles Duke of Orleans, the third son of Francis I. This name alone
is given on the Desliens, Vallard and Homem maps, on the Harleian mappe-
monde and on the Desceliers planisphere. The Mercator map however gives,
y. d’Orleans aliis de Baccho.

74 See p. 119, note 50.

75 According to the text this would be Thursday, September 9, but several
days are evidently omitted; forthe day after the fourteenth is called Tuesday.
It was therefore Monday, September 13. Vid. p. 124 supra note 66.

13°

Mochkelaga

13%

128 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

dom Agaia®, lesquelz estoient tous changez de propotz et de
couraige, et ne voullurent’ entrer dedans nosdictz navires, non
obstant qu’ilz en fussent plusieurs foys priez; de quoy eusmes
aucune deffiance [d’eulx]. Le*® cappitaine leur demanda s’ilz
voulloient aller, comme ilz luy avoient promys, avecq luy 4 Hoche-
laga’®, et ilz [luy]* respondirent que ouy, et qu’ilz estoient deli-
berez y aller; et alors chascun se retira.

Et le landemain, quinziesme [jour] dudict moys, le® cappi-
taine, acompaigné de plusieurs de ses gens, fut a terre, pour faire
planter ballises et merches pour plus seurement mectre les navires
a saufveté’”. Auquel lieu trouvasmes, et se rendirent audavant
de nous, grand nombre des! gens du pays, et entre aultres les-
dictz Donnacona, noz| deulx hommes et leur bande, lesquelz

£ P has, vouloient.

®£C has, Nostre.

h P has, ledict while C gives, nostre cappitaine avecq plusieurs alla @ terre.
i A has, de, while P and C give, plusieurs gens.

wit, Taignoagny and Dom Agaya, who were altogether changed
in their attitude and goodwill, and refused to come on board our
ships, although many times begged to do so. At this we began
somewhat to distrust them. The Captain asked them if they
were willing to go with him to Hochelaga’®, as they had promised,
and they replied that they were and that it was their intention
to go there. Upon this each retired.

And on the following day [Wednesday], the fifteenth of the
month, the Captain went ashore with a number of his men to set

out buoys and landmarks that the ships might be laid up with

more care’’, We found a large number of the people of the

76 The region about the Lachine rapids. The word in the Huron tongue
means, ‘‘ at the beaver-dam.” Vid. Transactions of the Royal Society, 1%* ser.,
II, ii, 78. Cf. also Pope, op. cit., 84, note 46.

77 Lescarbot (op. cit., 1609, p. 333) has added: ‘‘ Es ports de mer oi n'y
a gueres de profond, on plante des balises & remarques pour la conduite ces
vaisseaux.” Cf. Champlain, Giuvres, III, 157 and 160. Vid. also the Quebec
edition of Cartier’s Voyages, p. 110, note 4: ‘‘ Du temps de M. de Champlain
le lit de la riviére St. Charles était embarrassé de rochers énormes, dont beau-
coup furent employés vers 1755 a la construction d’une digue pour mettre en
sureté les bateaux du roi. Depuis plusieurs années cette digue n’est plus visible,
étant comprise dans la longueur des quais qui s’avancent maintenant (1842)
jusqu’au chenal de la riviére.”’

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 129

se tindrent 4 part, soubz vne poincte de terre, qui est sus le bort
dudict! fleuve’®, sans que* aucun d’eulx vynt envyron nous,
comme les aultres, qui n’estoient de leur bande, faisoient. Et
aprés que ledict cappitaine fut adverty qu’ilz y estoient, commanda
a partie de ses gens aller avecques luy, et furent vers eulx soubz
ladicte poincte, et treuvérent le[s]dict|zZ] Donnacona, Taignoagny,
dom Agaya et [plusieurs] aultres [de leur bande]. Et aprés se
estre entresaluez!, s’avanca ledict Taignoagny de parler, et™ dist
audict ™ cappitaine que ledict® seigneur Donnacona estoit marry,
dont ledict cappitaine et ses gens portoient tant de bastons de
guerre, pource que, de leur part, n’en portoient nulz. A quoy
respondict le cappitaine, que pour sa? marrisson ne laisseroit a

iP has, d’ung.

KP has, sans ce que.

LA has, se estre saluez.

™ C has, lequel dict.

2 P has, @ nostre.

° Chas, leur.
PP has, leur respondist ledict cappitaine que pour leur marrisson, etc.

village coming to meet us, and among the rest, Donnacona, our
two Indians, and their friends, who kept apart on a point of land
on the bank of the river’® [St. Lawrence], without one of them
coming towards us, as did the others, who were not of their party.
And the Captain, being informed of their presence, ordered
some of his men to accompany him, and went towards the point
of land where they were, and found Donnacona, Taignaogny, Dom
Agaya and several others of their party. After they had mutually
saluted each other, Taignoagny began to makea speech and to say
to the Captain, that Chief Donnacona was vexed that the Captain
and his people carried so many weapons when they on their side
carried none. To this the Captain replied that for all Donnacona’s
grief, he would not cease to carry them since such was the custom
in France as Taignoagny well knew. But for all this the Captain
and Donnacona were most friendly towards each other. Then
we understood that what Taignoagny had been saying came
solely from himself and his companion 79. for before we went away,

78St, Lawrence. It was probably on the point where the Quebec docks
are now built.

79 Dom Agaya. Florio has: ‘ was only long of himself and of his fellow,”
where ‘‘ long of ’”’ has the sense of ‘‘ by the fault of.”

48493—9

14”

130 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

les porter, et que c’estoit la coustume de France, et qu’il le savoit
bien. Mais pour toutes le[ur]s parolles, ne laissérent lesdictz4
cappitaine et,Donnacona 4a faire grand chére ensemble. Et lors
apersumes que tout ce que disoit ledict Taignoagny, ne venoit
que de luy et son compaignon’®; car avant despartir’ dudict
lieu, firent vne asseurance, le[s]dict[z]* cappitaine et seigneur, de
sorte merveilleuse; car tout le peuple dudict [seigneur] Donnacona,
ensemblement*, gectérent et firent troys criz, a plaine voix,
que c’estoit chose orrible 4 ouyr®°, et attant prindrent congé les
vngs des aultres; et nous retirasmes a bort pour celluy jour.

[Et] le landemain, XVI™ jour dudict moys*!, nous mismes
noz deulx plus grandz navires dedans ledict hable et ripviére®,
ot il y a de plaine mer trois brasses, et de bas d’eaue, demye brasse;
et fut laissé le gallion®* dedans la radde, pour mener 4° Ho(u)che-
lagaY. Et tout incontinent que lesdictz navires furent audict

4 C has, nostredtct. TP has, Et avant de partir. ® C has, nostre.

*C has, tous ensemble. UP has, audict.

Vv Elsewhere B has, Hochelaga which is also the reading here in the other
MSS. and in P.

the Captain and the chief made a compact together in the most
strange manner; for the whole of Donnacona’s people cried out
all together, and gave three shouts in such a loud manner that it
was awful to hear®®. After that they took leave of each other;
and we returned on board our ships for that day.

On the morrow [Thursday], the sixteenth of that month *},
we placed our two largest vessels inside the harbour and river ®?,
where at high water there is a depth of three fathoms, and at low
tide, half a fathom. But the bark®? was left in the roadstead

89 Cf. Champlain’s Works, I, 100-101: ‘‘ Ils respondirent tous d’vne voix:
ho, ho, ho, qui est a dire ouy, ouy.” Vid. also Lescarbot, op. cit., 1609, p. 796:
“ Quand ils arrivoient chez nous, la salutation estoit Ho, ho, ho... Or soit que
la salutation Ho, ho, signifie quelque chose, ou non (car ie n’y scay aucune signi-
fication particuliére) c’est toutefois une salutation de ioye, & la seule voix Ho,
ho, ne se peut faire que ce ne soit quasi en riant, temoignans par 1a qu’ils sont
joyeux de voir leurs amis.” In his Dictionaire de la langue huronne (Paris,
1632), Sagard gives ‘‘ Ho, ho, ho,” as ‘‘Grand mercy.” Vid., also his Grand
Voyage, 106; Peter Jones, op. cit., 95-6 and 106; and The Jesuit Relations and
Allied Documents, V, 164, 248 and 252.

81 Thursday, September 16.

82 The St. Charles. These were the Grande Ermine and the Petite Ermine.

83 The Emérillon.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 131

hable et assec%, se* treuvérent davant lesdictz navires lesdictz
Donnacona, Taignoagny et dom Agaya, avecques plus de cing
cens personnes, tant hommes, femmes que [petis] enffans; et entra
ledict seigneur, avecques® dix ou douze aultres des plus grandz
' personnaiges [du pays], lesquelz furent par ledict cappitaine et
aultres festoiez et receuz selon leur estat; et leur fut donné aucuns
petitz présens. Et fut par Taignoagny dict audict” cappitaine,
que ledict seigneur [Donnacona] estoit marry dont il alloit a
Hochelaga, et que ledict seigneur ne voulloit poinct que luy, qui
parloit, [y] allast avecques luy, comme il avoyt promys, pource
que la ripviére ne valloyt rien®*. | A quoy fict responce ledict
cappitaine*, que pour tout ce, ne laisseroit y aller, s’il luy estoit
possible, pource qu'il avoit commandement du Roy, son maistre,
d’aller au” plus avant® qu’il luy seroit possible?; mais si ledict

WP has, asseur. *From Aand P. Band C have, ce.

¥C has, accompaignesz de. 7 P has, @ nostre.

®P has, & leur fust respondu; C, Et lors nostre cappitaine fict responce.
>C has, Je.

to take us to Hochelaga. And as soon as the two vessels had been
brought into the harbour and had grounded, Donnacona, Tai-
gnoagny and Dom Agaya came about them with more than 500
people, both men, women and children;,and the chief came on
board with ten or twelve of the headmen of the village, who were
feasted and féted by the Captain and others, according to their
rank; and some small presents were given to them. And Tai-
gnoagny told the Captain that chief Donnacona was annoyed
because he [Cartier] intended to go to Hochelaga, and was most
unwilling that Taignoagny should accompany him, as he had
promised to do; for the river was not worth exploring**. To
this the Captain made reply, that notwithstanding this he would
use his efforts to reach there; for he had orders from the king his
master to push on as far as possible; and that if Taignoagny were
willing to come along, as he had promised, a present would be
made to him which would please him, and he would be well enter-

84 Florio has: ‘the River [St. Lawrence] was of no importance.’’ Les-
carbot, op. cit., 1609, p. 335 has added: ‘‘c’est une fagon de parler des Sau-
vages, pour dire qu’elle est dangereuse, comme de vérité elle est, passé le lieu de
saincte Croix.” Lescarbot identified this latter with the river of cap Rouge.

48493—9%

149

132 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

Taignoagny y voulloit® aller, comme il avoit promys, que on luy
feroit présent, de quoy ‘ il seroit content, et grand chére, et qu’ilz
ne feroient seullement que aller veoyr Hochelaga, puis retourner ®.
A quoy respondict ledict Taignoagny qu’il n’[y] yroit poinct.
Lors® se retirérent 4 leurs maisons.

Et le landemain, XVII° [jour]* dudict moys*®®, ledict Donna-
cona et les aultres revindrent, comme davant, et apportérent
force anguilles et aultres poissons, duquel! se faict grand pescherie
audict fleuve, comme sera cy aprés dict. Et lors qu’ilz furent
arrivez davant nosdicts navires, commancérent a dansser et chan-
ter, comme ilz avoient de coustume. Et aprés qu’ilz eurent ce!
taict, fist ledict Donnacona mectre tous ses gens d’vn cousté, et
fict vng | cerne sus le sablon, et y fict mectre ledict* cappitaine
et ses gens. Puys! commanca vne grande harangue, tenant vne
fille, d’envyron de I’aige de dix [4 douze] ans, en |’vne de ses mains;

£P has, que aller et venir seulement audict Hochelaga, while C gives, que
aller veoyr seullement ledict Hochelaga et puys retourner.

»C has, Et lors. ‘1 P and C have, dequoy. iFrom A, PandC. B has, se.

EP and C have, nostre. 1P and C have, & lors.

tained; and that they would merely go and see Hochelaga and
return. Taignoagny answered that under no circumstances would
he go. Upon this the Indians retired to their wigwams.

And the next day [Friday], the seventeenth of the same
month®*®, Donnacona and the others came back and brought a
quantity of eels and other fish, which are caught in great numbers
in this river [St. Lawrence], as shall be set forth farther on. And
on arriving in front of our two ships, they began to dance and to
sing as usual. After this Donnacona had all his people place
themselves on one side, and having made a ring in the sand, caused
the Captain and his men to stand inside it. He then began a
long harangue, holding by the hand a girl of about ten or twelve
years of age, whom at length he presented to the Captain. There-
upon the whole of the Chief’s people raised three shouts and cries
in sign of joy and alliance’®. He next made him a present of
two small boys of tenderer age, one after the other, on which the
people gave vent to the same shouts and cries as before. After

85 Friday, September 17.
86 Vid. p. 130 note 80.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 133

puis la vint présenter audict™ cappitaine. Et lors”, tous les gens
dudict seigneur se prindrent a faire troys criz [et hurlemens],. en
signe de joye et alliance®®. Puys®, de rechef, presenta deulx
petitz garcons, de moindre aige, l|’vn apres l’aultre, desquelz firent
telz criz et serimonyes que davant. Duquel présent [ainsi faict],
fut ledict seigneur par ledict cappitaine remercyé?. Et lors
Taignoagny dist audict cappitaine que la fille estoit la propre fille
de la seur dudict seigneur [Donnacona]*, et l’vn des garcons frére
de luy qui parloyt®’; et que on les luy donnoyt sur l’intencion
qu’il ne allast poinct 4 Hochelaga. A quoy luy respondist nostre
cappitaine®, que si on les luy avoit donnez sur ceste intencion,
que on les reprint, et que pour rien [il]* ne laisseroit essaigier* a
aller audict Hochelaga, pource qu’il avoit commandement de

™ P and C have, @ nostre. 1 P has, tout incontinent. °C has, Ht puys.

PP has, Duquel present ainsi faict par le dict seigneur fut par nostre cappi-
taine remercié, while C gives the same as B, with the exception of, par nostredict
cappitaine. ,

4From P. A and B have, Lequel cappitaine respondit, while C gives, A
quoy respondit ledict cappitaine.

® A has, essayer; C, essaier. It is omitted in P.

the Captain had thanked the Chief for the presents thus made
to him, Taignoagny told the Captain that the girl was the own -
daughter of Chief Donnacona’s sister, and that one of the boys
was his, the speaker’s, brother ®”; and that these children had been
given to him to the intent he should not go to Hochelaga. To
this our Captain replied that in case they had been given to him
with that intent, they must be taken back; for that nothing would
induce him to forgo the attempt to make his way to Hochelaga,
since such were his orders.= On hearing this Dom Agaya,
Taignoagny’s companion, told the Captain that the Chief had
given him these children out of pure affection and in sign of
alliance; and that he [Dom Agaya] was willing to accompany the
Captain to Hochelaga. At this Taignoagny and Dom Agaya had
high words together, whereby we were convinced, as well from
this as by other bad turns we had seen him do, that Taignoagny

87 Florio has, ‘‘ The Lord tolde our Captain then, that one of the children
was his owne brother and that the maiden child was daughter unto his owne
sister ’’ where he misunderstood Ramusio’s correct Italian.

88 Vid. p. 46, note 14.

15”

134 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

ce faire®®. Sur lesquelles parolles, dom Agaya, compaignon du-
dict Taignoagny, dist audict cappitaine que ledict seigneur luy
avoit donné lesdictz enffans par bonne amour et en signe d’asseu-
rance, et qu'il estoit | content de aller avecq ledict cappitaine
4® Hochelaga. De quoy heurent grosses parolles lesdictz Taignoa-
gny et dom Agaya, dont* apersumes que ledict Taignoagny ne
valloit riens®*, et qu’il ne songeoit que trahison [et malice], tant
pour" ce, que aultres mauvays tours que luy avyons veu faire.
Et sur ce, ledict cappitaine fict mectre lesdictz enffans dedans
les navires; et fict apporter deux espées, vng grand bassin d’arin,
plain, et vng ouvré, 4% laver mains, et en fict présent audict Don-
nacona, qui” fort s’en contenta, et remercia ledict* cappitaine.
Et commanda [ledict Donnacona] a tous ses gens chanter et dans-
ser, et pria [ledict Donnacona] le” cappitaine faire tirer vne piece

§P has, avec luy audict; C gives also, audict. tP and C have, lors.
tA has, par ce. There is an abbreviation in P.

YP has, pour.

WP and C have, lequel.

= P has, nostre.

YP has, nostre; C, ledict.

was a worthless fellow®®, who was intent on nothing but treason
and malice. The Captain then ordered the children to be placed
on board the ships, and had brought to him two swords, a large,
plain, brass wash-basin and one that was worked, and of these he
made a present to Donnacona, who was extremely pleased and
thanked the Captain. And Donnacona called to his people to
sing and to dance; and begged the Captain to have a piece of
artillery discharged because Taignoagny and Dom Agaya had given
him great accounts of it®®, and neither he nor his people had ever
seen or heard of artillery®!. The Captain answered that he would
do so, and ordered a dozen canon?” to be fired with their bullets

89 Florio has, ‘‘ was a craftie knave.”

90 Florio has, ‘‘ made great brags of it.”

91 Cf, p. 114 note 22.

°2 Cf. Jal, op. cit., 244b: “ Barce—Nom d’une petite piéce d’artillerie
dont on se servait 4 bord des navires de guerre au XVIP® siécle. L’art. 60 de
Védit rendu par Henri IH, en mars 1584... statue que le navire de 30 A 40

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 135

d’artillerye, pource que [lesdictz] Taignoagny et dom Agaya luy
en avoient faict feste®°, et aussi que jamais n’en avoyent veu ny
ouy’?. [A quoy] lequel cappitaine respondict qu'il en estoit
content”, et commanda tirer* vne douzaine de barges?”, avec-
ques leurs boulletz, le travers du boys, qui estoit joignant? les-
dicts navires et gens. De quoy furent tous si estonnez, qu’ils
panssoient que le ciel fust cheu sur eulx; et se prindrent a huller®
et hucher si trés-fort, qu’il sembloit que enffer y fust vuydé". Et
auparavant? qu’ilz se retirassent, ledict Taignoagny | fict dire,
par interposéez personnes, que les compaignons du gallion, [lequel
estoit demouré a la radde]°, avoyent tué deulx de leurs gens de

coups d’artillerye; dont se retirérent tous si 4 grand haste, qu’il

sembloyt que les voulsissions tuer£. Ce que ne se treuva vérité;

car, durant ledict jour, ne fut dudict gallion tyré artillerye.

*P has, qu’al le vouloit bien.

4 P and C have, que on tirast.

> P and C have, iouxte.

° P has, hurler.

4 P has, davant.

'©From P. A, Band C have, lesquelz estotent en la radde.

£P and C have, dont tous se retirérent @ grand haste ainsi que si les eussions

voulu tuer.

into the wood that stood opposite to the ships and the Indians.
These were all so much astonished as if the heavens had fallen
upon them, and began to howl and to shriek in such a very loud
manner that one would have thought hell had emptied itself
there®*. And before they retired, Taignoagny sent word by others,
that the sailors on board the bark [Emérillon], that lay out in the
roadstead, had fired their cannon and had killed two Indians, where-
upon all skurried off in such haste that one would have thought
we had wished to destroy them. This report proved false; for
no shot was fired that day from the bark.

tonneaux aura deux doubles Barces; que le navire de 50 4 60 tonneaux aura 4
Barces; que celui de 70 A 80 tonneaux aura 6 Barces; que celui de 90 a 100
tonneaux aura 8 Barces; enfin, que le navire de 110 4 120 tonneaux en aura 12.”
According to this regulation the Grande Ermine would have had twelve, the
Petite Ermine four and the bark two such cannon. Vid. also J. M. Pardessus,
Collection de lois maritimes antérieures au X VIII® siécle, 1V, 311-312, art. LX,
Paris, 1837 in 4°.
93 Florio has, ‘‘ that it seemed hel were broken loose.”

16”

136 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

COMMENT LESDICTZ DONNACONA, TAIGNOAGNY
ET AULTRES SONGERENT VNE FINESSE, ET FIRENT
HABILLER TROYS HOMMES EN GUISE DE DIABLES,
FAIGNANS ESTRE VENUZ DE PAR CUDOUAGNY®,
LEUR DIEU, POUR NOUS EMPESCHER D’ALLER A®
HOCHELAGA.

Le landemain, dix-huictiesme jour dudict moys, pour nous

16” cuyder tousiours empescher | d’aller 4 Hochelaga, songérent vne
-grande finesse°®*, qui fut telle. Ilz firent habiller’ trois hommes
en la facon de trois diables, lesquelz estoient vestuz [de peaulx] de
chien), noirs et blancs, et avoyent [des]* cornes aussi longues que

le bras, et estoient painctz par le visaige de noir, comme charbon es

et les firent mectre dedans vne de leurs barques, 4 nostre non ‘sceu.

£P has always, Cudriagny while Belleforst gives, Cudruagni. Lescarbot,
Faribault and Ternaux-Compans have read, Cudouagny. Vid., pp. 139 and
179,

1 P has, audict.

iP has, ilz habillerent.

i A has, chiens.

kK P and C have, et avoient le visaige painct aussi noir que charbon.

How DoNNACONA, TAIGNOAGNY AND THE OTHERS
DEVISED A RUSE, AND DRESSED UP THREE
INDIANS AS DEVILS, WHO PRETENDED TO BE SENT
FROM THEIR GOD CUDOUAGNY TO PREVENT US
FROM GOING TO HOCHELAGA.

On the next day [Saturday], the eighteenth of the month,
they devised a great ruse?* to prevent us still from going to
Hochelaga. They dressed up three Indians as devils, arraying
them in black and white dog-skins, with horns as long as one’s
arm and their faces coloured black as coal, and unknown to us
put them into a canoe. They themselves then came towards our
ships in a crowd as usual but remained some two hours in the wood
without appearing, awaiting the moment when the tide would
bring down the above-mentioned canoe. At that hour they all
came out of the wood and showed themselves in front of our ships
but without coming so near as they were in the habit of doing.

94 Florio has,‘ a pretty guile.” It was still September.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 137

Puys vindrent avecq leur bande!, comme [ilz] avoyent de cous-
tume, auprés de noz navires, et™ se tindrent dedans le boys, sans
apparestre ”, envyron deux heures, actendant que l’heure et marée
fust venue pour l’arrivée de ladicte barque. A laquelle heure,
sortirent tous [du boys], et se presentérent davant nosdictz°
navires, sans eulx aprocher, ainsi qu’ilz soulloient faire. Et
commanga [ledict] Taignoagny a saluer le? cappitaine, lequel 4
luy demanda, s’il voulloyt avoyr le batteau®®. A quoy™ luy res-
pondict ledict Taignoagny, que non pour l’heure, mais que tan-
tost il entreroit dedans lesdictz navires. Et incontinent arryva
ladicte barque, ot estoient lesdictz troys hommes, apparessant
estre trois diables, ayans de grandes cornes sus leurs testes, et
faisoit celluy du meilleu, en venant, vng merveilleux sermon; et®

1P and C have, & leur bande vint.

™ P has, lesquelz.

2 C has, sans eulx monsirer.

° P and C have, lesdictes.

P P has, nostre.

4P and C have, qu.

TP and C have, /equel.

® P has, lesquelz.

And Taignoagny proceeded to greet the Captain, who asked him
if he wished the ship’s boat®®. Taignoagny answered that he did
not wish it for the moment but that presently he would come on
board the ships. Soon after arrived the canoe in which were the
three Indians dressed as devils, with long horns on their heads.
And as they drew near, the one in the middle made a wonderful
harangue, but they passed by our ships without once. turning their
faces towards us, and proceeded to head for the shore and to
run their canoe on land. Chief Donnacona and his people at
once seized the canoe and the three Indians, who had let them-
selves fall to the bottom of it like dead men, and carried them,
canoe and Indians, into the wood which was distant a stone’s
throw from our ships; and not a soul remained in sight but all
retired into the wood. And there in the wood they began a
preaching and a speechifying that could be heard from our ships,
which lasted: about half an hour. After that, Taignoagny and
Dom Agaya came out of the wood, walking in our direction? ®,

95 To be sent ashore for him.

96 Florio ‘has, ‘‘ and beyng ended, we gan to espie Taignoagny and Doma-
gaya comming towards us.”

138 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

passérent le long de noz navires avecq leurdicte | barque, sans
aucunement tourner leur veue vers nous; et allérent assener et
donner en terre avecq leurdicte barque. Et tout incontinent,
ledict [seigneur] Donnacona et * ses gens prindrent ladicte barque
et lesdictz trois hommes, lesquelz s’estoient laissez cheoir au fons
d’icelle comme gens mors, et portérent le tout ensemble dedans
le boys, qui estoit distant desdictz navires d’vn gect de pierre; et
ne demoura vne seulle personne [devant nosdictes navires], que
tous ne se retirassent dedans ledict boys. Et eulx, estans retirez
[audict boys]", commancérent vne predication et_preschement,
que nous oyons de noz navires, qui dura envyron demye heure.
Aprés laquelle, sortirent lesdictz Taignoagny et dom Agaya dudict
boys, marchant vers nous®®, ayans les mains joinctes®” et leurs
chappeaulx soubz leurs coddes?*®, faisant vne grande admyration.
Et commanga ledict Taignoagny a4 dire et proférer, par troys
foys, ‘‘Jesus, Jesus, Jesus,” levant les yeulx vers le ciel. Puis”

*C has, avec.

“P has only, & eulx esians audict boys but C gives the full reading in the
text. ; -

YC has, et puis.
with their hands joined®’, and their caps under their arms?8,
pretending to be much astonished. And Taignoagny began to
speak and repeated three times ‘‘Jesus,”’ ‘‘ Jesus,’ ‘‘ Jesus,”
lifting his eyes towards heaven. Then Dom Agaya called out
“ Jesus,” “ Maria,” “ Jacques Cartier” looking up to heaven as
the other had done®®. The Captain, seeing their grimaces and
gesticulations, began to ask them, what was the matter, and what
new event had happened? They replied that there was bad news,
adding that indeed it was far from good!®®, The Captain again

8’ Ramusio has put, le mani giunte in alto, whence Hakluyt’s ‘ holding
their hands upward ioyned together.’ Florio has merely, ‘ holding their
handes ioyned togyther.”’

°8 Literally “elbows.” Ramusio has il capello sotto la loro vesta, whence
Florio’s “ carying their hattes under theyr upper garment.”

°° Lescarbot (op. cit., 1609, p. 340) has added: “Il avoit appris cette fagon
de parler en France.”

19° Lescarbot has added (op. cit., 1609, p. 340): “c'est A dire, qu’elles ne
sont point bonnes,” which the Quebec editor (p. 39) copied. The word nenny
according to Palsgrave (op. cit., 146) meant then as now, ‘nay.’ Ramusio
has put, dicendo in francese nenni est il bon cioé non é ella bona, whence Florio’s
“saying in French, Nenni est il bon, that is to saye, it was not good.”

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 139

dom Agaya commanga 4 dire, “‘Jesus,’’ ‘‘Maria,” ‘‘Jacques Car-
tier,”’ regardant [vers] le ciel comme I’aultre®®. Et le cappitaine,
voyant leurs mines et serymonies, leur commanca a demander,
qu’il y avoit, et que c’estoit qui estoit survenu | de nouveau.
Lesquelz respondirent qu'il y avoit de piteuses nouvelles, en
disant, nenny est il bon'®°. Et le® cappitaine leur demanda de
rechef, que c’estoit. Et ilz luy [repon]dirent* que leur dieu,
nommé Cudouagny’, avoit parlé 4 Hochelaga, et que les trois
hommes davantdictz estoient ‘venuz de par luy, leur anoncer
les nouvelles, et qu’il y auroit? tant de glasses et neiges', qu’ilz
mourroient tous. Desquelles parolles nous prinsmes tous a rire,
et leur dire que [leur dieu] Cudouagny n’estoit que vng sot? et qu’il
ne savoit qu'il disoit®, et qu’ilz le dissent A ses messaigiers; et
que Jesus les garderoit bien de froit, s’ilz luy voulloient croyre.
Et lors ledict Taignoagny et son compaignon® demandérent au-
dict cappitaine, s’il avoit parlé 4 Jesus et il [leur]* respondit que

“ P has, ledict. *C has, commancerent a dire.

YP has here and lower down, Cudragny. A seems to have copied Cudo-

nagny from the margin of B. (Cf., p. 136 supra, note g.
7P has, avoit. ®C has, et dom Agaya.

asked them what was the trouble? They answered that their
god, Cudouagny by name, had made an announcement at Hoche-
laga, and that the three above-mentioned Indians had come in
his name to tell them the tidings, which were that there would be
so much ice and snow! that all would perish. At this we all began
to laugh and to tell them that their god Cudouagny was a mere
fool” who did not know what he was saying *; and that they should
tell his messengers as much; and that Jesus would keep them safe
from the cold if they would trust in him. Thereupon Taignoagny
and his companion asked the Captain if he had spoken to Jesus;
and he replied that his priests had done so and that there would
be fine weather. On this they thanked the Captain extremely,

1 Ramusio translated P’s text of qu’il y avoit as follows: che v'era tanto
ghiaccio & neve che coloro iquali v’andrebbono, morrebbono tutti quanti. This
Florio rendered by, ‘‘ that there was so muche Ice and Snowe by the way, that
whosoever went thither shoulde dye’’; while Hakluyt has ‘‘ that there was so
much yce and snow in that country, that whatsoever,” etc. as in Florio.

2 Ramusio has, un matto & scempio whence Florio’s, ‘‘a foole and a
noddy.”

3 Florio has, ‘“‘ what he did or saide.”

17”

Cudonagny.

140 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

ses prebstres y avoient parlé et qu’il feroit beau temps. De quoy?

remerciérent fort ledict cappitaine, et s’en retournérent® dedans
le boys dire les nouvelles aux® aultres, lesquelz® sortirent dudict
boys, tout incontinent, faignans estre joieulx desdictes parolles
[par ledict cappitaine ainsi dictes]. Et pour monstrer qu’ilz en
estoient joieulx, tout incontinent qu’ilz furent davant les navires,
commancérent, d’vne commune voix, a faire troys criz et hulle-
mens‘, | qui est leur signe de joie*, et se prindrent [a] dansser
et chanter, comme avoient de coustume. Mays, par® resolutioa,
lesdictz Taignoagny et dom Agaya dirent audict® cappitaine que
ledict [seigneur] Donnacona ne voulloit poinct que nul d’eulx
allast 4 Hochelaga avecques luy, s’il ne bailloit pleige, qui demou-
rast a terre avecq ledict Donnacona. A quoy leur respondict le
cappitaine’, que s’ilz n’estoient deliberez y aller de bon couraige,
qu’ilz demeurassent, et que pour eulx, ne laisseroit mectre paine
y aller.

> P has, Desquelles parolles. © P has, se retirent. 4C has, es.

® This word is abbreviated in B. A has, par, while P and C have, pour.
4 P has, @ nostre. iP has, Le cappitaine leur respondist.

and returned to the wood to tell the news to the others, who at
once came forth pretending to be pleased at what the Captain
had said. And to show their joy, as soon as they came opposite
to the ships, they with one voice began to give three shouts and
cries, which is their way of showing joy*; and began to dance and
to sing as usual. But by collusion Taignoagny and Dom Agaya
told the Captain that Chief Donnacona was unwilling that either
of them should accompany him to Hochelaga unless he [Cartier]
should leave a hostage behind on shore with Donnacona. To
this the Captain replied that if they were not ready to go willingly,
they could stay at home, and that on their account he would
by no means give up his attempt to reach that place.

4 Vid. p. 130 supra, note 80.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 141

COMMENT LE! CAPPITAINE ET TOUS LES GENTILZ-
HOMMES, AVECQ CINQUANTE MARINIERS“, PARTI-
RENT DE LA PROUVYNCE DE CANADA® AVECQ LE
GALLION ET LES DEULX BARQUES, POUR ALLER A
HOCHELAGA ; ET DE CE QUI FUT VEU ENTRE D’EULX
SUS LEDICT FLEUVE. |

Le landemain, dix-neufiesme jour dudict mois de septembre,
comme dict est, nous appareillasmes, et fymes voille avecq le!
gallion et les deulx barques pour aller avecq la marée amont ledict
fleuve®, ot trouvasmes a veoir, des deulx coustez d’icelluy, les
plus belles et meilleures terres qu’il soit possible de veoir, aussi
unies™ que l’eaue, plaines des beaulx” arbres du monde, et tant
de vignes, chargeez de raisins, le long dudict fleuve, qu’il semble
mieulx qu’elles y aient estez plantées de main d’hommes, que
aultrement; mais pource qu’elles ne sont cultivées, ny taillées,

iP has, nostre.

E P has the word, hommes before, mariniers. Cf. p. 171, note u.
'P has, ledict.

™ P has read, vives.

2 A has, plus beaux in the margin.

How THE CAPTAIN AND ALL THE GENTLEMEN
SET FORTH FROM THE PROVINCE OF CANADA®
WITH THE BARK, THE TWO LONG-BOATS AND
FIFTY SAILORS TO MAKE THEIR, WAY TO HOCHE-
LAGA; AND WHAT THEY SAW ALONG THE RIVER
ON THE WAY.

The following day [Sunday], September 19, we made sail
and got under way with the bark [Emérillon] and the two long-
boats, as already stated, in order with the tide to push on up the
river®. Along both shores we had sight of the finest and most
beautiful land it is possible to see, being as level as a pond and
covered with the most magnificent trees in the world. And
on the banks were so many vines loaded with grapes that it seemed
they could only have been planted by husbandmen; but because
they are never looked after nor pruned, the grapes are not so sweet

5 Vid. p. 103 supra note 69, and infra p. 190.

® Neither Taignoagny nor Dom Agaya accompanied the expedition.
Vid. p. 191 infra.

18”

Vignes & roisins

Achelacy

142 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

ne sont lesdictz raisins si doulx, ni si groz comme® les nostres.
Pareillement nous trouvasmes grand nombre? de maisons sus
la rive dudict fleuve, lesquelles sont habitées de gens qui font
grande pescherie de tous bons poissons, selon les saisons. Les-
quelles gens? venoyent 4 noz navires en’ aussi grand amour et
privaulté, que si eussions esté du pays, nous apportant force pois-
son, et de ce qu’ilz avoyent, pour avoir de nostre marchandise,
tandens les mains | au ciel, et faisant plusieurs serimonies et signes
de joie. Et nous estans posez envyron vingt cinq lieues de
Canada®, a° vng lieu nommé Achelacy’, qui est vng destroit du-
dict fleuve, fort courant et dongereulx, tant de pierres que d’aul-
tres choses, 14* vindrent plusieurs barques 4 bort®; et entres

°P has, sz groz & si doulx que, etc.
PP has, beaucoup.

4From P. A, B and C have only, et.
TP and C have, d’ausst.

5 P ans C have, en.

*C has inserted, et before this word.

nor so large as our own. We likewise noticed a large number of
huts along the banks of the river, which are inhabited by Indians,
who catch great quantities of the numerous good fish in the river,
according to the season. These people came towards our boats
in as friendly and familiar a manner as if we had been natives of
the country, bringing us great store of fish and of whatever else they
possessed, in order to obtain our wares, stretching forth their
hands towards heaven and making many gestures and signs of
joy. And when we had come to anchor some twenty-five leagues
from Canada,’ at a place called Achelacy,’ which is a narrow passage
in the river where the current is swift and the navigation dangerous,
both on account of the rocks as for other causes, there came
several canoes to our ships’; and among the rest came a great |

™P has, Ochelay while C gives, Achelayy. The Harleian mappemonde,
the Mercator and Le Vasseur (Harrisse, op. cit., 194) maps give, Hochelay,
which is also the reading,in the text (p. 196 infra) and in the third Relation
(p. 256). The place meant is evidently Portneuf opposite Platon point at the
foot of the Richelieu rapids, thirty-two miles from Quebec. Cf. Champlain,
Céuvres, III, 161: “ Ce qu’on appelle auiourd’huy S. Croix s’appeloit lors Ache-
lacy, destroit de la riviere, fort courant & dangereux, tant pour les rochers
qu’autres choses, & ot on ne peut passer que de flot, distant de Quebecq & de la
riviere ot. yverna led. Quartier 15 lieues,” and also ibid, 174-175.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 143

aultres, y vint vng grand seigneur du pays, lequel" fit’ vng grant
sermon, en venant et arryvant a bort, monstrant par signes evi-
dans, avecques les mains et aultres serimonyes, que ledict fleuve
estoit, vng peu plus amont”, fort dongereulx, nous advertissant
de nous en donner garde*®. Et présenta celluy seigneur au cappi-
taine deulx de ses enffans 4 dom, lequel print vne fille, de l’aige
d’envyron huiet 4 neuf ans*, et reffusa¥ vng petit garcon de deux
ou troys ans, pource qu’il estoit trop petit. Ledict cappitaine
festiva” ledict seigneur et sa bande de ce qu’il peult, et luy donna
aucun petit present, duquel® remercia ledict seigneur le cappi-

“C has, qui.

YP has, fatsott. ~

WP has, avant.

* P has, enfans, desquelz le cappitaine print une fille de l'aage d’enuiron sept
a huict ans, while C reads, et print ledict cappitaine une fille, etc. as in B.

YP has, & reffusant.

“ P has, festoya.

*C has, aucuns petilz presens, dequoy.

chief of this region, who made a long harangue as he came on
board, pointing out to us clearly by signs and in other ways that
the river was extremely dangerous a little higher up, and warning
us to be on our guard®. And this chief presented the Captain
with two’of his children; but the latter would only accept a girl
of some eight or nine years of age and refused a little boy of two
or three as being too young. The Captain féted the Chief and
his party as well as he could, and made him a small present, for
which he thanked the Captain. Then the Indians went back on
shore. And since then, this chief and his wife have come as far

8 Lescarbot (op. cit., 1609, p. 348) has added: “‘ abord: fagon de parler
signifiant dans le navire’’; but it seems nearly always to signify merely “ along-
side.” Vad. pp. 115-116 and 121-122 supra.

9 Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., 1, 337-338; ‘‘ The first great difficulty in the navi-
gation is Richelieu rapid, which commences just above Portneuf [32 miles above
Quebec] and extends nearly to Grondines, 41 miles above Quebec. In the
narrowest part of Richelieu rapid the channel at low water is between extensive
shoals of immense boulder stones, and only 460 yards wide. There is water
enough for any vessel but there is only one hour of very weak stream of flood,
while the ebb runs in spring tides at the rate of fully 7 knots. This is therefore
a difficult and dangerous pass, which, before there were steamboats on the St.
Lawrence, used often to cause great delay to vessels in those seasons when westerly
winds prevail.”

19v

Vignes

144 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

taine; puis s’en allérent 4 terre. Et despuis sont venuz celluy >

seigneur et sa femme, veoir leur fille jusques 4 Canada?®, et ap-
porter aucun petit present au cappitaine. |

Dempuis ledict dix-neufviesme jour jusques au XXVIII®°
dudict mois!+, nous avons esté navigans amont ledict fleuve,
sans perdre heure ny jour. Durant lequel temps, avons veu et
trouvé [d’Jaussi beau pays, et terres aussi vnyes que l’on scauroit
desirer, plaines, [comme dict est], des beaulx arbres du monde,
savoir: chaisnes, hourmes, noyers, pins, seddrez, pruchez, frannez,
boulx*®, sauldres, oziers, et force vignes, qui est le meilleur, les-
quelles? avoient si grand abondance® de raisins, que les compai-
gnons?? en venoient tous chargez 4 bort+*. Il y a pareillement f
force grues, signes, oultardes, ouayes, cannes, allouettes, faisans,

» A has, ledict.

°P has, briez. *

4 C has, qui.

°C has, quantité.

£P has, seulement, no doubt on account of the first syllable of the word in
the text being contracted, so that the two words look somewhat alike.

as Canada?!® to see their daughter, and brought the Captain a
small present.

From [Sunday], the nineteenth until [Tuesday], the twenty-
eighth of the month", we continued to make our way up the river
without losing a day noranhour. During this time we saw and
discovered as fine a country and as level a region as one could
wish, covered, as before mentioned, with the finest trees in the
world, such as oaks, elms, walnuts, pines, cedars, spruce, ash,
box-wood, willows, osiers and better than all, a great quantity of
grape-vines, which were so loaded with grapes that the sailors
came on board with their arms full of them’. There are like-
wise many cranes, swans, bustards, geese, ducks, larks, pheasants,
partridges, blackbirds, thrushes, turtledoves, goldfinches, cana-
ries, linnets, nightingales!*, sparrows and other birds, the same as
in France, and in great numbers.

10 Vid. p. 103 supra note 69.

11Sunday, September 19 to Tuesday, September 28.

12 Lescarbot (op. cit., 1609, p. 348) has added: “c’est A dire les matelots.’”

18 Cf, Champlain’s Works, 1, 131: ‘Le pays est beau & vny, & les terres
meilleures qu’en lieu que i’eusse veu, avec quatité de bois’; and Jbid. 140:
“Tl y a aussi quantité de vignes sur le bord desdictes isles.”

PLATE LX.

MANY, Sees

Sl x

eve ivy
AAT

Auta N ig NS =) nN]
sn Wo. : S
TAY es yO SS

e Xt

WV DEVAN
PUNT MS SS
5 WY AS =
AN Se ANNA }

SAN NY I Fe QOS

Shia SS SNR

Ite WN WA
| SS

ASRS LA TERRA DE HOCHELAGA
NELLA NOVA FRANCIA.

NAS SS

A. Portadella Terra Hochelaga.

B. Strada principale,che va alla piazza.

c. Piazza.

D. Cafa del Re Agouhana.

E. La Corte della cafa delRe, & il fuo
fuuoco. :

F. Vna delle dieci ftradc-della Citta.

G. Vna delle cafe private.

H. Corte con il fuoco, doue fi cucina.

1. Spacio tra le cafe,& Ia Citta,doue fi puo
andare attorno.

K. Vordimento, chetiene Ie tauole della
cinta della Citta, che € fatta in luogo
di mure.

L. Tauoloni cégionti di fuora della citta-

M. Spacio di fuora al circuito della Citta.

N. Tauolecongionte di dentro via il cit-
cuito della Citta. ‘

©. Corridor doue ftanno gli huomini per
diffefa della Citta. < q

P. Parapetto doueftanno glihuomini al-
la diffefa.

. Il vacuo che é tra ynatauola, & l’altra,

doue¢l’ordimento che tien Je tauole.

R. Indiani, & Indiane,& putti che fono di
fuori della Citta p vedereli Francefi.

S. Francefi cheentrono nella Citta, & che
roccano Ja mano alli Indiani,che era-
no di fuori della Citta appreflo al fue-
co, & fifanno carezze. ,

T. La Scala che va fu'l Corridor.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 145

perdrix, merles, mauviz, turtres, chardonnereulx, serins, lunottes,
rossignolz'*, [passes solitaires] et aultres oiseaulx, comme en
France, et en grand habondance.

Ledict XXVIII° jour de septembre, nous arrivasmes 4? vng
grand lac!® et plaine dudict fleuve, large d’envyron cinq ou six
lieues, et douze de long; et navigasmes celluy jour amont ledict
lac, sans trouver par tout | icelluy que deux brasses de parfond,
esgallement, sans haulcer ny baisser'®. Et nous arrivant a I’vn
des boutz dudict lac, ne nous apparessoit aucun passaige ny sortie,
ains' nous sembloit icelluy: estre tout cloz, sans aucune ripviére;
et ne trouvasmes audict bout que brasse et demye; dont nous
convint poser et mectre l’ancre hors, et aller chercher passaige
avecq noz’ barques. Et trouvasmes qu’il y a quatre ou cing
ripviéres, toutes sortentes dudict fleuve en icelluy lac, et venantes
dudict Hochelaga, mays en icelles* ainsi sortentes, y a barres et
traverses, faictes par le cours de I’eaue, ot il n’y avoit pour lors

®=P has, 18, which however Ramusio corrected. P has, en.
1C has, mays. 1P has, les. KP has, icelluy.

On [Tuesday] September 28, we reached a large lake'® where
for twelve leagues the river widens out to a distance of some five
or six leagues. We made our way up this lake that day without
finding anywhere a depth of more than two fathoms, neither
mote nor less'®. And on reaching the head of this lake we could

14 Cf. J. H. Hunter in Picturesque Canada, II, 680: ‘‘ Our melodious song-
sparrow was mistaken for a nightingale.”

15 Lake St. Peter, which is twenty miles long and eight miles wide. Al-
though there is no mention in the text of the imposition of a name, the Vallard,
Mercator, Hakluyt and Le Vasseur maps and the Desceliers planisphere call it
le lac d’Angoulesme. Cf. also Thevet, Cosmographie wniverselle, 11, 1011: “ La
riviere de Hochelaga . . . vous fait vn lac, qui a pour le moins vingt lieués de
large .. . Ce lac porte le nom d’Angoulesme . . . a l’h6neur d’vn des feux enfans
de France, fils du grand Roy Frangoys, Duc d’icelle ville.’’ This was Charles,
the third son of Francis I. Champlain reached it on St. Peter’s day, June 29,
1603 whence the modern name. Vid. Grant’s Lescarbot, II, 113.

16 Florio has, “still keeping the saide scantling,” ie. scanty depth. Cf.
Bayfield, op. cit., 1, 340-341: ‘‘ The distance up this lake... is about 18 miles
of which about 4 miles are over a flat of sand and clay, on which there were not
more than 10 or 12 feet in the ordinary state of the waters. There is only now
a depth of 104 feet at low water in the autumn... Afterwards a ship channel
300 feet wide and with 18 feet water in it was completed by dredging.” This
is now thirty feet deep.

48493—10

Oyseaux

20°

20”

146 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

que vne brasse de parfond. Et lesdictes barres passées, y a quatre
et cing brasses, qui estoit le temps des plus petites eaues de l’an-
née, ainsi que [nous] vymes! par les flotz desdictes eaues, qu’elles
croissent de plus de deux brasses de pic.?’.

Toutes icelles ripviéres circuyssent et environnent cinq ou
six belles ysles!®, qui font le bout d’icelluy™ lac, [et]* puis se ras-
semblent, envyron quinze lieues 4 mont, toutes en vne’®. Celluy
jour fumes 4a l’vne d’icelles, | ou trouvasmes cing hommes qui
prenoient des bestes sauvaiges, lesquelz vindrent aussi privement
a noz barques, que s’ilz nous eussent veu toute leur vie, sans avoir
peur ny craincte. Et nosdictes barques arriveez a terre, l’vn
d’iceulx hommes print ledict™ cappitaine entre ses braz, et le

1P has, vinsmes.
™P has, dudict.
1 P has, nostre.

see no passage nor outlet; but it seemed quite landlocked without
any stream flowing into it; and at this end there was a depth of
only a fathom and ahalf. On that account we had to heave to and
drop the anchor, and to go and look for a way out with our long-
boats. And we discovered that there are four or five branches
of the river entering the lake here from the direction of Hochelaga,
but that they have bars and shoals in them formed by the current.
At that time there was a depth here of only one fathom, but after
passing these bars, there is a depth of four and five fathoms. This
was the season of the year when the water was lowest, as we could
see from the flood-mark of the river, which rises more than two
fathoms higher !’,

These various branches encircle and enclose five or six fine
islands'® which form the terminus of the lake. Some fifteen

17 Ramusio has tre braccia d'altezza, whence Hakluyt’s “ higher by three
fadomes.”” Florio gives ‘‘ two faddomes.”

18 Raisin, Monk, Boat, Stone, Grace, Bear and Eagle islands at the head
of lake St. Peter. On the Harleian and Desceliers mappemondes they are
called, les y* d’Angoulesme. See plates VIII and XII pp. 128 and 192.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 147

porta a terre aussi [legierement]° qu’il eust faict? vng enffant de
six? ans, tant estoit celluy homme fort et grand. Nous leur
trouvasmes vng grand monceau de ratz sauvaiges”°, qui vont?
en l’eaue, et* sont groz comme conninz, et bons A merveilles* a
menger, desquelz firent present audict" cappitaine, qui leur donna
des cousteaulx et patenostres pour recompance. Nous leur deman-
dasmes par signes si c’estoit le chemyn de Hochelaga; et ilz nous
aa que ouy, et qu’il y avoyt encores troys journées a
y aller.

° This word is omitted in all the MSS.

PP has, que sy seust esté; C; comme si s’eust esté,
2P and C have, cing.

FP has, lesquelz vivent.

®C has, lesquelz.

*C has, fort bons.

°P has, @ nostre.

leagues higher up, these branches all unite into one stream!??.

The same day we visited one of these islands where we came across
five Indians who were hunting for game. They came to meet our
boats without fear or alarm, and in as familiar a manner as if they
had seen us all their lives. And when our long-boats grounded,
one of those Indians took the Captain in his arms and carried him
on shore as easily as if he had been a six-year-old child, so strong
and big was that Indian. We discovered that they had a great
heap of musk-rats?°, which live in the water and are as large as
rabbits and wonderfully good to eat. They made a present of
these to the Captain who in return gave them some knives and
some beads. We asked them by signs if this was the way to
Hochelaga? They made clear to us that it was, and that we had
still a three days’ journey thither.

19 Beyond Sorel the St. Lawrence again becomes one stream.

20 Lescarbot (op. cit., 1609, p. 350) has added: “ Rats de riviere dont les
genitoires sont musquées comme celles du Castor.”

48493—103

2it

148 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

COMMENT LE CAPPITAINE FICT ACOUSTRER LES
BARQUES POUR ALLER AY HOCHELAGA, ET LAIS-
SER © LE GALLION, POUR LA DIFFICULTE DU PAS-
SAIGE; ET COMMENT NOUS ARRIVASMES AUDICT
HocHELAGA, ET LE RAQUEUL QUE LE PEUPLE
FIST A NOSTRE ARRYVEE.

Le landemain?! nostre cappitaine, voyant qu’il n’estoit pos-

sible de pouvoir, pour lors, passer ledict gallion, fist avictailler et
acoustrer les barques, et mectre victailles pour le plus de temps
qu'il fut possible, et que lesdictes barques en peurent accueillir.
Et se* partit avecq icelles, acompaigné de partie des gentilz-
hommes, savoir: de Claude du Pontbryand,” eschansson de mon-
seigneur le Daulphain, Charles de La Pommeraye™, Jehan
Gouyon™, [Jehan Poullet?’] et xxviii mariniers, y comprins
Macé Jalobert*° et Guillaume Le Breton”, ayans la charge soubz

VP has, audict.

WP has, laisserent.

*From P. A, B and C have, ce.
YP and C have, avec.

How THE CAPTAIN GAVE ORDERS FOR THE
LONG-BOATS TO BE FITTED OUT FOR THE VOYAGE
TO HOCHELAGA; AND FOR THE BARK TO BE LEFT
BEHIND, ON ACCOUNT OF THE DIFFICULT PASSAGE;
AND HOW WE REACHED HOCHELAGA; AND OF THE
RECEPTION THE PEOPLE GAVE US ON OUR ARRIVAL.

On the morrow” our Captain, seeing it was impossible to

get the bark past this spot at that season, ordered the long-boats
to be fitted out and provisioned, and stores to be put into them for
as long a period as possible and as the long-boats would hold.
And he set out in them accompanied by a few of the gentlemen,
to wit: Claude du Pontbriant”, ctip-bearer to His Royal Highness

21 Wednesday, September 29.

22 Vid. p. 93 supra, note 13.

23 Vid. p. 93 supra, note 15.

4 This was perhaps Jean de Goyon, seigneur de Thaumatz et du Marchaix,

or his son who bore the same name. Vid. La Chenaye-Desbois et Badier,
Dictionnaire de la Noblesse, 3°™° édit., IX, cols. 622-623, Paris, 1866.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 149

ledict Cartier? des | deulx aultres navires?’, pour aller amont
ledict fleuve, au plus loing qu’il nous?® seroit possible. Et navi-
gasmes de temps a gré, jusques au deuxiesme®? jour d’octobre,
que nous arrivasmes a Hochelaga * 1 qui est distant du lieu ot es-
toit demouré le®* gallion, de envyron quarente cing lieues. Du-
rant lequel temps” et chemin faisant, trouvasmes plusieurs gens
du pays, qui® nous apportoient du poisson et aultres victailles,
danssant et menant grand joye de nostre venue. Et pour les
attraire et tenir en amytié avecq nous, leur donnoit ledict cappi-
taine pour recompance, des cousteaulx, pathenostres et aultres
menues hardes¢, de quoy se contentoyent fort®. Et nous arryvez
audict Hochelaga, se randirent audavant de nous plus de mil
personnes, tant hommes, femmes, que enffans, lesquelz nous

2P has, soubz le cappitaine.

2 P has, ledict.

> P has, Auquel & chemin faisant; C, Auquel temps, etc. as in B.

°P and C have, lesquelz.

4 P has, choses.

©P has, dequoy estotent fort contens; C, desquelz estoient fort contens.

the Dauphin, Charles de La Pommeraye?’, John Guyon”?,
John Poullet?®, with twenty-eight sailors including Macé Jalo-
bert?® and William Le Breton?’, who had command, under
Cartier, of the other two vessels?°, in order to make our?® way up
the river as far as we possibly could. And we sailed on in as fine
weather as one could wish until [Saturday] October 2*°, when we
arrived at Hochelaga*!, which is about forty-five leagues from the

spot where we had left our bark. During this interval we came

25 Vid. p. 93 supra note 16.

26 Vid. p. 94 supra note 18.

27 Vid. p. 94 supra note 20.

28 The Petite Ermine and the Emérillon. Vid. pp. 93-94 supra.

29 John Poullet seems to have been the redactor of these Relations. Cf. p.
93, note 16.

39 P has, dixneufiesme, whence Florio, following Ramusio, gave, “‘ till the
nineteenth of October’; but Hakluyt corrected this.

31 The Indian village on the island of Montreal. The name is given on
the Vallard, Homem, Mercator, Hakluyt and Le Vasseur maps. The distance
from the head of lake St. Peter to Montreal is forty-five miles.

SLY

150 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

firent aussi bon raqueul que jamais pére fist 4 enffant*”, menant
vne joye merveilleuse; car les hommes en vne bande danssoient,
et les femmes de leur part‘, et les enffans d[e l’Jaultre**. Et
aprés ce ®, nous apportérent force poisson, et de leur pain, faict | de
groz mil, lequel ilz® gectoient dedans nosdictes barques, en sorte ~
qu’il sembloit qu’il tumbast de l’ayr®*. Voyant ce, le’ cappi-
taine descendict 4 terre, acompaigné de! plusieurs de ses gens;
et si tost qu’il fut descendu, se assemblérent tous sur luy et sus
[tous] les aultres, en faisant vne chére inestimable. Et* appor-
toient les femmes leurs enffans 4 brassées, pour les faire toucher

£P has, d’aultre.

£From P. A, Band C have merely, lesquelz.
1 P has, qui; C, qu’ilz.

iP has, nostredict; C, nostre.

i P and C have, avec.

KC has, lesquelz.

across on the way many of the people of the country, who brought
us fish and other provisions, at the same time dancing and showing
great joy at our coming. And in order to win and keep their
friendship, the Captain made them a present of some knives,
beads and other small trifles, whereat they were greatly pleased.
And on reaching Hochelaga, there came to meet us more than a
thousand persons, both men, women and children, who gave us
as good a welcome as ever father gave to his son®”, making great
signs of joy; for the men danced in one ring, the women in
another and the children also apart by themselves**. After this
they brought us quantities of fish, and of their bread which is made
of Indian corn, throwing so much of it into our long-boats that it
seemed to rain bread **. Seeing this the Captain, accompanied by
several of his men, went on shore; and no sooner had he landed

32 Florio has added, ‘‘ whiche he had not of long tyme seene.”

33F. W. Hodge, Handbook of American Indians, 1 (Washington, 1907),
382: ‘ These women... form a circle round the song altar (the mat for the
singer). Then outside of this circle the men form another circle at a suitable
distance from that of the women,” etc. On the Iroquois dances, cf. L. H.
Morgan, League of the Ho-dé-no-sau-nee or Iroquois (New York, 1904).

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 151

audict cappitaine, et es aultres qui estoient en sa compaignye,
en faisant vne feste, qui dura plus de demye heure. Et voyant
ledict! cappitaine leur largesse et bon voulloir™, fict asseoir et
ranger toutes les femmes, et leur donna certaines™ patenostres
d’estaing, et aultres menues besongnes®, et a partie des hommes
des cousteaulx. Puis se retira 4 bort desdictes barques- pour
soupper et passer la nuict; durant laquelle demoura icelluy peuple
sus le bort dudict fleuve, au plus prés desdictes barques, faisant
toute nuict plusieurs feuz et dansses, en disant 4 toutes heures,
aguyase”, qui est leur dire de salut et joye®®. |

1P and C have, nostre.

™ P has, recueil; C, racqueul.

2 P has, des petites.

° P has, choses.

PP has, Aguyaze and Lescarbot, (op. cit., 1609, p. 352), Aguiaze; C has,
agguyase.

than they all crowded about him and about the others, giving
them a wonderful reception. And the women brought their babies
in their arms to have the Captain and his companions touch
them, while all held a merry-making which lasted more than half
an hour. Seeing their generosity and friendliness, the Captain had
the women all sit down in a row and gave them some tin beads
and other trifles; and to some of the men he gave knives. Then
he returned on board the long-boats to sup and pass the night,
throughout which the Indians remained on the bank of the river,
as near the long-boats as they could get, keeping many fires burn-
ing all night, and dancing and calling out every moment aguyase

which is their term of salutation and joy®?.

34 Morgan, op. cit. I, 318: ‘‘ One of the most attractive features of Indian
society was the spirit of hospitality by which it was pervaded. Perhaps no
people ever carried this principle to the same degree of universality as did the
Iroquois.”

35 This word is given in the Indian vocabulary (p. 245) as meaning ‘“‘ my
friend ’’ but it seems more likely to be the same word as the aquayesse meaning
“to laugh ” given by Van Curler in his list. Vid. op. cit., 100.

22%.

152 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

COMMENT LE CAPPITAINE ET LES GENTILZ-HOMMES,
AVECQUES VINGT CINQ?® MARINIERS “4, BIEN ARMES

ET EN BONNE ORDRE, ALLERENT A” LA VILLE DE

HocHELAGA; ET DE LA SCITUACION DUDICT LIEU.

Le landemain®’, au plus matin, le cappitaine se acoustra*®,

et fict mectre ses gens en ordre, pour aller veoyr la ville et demou-
rance dudict peuple, et vne montaigne, qui est jacente a ladicte*
ville, ot allérent avecques ledict cappitaine les gentilz-hommes et

4P and C have, hommes.
TP has, en.
§ C has, leurdicte.

How THE CAPTAIN AND THE GENTLEMEN, AC-
COMPANIED BY TWENTY-FIVE WELL-ARMED AND
MARSHALLED SAILORS, WENT TO VISIT THE
VILLAGE OF HOCHELAGA; AND OF THE SITUATION
OF THE PLACE.

At daybreak the next day*’, the Captain, having put on
his armour®®, had his men marshalled for the purpose of paying
a visit to the village and home of these people, and to a mountain
which lies near the town. The Captain was accompanied by the
gentlemen and by twenty sailors, the remainder having been
left behind to guard the long-boats. And he took three Indians
of the village as guides to conduct them thither. When we had
got under way, we discovered that the path was as well-trodden
as it is possible to see, and that the country was the finest and
most excellent one could find anywhere, being everywhere full
of oaks, as beautiful as in any forest in France, underneath
which the ground lay covered with acorns*®. And after marching
about a league and a half*°®, we met on the trail one of the head-

36 The text below gives only “ twenty sailors.” Ramusio got over the
difficulty by putting cinque gentili lhuomini con venti huomini armati, wherein
he was followed by Florio and Hakluyt.

37 Sunday, October 3.

38 Florio has, “ having very gorgeously attired himselfe.”

39 Cf. Sir William Dawson's paper, ‘“‘ Additional Notes on Aboriginal Anti-
quities found at Montreal,” in The Canadian Naturalist and Geologist, vol. VI
(Montreal, 1861), p. 373: ‘(In one spot was found a large quantity of charred
acorns, which may have been used as food in times of scarcity.”

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 153

vingt mariniers, et laissa le parsus pour la garde des barques; et
print troys hommes de ladicte ville de Hochelaga, pour les mener
et conduyre audict lieu. Et nous estans en chemin, le trouvasmes
aussi battu qu'il soit possible de veoyr, et la plus belle terre *, et
meilleure [qu’on sgauroit veoir, toute] plaine de chaisnes, aussi |
beaulx qu’il y ait en forestz de France, soubz lesquelz estoit toute
la terre couverte de glan*®. Et nous aians [marché"] envyron
lieue et demye*®, trouvasmes sus le chemin I’vn des principaulx
seigneurs de ladicte ville de Hochelaga, avecq” plusieurs per-

* Chas, des plus belles terres du monde.
“From Pand C. This word is omitted in A and B.
Vv P has, accompaigné de.

men of the village of Hochelaga, accompanied by several Indians,
who made signs to us that we should rest at that spot near a fire
they had lighted on the path; which we did. Thereupon*?! this
headman began to make a speech and to harangue us, which,
as before mentioned, is their way of showing joy and friendliness,
welcoming in this way the Captain and his company**. The
Captain presented him with a couple of hatchets and a couple
of knives, as well as with a cross and a crucifix, which he made
him kiss and then hung it about his neck. For these the headman
thanked the Captain. When this was done we marched on, and
about half a league**® thence, found that the land began to be
cultivated. It was fine land with large fields covered with the
corn of the country **, which resembles Brazil millet, and is about
as large or larger than a pea. They live on this as we do

40 Ramusio has, intorno quattro miglia & mezzo, while Florio has “ four
or five leagues.’”’ Hakluyt changed the leagues into ‘ miles.”

41 Ramusio has, Essendo not quivi fermati, whence Florio’s, ‘‘ After that
we had rested oure selves there a while,” etc.

42 Ramusio has, dimostrando col viso allegro un buon animo verso detto
Capitano, whence Florio’s ‘‘ shewing our Capitayne and all his company a
ioyfull countenance, and good will.”

43 Ramusio has, intorno un miglio 2 mezzo da li, while Florio gives, ‘‘ about
a league and a halfe farther.’ Hakluyt altered this to ‘‘ about a mile and a
half.”’

44 Cf. Morgan, op. cit., I, 306: ‘‘ Around the village was the village field,
consisting, oftentimes, of several hundred acres of cultivated land, which was
subdivided into planting lots, those belonging to different families being bounded
by uncultivated ridges.”

23*

23%,

154 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

sonnes, lequel nous fict signe qu’il se failloit reposer audict lieu,
prés vng feu qu’ilz avoient faict audict chemin; [ce que feismes].
Et lorst! commanea ledict seigneur 4 faire vng sermon et presche-
ment, comme cy davant est dict, estre leur coustume de faire joie
et congnoissance, en faisant celluy seigneur chére audict cappi-
taine et sa compaignie*”. Lequel cappitaine luy donna vne
couple de haches et vne couple de cousteaulx, avec vne croix et ”
remembrance de cruxifix qu’i[l] luy fit baiser et la luy pendit au col;
de quoy rendit graces audict cappitaine. Ce faict, marchames
plus oultre, et envyron demye lieu*? de 14, commangasmes a
trouver les terres labourées et belles, grandes champaignes, plaines
de bledz de leur terre**, qui* est | comme mil de Brezil, aussi
groz, ou plus, que poix, duquel® vivent, ainsi que nous faisons
de froument*®. Et au parmy d’icelles champaignes, est scitué[e]?

W A has, de. * C has, lequel. YP has, dequoy. “From A and P.

on wheat*®. And in the middle of these fields is situated and
stands the village of Hochelaga*®, near and adjacent to a moun-
tain, the slopes of which are fertile and are cultivated, and from the
top of which one can see for a long distance. We named this

46 Toid., II, 28: ‘‘ Corn is and always has been their [the Senecas’] staple
article of food. When ready to be harvested, they pick the ears, strip down
the husks, and braid them together in bunches, with about twenty ears in each.
They are then hung up ready for use. The white flint ripens first, and is the
favorite corn for hommony; the red next, and is used principally for charring
and drying; the white last, and is the corn most esteemed by the Indians. It
is used for bread, and supplies the same place with them that wheat does with
Ware:

46 In 1860 a quantity of Indian remains were dug up in “ the space which
extends from Mansfield Street to a little west of Metcalfe Street in one direction,
and in the other from a little south of Burnside Place to within sixty yards of
Sherbrooke Street. In this limited area, not exceeding two: imperial acres,
twenty skeletons have been disinterred within twelve months, and the workmen
state that many parts of the ground excavated in former years was even more
rich in such remains. Hundreds of old fire places, and indications of at least
ten or twelve huts or lodges have also been found . . . All these indications point
to a long residence of the aborigines on this spot, while the almost entire absence
of articles of European manufacture . . . implies a date coeval with the discovery
of the country. The few objects of this kind found, in circumstances which
prevented the supposition of mere superficial intermixture, are just sufficient to
shew that the village existed until the appearance of Europeans on the stage.”
The Canadian Naturalist, V1, 363, Montreal, 1861. Cf. also Hiram B. Ste-
phens, Jacques Cartier and his Four Voyages to Canada, Montreal, s.a. {1890},

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 155

et assise ladicte ville de Hochelaga‘®, prés et joignant vne mon-
taigne, qui est, a l’entour d’icelle, labourée et fort fertille, de dessus
laquelle on voyt fort loing. Nous nommasmes icelle® montaigne
le mont Royal*’. Ladicte ville est toute ronde, et cloze de boys,
a troys rancqs, en facgon d’vn[e] piramyde, croizée par le hault,
ayant la rangée du parmy en facon de ligne perpendicullaire;
puys rangée de boys couchez de? long*®, bien joings et couzus
a leur modde; et est de la haulteur d’envyron deux lances*?.

=P has, ladicte, > C has, du.

mountain ‘‘ Mount Royal*”’. The village is circular and is
completely enclosed by a wooden palisade in three tiers like a

pyramid. The top one is built crosswise, the middle one perpen-

dicular and the lowest one of strips of wood placed lengthwise *.

The whole is well joined and lashed after their manner, and is
some two lances in height**®. There is only one gate and entrance

160: ‘‘ The writer in 1868 and 1869 found pieces of Indian pottery.... in
the plot of land opposite the Prince of Wales terrace which plot was at that
time a vacant field’; and also p. 140: ‘‘ The writer has dug up Indian relics
on Peel Street, Montreal.’ Vid. also the Transactions of the Royal Society, 2°4
ser., V, ii, 206-207, 1899. For the late Sir Daniel Wilson’s estimate of the
Indian civilization revealed by these relics, vid. Appendix V. pp. 306-312.

47 This name, which has remained, is given on the Le Vasseur map (Har-
risse, op. cit., 194). Belleforest (op. cit., II, 2191) by a strange coincidence
transfers the name to the town: “ laquelle ville les Chrestiens appellerent Mont-
real.”’ Cf. also Lescarbot, op. cit., 1609, p. 427 and Champlain, Cwvres, III,
242-244.

48 This palisade was of Huron construction. Cf. Champlain, Guvres, IV,
73: “Il y a dix-huict Villages, dont six sont cloz & fermez de pallissades de bois
a triple rang, entre-lassez les uns dans les autres’; and also Sagard, op. cit.,
115: ‘‘ & les autres [villes] sont fortifiez de fortes pallissades de bois a triples
rangs, entre-lassez les uns dans les autres, & redoublez par dedans de grandes &
grosses escorces, a la hauteur de huict a neuf pieds, & par dessous il y a de grands
arbres posez de leur long, sur des fortes & courtes fourchettes des troncs des
arbres ’; and ibid., pp. 116-117. Vid. plate IX, p. 144, from Ramusio, op. cit.,
III, 446-447. The Iroquois palisade, though it also had galleries was of slightly
different construction, and according to Champlain was stronger than the palisade
of the Huron villages. Vid. Champlain, op. cit., IV, 42-43 and especially the
sketch at p. 44; and also Morgan, of. cit., I, 305-306.

49 Florio has ‘in heigth aboute two roddes,”’ which would make it thirty-
three feet high. This is slightly less than the length of two average sixteenth-
century lances which were from twenty to twenty-thcee feet long. Cf. also
Champlain, op. cit., IV, 28: ‘ie me fis conduire 4 Carhagovha, fermé de triple

24°

156 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

,
Et n’y a en icelle ville qu’vne porte et entrée, qui ferme a barres ae,
sur laquelle, et en plusieurs endroitz de ladicte closture, y a maniéres
de galleryes, et eschelles 4 y monster, lesquelles® sont garnies de
rochyers? et cailloux, pour la garde et deffence d’icelle®4. Il
y a dedans icelle ville envyron cinquante maisons, longues de
envyron cinquante pas ou plus, chascune, et douze ou quinze pas
de laize °, toutes faictes de boys, couvertes et garnyes de grandes
escorces et pellures desdictz boys, aussi larges que tables, bien

to this village, and that can be barred up®°. Over this gate and
in many places about the enclosure are species of galleries with
ladders for mounting to them, which galleries are provided with
rocks and stones for the defence and protection of the place®?.
There are some fifty houses in this village, each about fifty or
more paces in length, and twelve or fifteen in width, built comple-
tely of wood and covered in and bordered up with large pieces of
the bark and rind of trees, as broad as a table, which are well
and cunningly lashed after their manner. And inside these houses
are many rooms and chambers; and in the middle is a large space
without a floor, where they light their fire and live together in
common. Afterwards the men retire to the above-mentioned
quarters with their wives and children®?. And furthermore there

pallissade de bois, de la hauteur de trente cinq pieds”’; in speaking of which
Sagard (op. cit., 116) employs the very expression used by Cartier, i.e. ‘‘ hautes
de deux lances ou environ.”’ The palisade around the Iroquois village attacked
by Champlain was thirty feet high. Vid. Champlain, op. cit., IV, 42.

5° Ramusio has, lagual si serra con pali & sbarre, whence Florio’s ‘‘ which
is shut with piles, stakes and barres.’”’ Cf. also Sagard, op. cit., 116: “ & les
portes & entrees qui ferment a barres, par lesquelles on est contrainct de passer
de coste, & non de plein saut.”

51 Another Huron method. Cf. Champlain, Ciwvres, IV, 73: “au dessus
ils ont des galleries, qu’ils garnissent de pierres, & d’eau, pour ruér & estaindre le
feu que leurs ennemis pourroient appliquer contre leurs pallissades ’’; and
Sagard, op. cit., 115-116: “‘ puis au dessus de ces pallissades il y a des galleries

ou guerittes ...qu’ils garnissent de pierres en temps de guerre, pour ruer sur
lennemy...: nos Hurons y montent:par une eschelle assez mal fagonee &
difficile.”

52 Cf. L. H. Morgan, Houses and House-Life of the American Aborigenes
(Washington, 1881), p. 64; ‘‘ The Iroquois constructed houses consisting of
frames of poles covered with bark thirty, fifty, eighty and a hundred feet in

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 ist

cousues artifficiellement, selon leur modde. Et par dedans icelles
y a plusieurs aistres et chambres; et au meilleu d’icelles maisons, y
a vne grande salle‘ par terre, ot [ilz]* font leur feu, et vivent en

communaulté; puis se retirent en leursdictes chambres, les hommes

avecq leurs femmes et enffans®”. Et pareillement, [ilz] ont gre-
niers au hault de leurs maisons, ot [ilz] mectent leur bled, duquel ®
ilz font leur pain, qu’ilz appellent carraconny®?*; et le font en la
maniére® cy aprés. Ilz ont des pilles de boys, comme A piller

£ P has, place. ® P has, dequoy. h P and C have, sorte.

are lofts in the upper part of their houses, where they store the
corn of which they make their bread. This they call carraconny*?®
and they make it in the following manner. They have wooden
mortars, like those used [in France] for braying hemp, and in
these with wooden pestles they pound the corn into flour. This
they knead into dough, of which they make small loaves, which

they set on a broad hot stone and then cover them with hot peb-

bles. In this way they bake their bread for want of an oven®?,

length, with a passage-way through the center, a door at each end, and with
the interior partitioned off at intervals of about seven feet’; and his League
of the Iroquois, 1, 309-310: ‘ In the centre of the roof was an opening for the
smoke, the fire being upon the ground in the centre of the house... Within,
upon the two sides, were arranged wide seats, also of bark boards, about two
feet from the ground, well supported underneath, and reaching the entire length
of the house. Upon these they spread their mats of skins, and also their blankets,
using them as seats by day and couches at night. Similar berths were cons-
tructed on each side, about five feet above these, and secured to the frame of the
house, thus furnishing accomodation for the family:’’ and the drawings at p. 3
of that work. Vid. also Champlain, Giuvres, IV, 74 and The Jesuit Relations
and Allied Documents, VIII, 106: Cf. also Belleforest, op. cit., II, cols. 2191-
2192: Pope, op. cit., 80; and plate IX, p. 144 supra.

53 Cf, p. 81 supra; Lescarbot, op. cit., 1609, p. 698; and The Jesuit Rela.
tuons, V, 212 where the word given for biscuit is, Ciicirenee: Cf. Morgan,
League of the Iroquois, 1, 310: ‘‘ Upon cross-poles, near the roof, was hung, in
bunches, braided together by the husks, their winter supply of corn.”

54 Cf. Morgan, op. cit., II, 28-30: ‘‘ The white corn is used for bread.
They shell the corn by hand, and pound it into flour in wooden mortars...
Having been passed through a sieve basket to remove the chit and coarser
grains, it is made into loaves or cakes about an inch in thickness, and six inches
in diameter which are cooked by boiling them in water.’”’ A sketch of a corn
mortar and pestle are given at p. 29 of Morgan’s work. Cf. also ibid., p. 160
note 8; and F. W. Waugh, Iroquois Foods and Food Preparations (Geological
Survey, Memoir 86, Ottawa, 1916), 79 et seq. and plates XV-XIX of that work.

Carracony.

24°

158 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

chanvre, et battent, avecques pillons de boys, ledict bled en poul-
dre; puis l’amassent! en paste, et en font des torteaulx, qu’iflz]?
mectent sus vne | pierre [large, qui est] chaulde; puis le[s]* cue-
vrent de cailloux chauldz, et ainsi cuisent leur pain, en lieu de four *.
Ilz font pareillement force potaiges dudict bled, et de febves®®
et poix, desquelz ilz ont assez, et aussi de grosses comcombres et
aultres fruitz®®. Ilz ont aussi de grandz vaisseaulx, comme
thonnes, en leurs maisons, ot ilz mectent leur poisson, savoir:
anguilles et aultres®’, qu’i[lz] * seichent 4 la fumée®® durant l’esté,
et en vivent l’yver; et de ce! font vng grand amatz, comme avons

iP has, le massent. iC has, lesquelz ilz.
KC has, leur poisson, lequel ilz, etc. 1C has, dudict poisson.

They make also many kinds of soup with this corn, as well as with
beans*® and with pease, of which they have a considerable supply,
and again with large cucumbers and other fruits®®. They have
in their houses also large vessels like puncheons, in which they
place their fish, such as eels and others®’, that are smoked °°
during the summer, and on these they live during the winter.
They make great store of these as we ourselves saw. All their
food is eaten without salt. They sleep on the bark of trees,
spread out upon the ground, with old furs of wild animals over
them; and of these, to wit, otters, beavers, martens, foxes, wild-
cats, deer, stags and others, they make their clothing and blankets,
but the greater portion of them go almost stark naked. The most
precious article they possess in this world is esnoguy, which is as

5° Cf. The Canadian Naturalist, V1, 373: “In the same place I found a
single bean, apparently the Phaseolus vulgaris, bearing witness to the cultivation
of this plant,” at Hochelaga; ibid., V, 449 note; Morgan, op. cit., II, 34; and
p. 183 infra notes 30 and 31.

56 Ramusio has, cosi melloni assai & cocomeri grandi & di molti altri fruti,
whence Florio’s, ‘“ other fruites, as Muske Millions very great Cowcombers.”
Melons were doubtless added by Ramusio on account of the mention of them
at p. 121 supra.

57 When the Hurons moved to Georgian bay, they used these casks for
corn. Cf. also p. 167 infra note 77; Sagard, op. cit., 135; and Morgan, op. cit.,
I, 310: ‘‘ Charred and dried corn, and beans were generally stored in bark
barrels, and laid away in corners.” ’

8 Ramusio has, iquale l’estate fanno seccar al sole, whence Florio’s “ causing
the same in sommer to be dryed in the Sunne.”

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 159

veu par expériance. Tout leur vivre est sans aucun goust de sel.
Et™ couchent sus escorces de boys, estandues sus la terre, avecq
meschantes couvertures de peaulx [de bestes sauvaiges], de quoy

font leur vestemens [et couverture], scavoyr: [de]* louéres, biévres, ©

martres, regnardz, chatz sauvaiges, dyns, serfz, et aultres sauvai-
gines; mays la plus-grand partie d’eulx sont" quasi tous nudz.
La plus precieuse chose qu’ilz ayent en ce monde est esnoguy®,
lequel | est blanc comme neif®*, et le prennent audict fleuve en
cornibotz®°, en la maniére qui ensuyt. Quant vng homme a des-

mC has, ie.

2 C. has, l’vne partye sont.

°P has, Esurgny while Lescarbot put, Esurgni which the Quebec editor
copied. Ternaux-Compans has read, esvogny. A has here, enogny. The third
Relation (p. 252) also gives, esnoguy. Van Curler (op. cit., 99) gives, eytroghe
for bead.

white as snow°’*®. They procure it from shells®® in the river in
the following manner. When an Indian has incurred the death-
penalty or they have taken some prisoners in war, they kill one and
make great incisions in his buttocks and thighs, and about his

59 Palsgrave, op. cit., 163: ‘‘ noyf, the snowe, as it cleveth upon the branches
of trees in winter.”

6° The Canadian Naturalist, V1, 369: ‘‘ Only a single specimen of the shell
wampum...has been found. It is...of small size, neatly formed, and the
material is apparently the pearly shell of a Unio, probably U. ventricosus (or U.
Canadensis of. Lea)... If this single specimen really represents the beads to which
Cartier alludes, it accords with his statement that the material was obtained
in the river.” See J. W. Dawson, Fossil Men, 141, Montreal, 1880. Mr. W.
J. Wintemberg tells me that the shells usually found are Pleurocera subulare
and Goniobasis livascens. See also his Use of Shells by the Ontario Indians in the
Annual Archeological Report, 1906, 62-64, Toronto, 1907. The word corni-
botz which puzzled Ramusio, Hakluyt, Lescarbot and Faribault, seems to be
derived from cornet @ bouquin, the vulgar name for the Argonauta or cuttle-fish.
Vid. The Canadian Naturalist, V, 441-442 note; and cf. Hon. Cadwallader
Colden, The History of the Five Indian Nations of Canada, 2nd edit. (London,
1750), p. 3 note: ‘‘ Wampum is the Current Money among the Indians: It is
of two Sorts, White and Purple; the White is worked out of the Inside of the
great Conques into the form of a Bead, and perforated to string on Leather;
the Purple is worked out of the Inside of the Muscle Shell... Every Bead is
of a known value, ‘‘etc.; Morgan, op. cit., II, 51 et seg.; Lescarbot, op. cit.,
1609, 739-40; W.M. Beauchamp, Wampum and Shell Articles used by the
New Vork Indians in Bulletin of the New York State Musuem 41, 359-361,
Albany, 1901; and F. W. Hodge, Handbook of American Indians, I1, 904-909.

25°

160 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

servy mort, ou qu’ilz ont prins aulcuns ennemys 4a la guerre, ilz
le tuent, puis l’incizent par le[s]? fesses et cuisses, et par les jam-
bes, braz et espaulles, 4 grandes taillades. Puys, es lieux? ot
est ledict esnoguy, avallent ledict corps au fondz de l’eaue, et le
laissent dix ou douze heures; puys le retirent 4 mont, et treuvent
dedans lesdictes taillades et incizures, lesdictz cornibotz, des-
quelz ilz font [maniéres* de] patenostres; et de ce usent, comme
nous faisons d’or et d’argent®!; et le tiennent la plus précieuse

P From A, P and C.
4 P has, au lieu.
TP has, manietes de but C gives, maniéres de.

legs, arms and shoulders. Then at the spot where this esnoguy
is found, they sink the body to the bottom and leave it there for
ten or twelve hours. It is then brought to the surface; and in
the above-mentioned cuts and incisions they find these shells, of
which they make a sort of bead, which has the same use among
them as gold and silver with us®*; for they consider it the most
valuable article in the world. It has the virtue of stopping nose-
bleeding; for we tried it. This whole tribe gives itself to manual
labour and to fishing merely to obtain the necessities of life; for
they place no value upon the goods of this world, both because they
are unacquainted with them ®”, and because they do not move

61 Florio has: ‘‘ Of them they make beades, and weare them aboute their
neckes, even as we do them of golde’; while Hakluyt has added, ‘‘ even as we
doe chaines of gold and silver.”” Cf. however Morgan, op. cit., I], 52-53: ‘‘ Wam-
pum beads are rarely worn, as they are scarce and held at high rates. These
beads are used chiefly for religious purposes, and to preserve laws and treaties ...
Wampum belts are made by covering one side of a deer-skin belt with these
beads, arranged after various devices, and with most laborious skill. As a
belt four or five feet long by four inches wide would require several thousands
of these beads, they were estimated at a great price’; and ibid. 120-121,

°? Cf. Champlain, Giwvres, IV, 75: “‘ Leur vie est miserable au regard de
la nostre, mais heureuse entr’eux qui n’en ont pas gousté de meilleure, croyant
qu’il ne s’en trouve pas de plus excellente ’; and also ibid., 78: ‘‘ Neantmoins
avec toutes leurs miseres ie les estime heureux entr’eux, d’autant qu’ils n’ont
autre ambition que de vivre, & de se conserver.””

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 161

chose du monde. II a la vertu d’estancher le sang des nazilles;
car nous l’avons expé1imenté. Tout cedict peuple ne s’adonne

que a labouraige et pescherie, pour vivre; car des biens de ce®

monde ne* font compte, pource qu’ilz n’en ont congnoissance ®”,

et [aussi]* qu’ilz ne bougent de leur | pays, et ne sont embulataires,
comme ceulx de Canada et du Saguenay; non obstant que lesdictz
Canadians leurs soient subgectz, avec viii ou ix aultres peuples
qui sont sur ledict fleuve °°.

®From A, PandC. B has, se.
tP has, n’en.

from home and are not nomads like those of Canada and of the

Saguenay, notwithstanding that the Canadians and some eight or

nine other tribes along this river are subjects of theirs ®*.

63 Cf, P. D. Clarke, op. cit.,2: ‘‘ The Algonquins, Hurons or Wyandotts,
and some of the Five Nations or Iroquois, as they are called by some historians,
first met with the French, on the St. Lawrence, in 1535. At that time, and back
to an unknown period, the Iroquois and Wyandotts had always dwelt in the
same region, where the abode and hunting grounds of each were conterminous”’;
and also N. Perrot, Memoire sur les meurs, coustumes et relligion des sauvages
de l Amérique septentrionale, publié par le R. P. J. Tailhan (Paris, 1864), p. 9:
“Le pays des Irroquois estoit autrefois le Montreal et les Trois Riviéres; ils
avoient pour voysins les Algonkins qui demeuroient le long de la riviere des
Outaoiias, au Nepissing, dans la riviere des Frangois et entre icelle et Taronto.
Les Irroquois n’estoient pas chasseurs: ils labouroient la terre et vivoient des
racines qu’elle produisoit, et du grain qu’ils semoient. Les Algonkins au con-
traire ne subsistoient que de leur chasse,” etc. Vzd. also Morgan, op. cit., I,
8-9, and A. C. Parker, The Origin of the Iroquois, etc. in the American Anthro-
pologist, new series, 18, pp. 479-507, Lancaster, 1916, and also p. 576: and
Faillon, op. cit., I, note XVIII, 524-533.

48493—11

25°

26*

162 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

COMMENT NOUS ARRIVASMES A LADICTE VILLE, ET
DE LA RECEPTION QUI NOUS Y FUT FAICTE; ET COM-
MENT LE CAPPITAINE LEUR FICT DES PRESENS; ET
AULTRES CHOSES QUE LEDICT CAPPITAINE LEUR
FIST, COMME SERA VEU EN CE CHAPPITRE.

Ainsi comme" fumes arrivez auprés d’icelle ville, se randirent
audavant de nous grand numbre des habitans d’icelle, lesquelz’,
a leur facon de faire, nous firent bon racqueil. | Et par noz guides
et conducteurs fumes menez au meilleu d’icelle ville, ot il y a vne
place entre les maisons, spacieuse d’vn gect de pierre, en carré ou
envyron®*, lesquelz nous firent signe que nous arrastacions ™.
audict lieu, ce que fymes. Et tout soubdain, s’assemblérent
toutes les femmes et filles de ladicte ville, dont l’vne partie estoient
chargées d’enffans entre leurs braz, qui* nous vindrent [frotter*]

uP has, apres que.

Vv P and C have, qui.

Ww A has, arrestissions.

<P has, et qui; C, lesquelles.

Y This word was omitted in B. P and C have, frotter, while in A some late
hand has added, baiser, and in B, frotter. Lescarbot followed A, and the Quebec
editor copied him.

How WE ARRIVED AT THE VILLAGE AND THE
RECEPTION WE MET WITH; AND HOW THE CAPTAIN
GAVE THEM PRESENTS AND OTHER THINGS THE
CAPTAIN DID, AS WILL BE SEEN IN THIS CHAPTER.

As we drew near to their village, great numbers of the inhabi-
tants came out to meet us and gave us a hearty welcome, accord-
ing to the custom of the country. And we were led by our guides
and those who were conducting us into the middle of the village,
where there was an open square between the houses, about a
stone’s throw or thereabouts in width each way°*. They signed
to us that we should come to a halt here, which we did. And at
once all the girls and women of the village, some of whom had
children in their arms, crowded about us, rubbing our faces, arms
and other parts of the upper portions of our bodies which they

64 Vid. the plan in Ramusio, op. cit., III. 446-447, reproduced as plate IX,
p. 144, and that of an Iroquois town in Champlain, Giuvres, IV, 44. Cf. also The
Canadian Naturalist, V., 445 and Transactions of the Royal Society, 2"4 ser., V,
ii, 203. 1899,

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 163

le visaige, braz et aultres endroiz de dessus le corps, ot ilz pou-
voient toucher, pleurant de joie de nous veoyr, nous faisant la
meilleur[e] chére qu’il leur estoit possible, en nous faisant signes
qu'il nous pleust toucher’” leursdictz enffans. Aprés ces* choses
faictes, les hommes firent retirer les femmes, et se assirent sus la
terre, 4 l’entour de nous, comme si eussions voullu jouer vng mis-
tére®®, Et tout incontinent revindrent plusieurs femmes, qui
apportérent chascune vne natte carrée, en facgon de tapisserye °°,
et | les estandirent sus la terre, au meilleu de ladicte place, et nous
firent mectre sus icelles. Aprés lesquelles choses ainsi faictes,
fut apporté, par neuf ou dix hommes °’, le Roy et seigneur du pays,
qu’ilz appellent en leur langue agouhanna®, lequel estoit assiz sus

* P has, toucher a which C copied.

®From A. B has, ses: P and C lesquelles.

> P has, tout soudain.

°B has agohanna here but elsewhere agouhanna which is also the reading
here in P and C.

could touch, weeping for joy at the sight of us and giving us the
best welcome they could. They made signs to us also to be good
enough to put our hands upon their babies. After this the men
made the women retire, and themselves sat down upon the ground
round about us, as if we had been going to perform a miracle
play®®. And at once several of the women came back, each with
a four-cornered mat, woven like tapestry °°, and these they spread
upon the ground in the middle of the square, and made us place our-
selves upon them. When this had been done, the ruler and chief

of this tribe, whom in their language they call Agouhanna, was

carried in, seated on a large deer-skin, by nine or ten Indians ®’,

65 Ramusio has, come se havessimo voluto recitar qualche comedia 6 qualche
altro misterio, which Florio has mistranslated, ‘‘ as if they would have shewen
and rehearsed some. Comedie, or other shew.’ Cf. Petit de Julleville, Les
Mystéres, I, 198 Paris, 1880, and l’Abbé Anis, Les Mystéres représentés a Laval
de 1493 a 1538, Laval, s. a.

66 Cf. Sagard, op. cit., 78: ‘Je vis 14 beaucoup de femmes & filles qui
faisoient des nattes de ioncs, grandement bien tissués, & embellies de diverses
couleurs’; and also p. 131: ‘‘ Quand V’hyver vient elles font des nattes de
joncs, & d’autres’ pour s’asseoir dessus.”

67 Florio gives ‘upon nine or ten mens shoulders,”’ although Ramusio
merely has, portato da none 6 dieci huomini. The author would seem to imply
that the language spoken at Hochelaga was the same as that in use at Stada-
cona. Vid. p. 121 supra note 59 and p. 241 infra.

48493—113

26”

”

164 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

vne grande peau de serf; et le vindrent poser dedans ladicte place,
sus lesdictes nattes, [au]prés du? cappitaine, en [nous] faisant
signe que c’estoit leur [Roy et] seigneur. Celluy ° agouhanna *
estoit de l’aige d’envyron cinquante ans, et n’estoit poinct mieulx
acoustré que les aultres, fors qu’il avoyt, a l’entour® de sa teste,
vne maniére de liziére rouge, pour sa couronne, faicte de poil dle]
herissons®8; et estoit celluy seigneur tout percludz et malade
de ses membres®’. Aprés qu’il eut faict son signe de salut audict
cappitaine et a ses gens, en leur faisant signes évidans qu’ilz fus-
sent les [trés] bien venuz, il monstra ses braz et [ses]* jambes
audict cappitaine, | luy faisant signe qu’il luy pleust les toucher*,
comme s’il luy eust demandé garison et santé. Et lors le! cappi-

4 P has, de nostre.

©P and C have, cesiuy.

f A has here agohanna and the same a few lines above.

@P has, @ lencontre.

h From P. A and B have, le priant les voulloir toucher, while C has put,
luy disant qu’il luy pleust les toucher.

'C has, ledict.

who came and set himdown upon the mats near the Captain, making
signs to us that this was.their ruler and chief. This Agouhanna,
who was some fifty years of age, was in no way better dressed
than the other Indians except that he wore about his head for a
crown a sort of red band made of hedgehog’s skin®*. This chief
was completely paralyzed and deprived of the use of his limbs °°.
When he had saluted the Captain and his men, by making signs
which clearly meant that they were very welcome, he showed his
arms and his legs to the Captain motioning to him to be good
enough to touch them, as if he thereby expected to be cured and
healed. On this the Captain set about rubbing his arms and legs
with his hands. Thereupon this Agouhanna took the band of
cloth he was wearing as a crown and presented it to the Captain.

68 Cf. Morgan, op. cit., I, 253-54 fora sketch of this porcupine headdress;
and Lescarbot, op. cit., 1609, 742-743: ‘‘ Quant a ceux de nétre Nouvelle France
és jours entre eux solennels & de rejouissance, & quand ilz vont a la guerre, ils
ont a l’entour de la téte comme vne coronne faite de longs poils d’Ellan peints en
rouge collez ou autrement attachez 4 vne bende de cuir large de trois doigts
‘telle que le Capitaine Jacques Quartier dit avoir veu au Roy... & Seigneur
des Sauvages qu'il trouva en la ville de Hochelaga.”

6° Ramusio has, tutto quanto paralitico & attrato delle sue membra whence

Florio’s “ full of the palsey, and his members shronke togither.”

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 165

taine commanga a luy frotter les braz et jambes, avecq les mains.
Et [lors]) print ledict agowhanna € la liziére et couronne qu’il avoit
sus la! teste, et la donna audict™ cappitaine. Et tout inconti-
nent, furent amenez audict cappitaine plusieurs malades, comme
aveugles’°, bourgnes”!, boisteulx, impotens, et gens si trés-vieulx
que les paupiéres des yeulx leurs pendoient [jusques] sus les jouez,
les seoyant” et couchant prés ledict® cappitaine pour les toucher,
tellement qu’il sembloyt que Dieu fust 14 descendu, pour les gueryr.

Ledict? cappitaine, voyant la pitié et foy de cedict peuple,
dist l’euvangille sainct Jehan, scavoir: l’Im principio,’? faisant
le signe de la croix sus les pouvres malades, priant Dieu qu’il leur
donnast congnoissance | de nostre saincte foy, et de la passion

iC has, adoncq.

* B has here again, agohanna which A has copied while P and C give the
spelling in the text.

1P has, sa.

™ P has, @ nostre.

” P has, seant.

°P has, au pres de nostre dict; C, au pres dudict.

PP has, Nostre dict.

And at once many sick persons, some blind’°, others with but
one eye’!, others lame or impotent and others again so extremely
old that their eyelids hung down to their cheeks, were brought in
and set down or laid out near the Captain, in order that he might
lay his hands upon them, so that one would have thought Christ
had come down to earth to heal them.

Seeing the suffering of these people and their faith, the Cap-
tain read aloud the Gospel of St. John, namely, ‘‘ In the begin-
ning’ ’*, etc. making the sign of the cross over the poor sick people,
praying God to give them knowledge of our holy faith and of our
Saviour’s passion, and grace to obtain baptism and redemption? ®.

70 Cf. Champlain, CEwores, IV, 74: ‘En telle cabanne... il fume A bon
escient, qui fait que plusieurs en recoivent de grandes incommoditez aux yeux,
a quoy ils sont subiects, iusques a en perdre la veue.”

71 Though Ramusio has, orbi, Florio gives “‘criple.”’

72 Florio has, ‘‘ In the beginning was the word.” In the Livre d’heures de
la reine Anne de Bretagne, 35-37 (Paris, 1841), only the first fourteen verses
of the gospel are given.

73 Florio has, ‘‘ touching every one that were diseased, praying to God
that it wold please him to open the harts of this poore people and to make them
knowe his holy worde, and that they might receive baptisme and Christendome.”’

27°

166 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

de Nostre Saulveur, et grace de recouvre[r]% chrestienté et bap-
tesme’*, Puis™ print ledict cappitaine vne paire d’heures, ’*
et tout haultement leut, de mot a mot, la passion de Nostre Sei-
gneur’>, si que tous les assistans la* peurent ouyr, ot tout ce
pouvre peuple fist* vne grande sillance, et furent merveilleuse-
ment bien entendibles, regardant le ciel et faisant pareilles seri-
monyes qu’ilz nous veoyent faire. Aprés laquelle, fist ledict cappi-
taine ranger tous les hommes d’vn cousté, les femmes d’vn aultre,
et les enffans d’aultre, et donna aux principaulx des hachotz,
es aultres des cousteaulx", et es femmes des patenostres et aultres
menues choses’; puis gecta parmy la place, entre lesdictz [petis]
enffans, des petites bagues et agnus Dei d’estaing’®; de quoy

4 From A and P.

*C has, Hé puis.

"Phas, 26

tP has, feirent.

“As in P and C. A and B have, es principaulx et aulires des cousteaulx
et des hachotz et es femmes, etc.

v P has, besongnes.

Then the Captain took a prayer-book’* and read out, word for
word, the Passion of ovr Lord’®, that all who were present
could hear it, during which all these poor people maintained
great silence and were wonderfully attentive, looking up to heaven
and going through the same ceremonies they saw us do. After
this the Captain had all the men range themselves on one side,
the women on another and the children on another, and to the
headmen he gave hatchets, to the others knives, and to the women,
beads and other small trinkets. He then made the children
scramble for little rings and tin agnus Dei’®, which afforded them
great amusement. The Captain next ordered the trumpets and
other musical instruments to be sounded, whereat the Indians
were much delighted. We then took leave of them and proceeded

74 Though Ramusio has, /’ufficio, Florio translated, “ he toke a booke in
his hande.” Hakluyt has added ‘‘a Service-booke.”’ Cf. Palsgrave, op. cit.,
183: ‘‘ Unes heures, a primer or a mattyns boke”’; and also ibid., 152.

Vid. Le Livre d’heures de la reine Anne de Bretagne, 457 et seq. It con-
sisted of chapters XVIII and XIX of the Gospel of St. John with a prayer at
the close.

7 Florio has, ‘Then where ye children were, he cast rings, counters &

brooches made of Tin”. The name is usually applied to the small figure of a
lamb with a cross or a flag.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 . 167

menérent “ vne merveilleuse joye. Ce faict, le* cappitaine com-
manda sonner les trompettes et aultres instrumens de musicque,
de quoy” ledict peuple fut fort resiouy. Aprés lesquelles | choses,
nous prinsmes congé d’eulx, et nous retirames. Voyant ce, les
femmes se mirent audavant de nous pour nous arrester, et nous
apportérent’ de leurs vivres, lesquelz ilz* nous avoyent apprestez,
scavoir®: poisson, potaiges, febves, pain et aultres choses, pour
nous cuyder faire repaistre et digne[r]° audict lieu7’. Et pource
que lesdicts? vivres n’estoient 4 nostre goust, et qu’il n’y avoyt
[aucune saveur] ° de sel’®, les remerciasmes, leur faisant signes que

n’avyons besoing de repaistre‘.

WC has, desquelz firent. xP has, ledict. ¥ P has, desquelz.

* P has, apportoient. ® P has, qu’dlz. > P and C have, comme.
°From A. Band C have, digne; P, disner.

4 P has, leurs. © A, B and C have, goust. £ P has, manger.

to set out upon our return. Seeing this the squaws placed them-
selves in our way to prevent us, and brought us some of their
provisions, which they had made ready for us, to wit: fish, soups,
beans, bread and other dishes, in the hope of inducing us to partake
of some refreshment and to eat with them’’. But as these pro-
visions were not to our taste and had no savour of salt7®, we
thanked them, making signs that we were‘in no need of refresh-
ment.

77 Cf. The Canadian Naturalist, V1, 378: ‘‘ The bill of fare of old Hoche-
laga appears to have included nearly all the wild mammals of the country, and
many birds and fishes: but the beaver largely predominates, and remains of
the bear, more especially lower jaws, are quite numerous. Grains of Indian
corn... are very abundant, and apparently of the ordinary variety still culti-
vated in the country. In the same place I found a single bean, apparently the
Phaseolus vulgaris ... The stones of the wild plum are very common, and Mr.
Murphy has found specimens of butternuts”’; and Morgan, op. cit., I, 319:
“ The care of the appetite was left entirely with the women... If a neighbor
or a stranger entered her dwelling, a dish of hommony, or whatever else she had
prepared, was immediately placed before her, with an invitation to partake.
It made no difference at what hour of the day, or how numerous the calls, this
courtesy was extended to every comer, and was the first act of attention bestow-
ed. This custom was universal, in fact one of the laws of their social system;
and a neglect on the part of the wife to observe it, was regarded both as a breach
of hospitality and as a personal affront.’’ Vid. also Champlain, CZuvres, IV,
75-78; C. Colden, op. cit., 11-12; and F. W. Waugh, op. cit., passim.

78 Cf, Sagard, op. cit., 47: ‘ A la verité ie trouvay leur manger maussade
& fort 4 contre-cceur, comme n’estant accoustumé a ces mets sauvages.”’

28"

28”

168 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

Aprés que nous fumes sortis® de ladicte ville, fumes con-
duictz par plusieurs hommes et femmes d’icelle® sur la montaigne
[cy] davant dicte, qui est par nous nommée mont Royal, distant
dudict lieu d’vn cart de lieue’®. Et. nous estans sus ladicte’
montaigne, eusmes veue et congnoissance de plus de trente lieues, |
a l’envyron d’icelle; dont il y a, vers le nort, vne rangée de mon-
taignes®°, qui sont est et ouaist gisantes, et autant devers le su®?.
Entre lesquelles montaignes est la terre, la plus belle qu’il soit
possible de veoyr, labourable, vnye et plaine®*. Et par le meilleu
desdictes terres, voyons ledict fleuve** oultre le lieu od estoient

®P has, yssuz.

1 P has, plusieurs hommes & femmes nous vindrent conduyre sur, etc.
1P has, celle.

On issuing forth from the village we were conducted by several
of the men and women of the place up the above-mentioned moun-
tain, lying a quarter of a league away, which was named by us
“Mount Royal 7°. On reaching the summit we had a view of
the land for more than thirty leagues round about. Towards
the north there is a range of mountains, running east and west °°,
and another range to the south®’. Between these ranges lies
the finest land it is possible to see, being arable, level and flat ®?.
And in the midst of this flat region one saw the river [St. Law-
rence] extending beyond the spot where we had left our long-
boats**. At that point there is the most violent rapid it is pos-

79 Hochelaga was thus about three quarters of a mile from the mountain,
which is still called Mount Royal. As before mentioned (p. 128 note 76) Hoche-
laga in the Huron tongue means “ at the beaver-dam ” i.e. the Lachine rapid.
Vid. also Champlain, Giuvres, III, 242. Cartier had thus made his way 986
miles from the Atlantic.

8° The Laurentian hills.

81 The northern slopes of the Adirondacks and of the Green mountains of
Vermont.

82 Cf. Picturesque Canada, I, 106: ‘‘The view from the summit... is
well worth the climb . . . The majestic St. Lawrence may be traced for miles . . .
Beyond the river is a vast stretch of land absolutely flat bounded by ranges of
hills”; and also G. Heriot, Travels through the Canadas, 113-114, London, 1807.

83 The river St. Lawrence.

84 This was possibly under the lee of a small island called Market Garden
island that then lay between the island of Montreal and St. Helen’s island.
It has since been incorporated with the docks. Cf. Champlain’s Works, I,
148: “ Nous vinsmes mouiller l’ancre & la bande du Nort, contre vne petite
isle,” etc.; and the map in Géuvres, III, 248.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 169

demourées noz barques**, ow il y a vng sault d’eaue, le plus impe-
tueulx qu'il soit possible de veoir, lequel ne nous fut possible de
passer *°; et voyons icelluy fleuve tant que l'on pouvoyt regar-
de[r]’, grand, large et spacieulx, qui* alloit au surouaist, et passoit
- par auprés de troys belles montaignes rondes, que nous voyons,
et estimyons qu’elles estoient 4 envyron quinze lieues de nous?®°.
Et nous fut dict et monstré par signes, par les! troys hommes
[du pais] qui nous avoyent conduictz™, qu’il y avoyt troys ytieulx
saultz d’eaue audict fleuve®’, comme celluy ot estoient nos-
dictes barques; mays nous | ne peusmes entendre quelle distance
il y avoyt entre l’vn et l’aultre, [par faulte de langue]. Puis”,

nous monstroient [par signes], que lesdictz saultz passez, 1l’on

i From A ani.d P. KC has, leque 'P has, nosdictz.
™ C has, qui estotent presens.
"Chas, Et puys.

sible to see, which we were unable to pass®®. And as far as the
eye can reach, one sees that river, large, wide and broad, which
came from the south-west and flowed near three fine conical
mountains, which we estimated to be some fifteen leagues away °°.
And it was told us and made clear by signs by our three local
Indian guides, that there were three more such rapids in that
river ®’, like the one where lay our long-boats; but through lack
of an interpreter we could not make out what the distance was
from one to the other. They then explained to us by signs that
after passing these rapids, one could navigate along that river

85 The Lachine rapid. The descent is forty-two feet in two miles. Cf,
Champlain’s Works, I, 150-151: ‘‘ Venans 4 approcher dudict sault avec nostre
petit esquif & le canot, ie vous asseure que iamais ie ne veis vn torrent d’eau
desborder avec vne telle impetuosité comme il faict ... Il dessend comme de
degré en degré, & en chasque lieu ot il y quelque peu de hauteur, il s’y fait vn
esbouillonnement estrange de la force & roideur que va l|’eau en traversant
ledit sault, qui peut contenir vne lieue”’; and Faillon, Histoire de la colonie
frangaise en Canada, I, note II, p. 500.

86St. Bruno, Belcil and Rougemont. One can see Mt. Johnson as
well. Cf. Champlain’s Works, I, 150: ‘‘ L’on void du costé du Su, quelques
trois ou quatre mOtaignes, qui paroissent comme a quelque quinze ou seize
lieues dans les terres.’’ Belceil or St. Hilaire mountain which lies sixteen miles
east of Montreal is 1,600 feet high. Vid. Beadeker’s Canada, 2nd edit.,
30-31, Leipsic, 1900.

87 The Cascades (including Cedar and Coteau), Long Sault and Galops
rapids.

Le grand sault
de la riviére
de Canada.

29°

Navigation de
trois lunes par
la riviére de
Canada au
dessus du sault.

170 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

pouvoyt naviguer plus de troys lunes® par ledict fleuve®®. Et
oultre nous monstroient que le long desdictes montaignes, estant
vers le nort®9, y a vne grande ripviére®° qui descend de 1’occident,
comme ledict fleuve®!. Nous estimons? que c’est la ripviére
qui passe par le royaume et prouvynce du Saguenay ®’; et sans
que [nous]* leur fissions aucune demande et signe%, prindrent la
chaisne du sifflet du cappitaine, qui est™ d’argent, et vng manche

°P has, lines.

PP has, estimions.

4 P has, signes.
* P has, estoit; C, laquelle est.

for more than three moons**®. And they showed us further-
more that along the mountains to the north®’, there i is a large_
river?°, which comes from the west like the said iver [St.
Lawrence]. We thought this river [Ottawa] must be aan
flows past the kingdom and_ _province of the Saguenay °* _and _

the chain of the. Captain’ s _whistle, which was made. of silver,

and a dagger- handle of yellow copper-gilt ‘like gold, that hung at at

88 Lescarbot (op. cit., 1609, p. 360) has added: “‘ C’est A dire trois mois.”
The distance from Montreal to the headwaters of Lake Superior by the great
lakes is 1,550 miles. Lescarbot has also taken the phrase, Nota que leur
seigneur nommé Donnacona a esté a une terre, etc. in B fol. 66" (p. 418) and
inserted it here in the following form: ‘‘ Et la-dessus me souvient que Donna-
cona, seigneur des Canadiens, nous a dit quelquefois avoir été a vne terre, ot
’ ilz sont vne lune a aller avec leurs barques depuis Canada iusques a ladite terre,
en laquelle il y croit force canelle & girofle. Et appellent ladite canelle Adota-
thui, le girofle Canonotha.”’ Although the opening words betray the different
origin, the Quebec editor incorporated the whole paragraph into his text (p. 47).
See Grant’s Lescarbot, II, 121.

89 The Laurentides.

9° The Ottawa.

91 The St. Lawrence.

92 What this mysterious “‘ kingdom of the Saguenay ” was, with its “ infi-
nite quantities of gold, rubies and other gems,” it is difficult to say, unless a
confusion was made between copper and gold, and the region meant was the
copper quarries of Lake Superior. Cf. Transactions of the Royal Society of
Canada, 2™% ser., V, ii, 201: ‘‘ Axes have been found in the débris of Hoche-
laga ... which came from Lake Superior’; Champlain, Cuvres, IV, 21: “‘Icelle
riviere qui vient du Nort [ie. the Ottawa] est celle par laquelle les Sauvages
vont au Sacquenay pour traicter des Pelleteries ’; and the inscription over the
Ottawa on Mercator’s map of 1569: ‘‘ Hoc fluvio facilior est navigatio in Sague-
nai,” given in Kohl, op. cit., 384, N° XXII.

‘

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 171

de pongnard, qui® estoit de laton jaulne comme or, lequel pen-
doit * au costé de l’vn de noz [compaignons] mariniers", et mons-
trérent que cela venoyt d’amont ledict fleuve®*, et qu’il y avoyt
des agojuda‘, qui est a dire mauvaise[s]” gens, qui estoient*
armés jusques sus les doidz, nous monstrant la facon de leurs
armiures, qui sont de cordes et [de] boys, lasseez et tissuez en-
semble; nous donnant a | entendre que lesdictz agojuda menoyent
la guerre continuelle, les vngs es aultres’; mays par deffault de
langue, ne peusmes avoyr congnoissance combien il y avoit
jusques audict pays. Ledict” cappitaine leur monstra du cuyvre
rouge, qu’ilz appellent caignetdazé***, leur monstrant vers ledict
lieu et demandant par signe, s’il venoyt de la. Et ils comman-
cérent A secourré la teste, disans que non, en monstrant® qu’il
venoyt du Saguenay, qui est au contraire du précédent®. Aprés

® P has, lequel; C, qui est. *From Pand C. A and B have, estoit.

“ These two words have the same meaning. Vid. pp. 3 and 74.

VP. has always, A gouionda.

W¥ From A and P.

* P has, lesquelz sont; C, lesquelz estotent.

YP has, les uwngs contre les autres.

2P has, Nostre.

8From P and C. A and B have here, caignedazé. Vid., p. 106, note 84.
> A has, et monstrant, while P gives, et monstrerent which C copied.

the side of one of the sailors, and gave us to understand_that
these came from 1 up that river®® [Ottawa], where lived Agojuda,
which means bad people, who were armed to the teeth, showing
us the style of their armour, which is made with cords and wood,
laced and plaited together. They also seemed to say that these
Agojuda waged war continually, one tribe against the other, but
through not understanding their language, we could not make
out what the distance was to that country. The Captain showed
them some copper, which they call caignetdazé®*, and pointing
towards the said region, asked by signs if it came thence? They
shook gi heads to say no, showing us that it came from the
Saguenay °”, which lies in the opposite direction®®. Having seen

93 Although the text has flewve, meaning the St. Lawrence, the Ottawa was
evidently intended and the Agojuda were perhaps Algonkins. Vzd. Faillon,
op. cit., I, 525.

94 Vid, p. 106 supra note 84.

95 Florio has, ‘‘ cleane contrarye to the other.”

Agojuda.

297

30”

172 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

lesquelles choses ainsi veues et entendues, nous retirasmes a noz

barques, qui ne fut sans avoir conduicte de grand numbre dudict
peuple, dont partie d’eulx, quant veoyoient noz gens laz, les char-
geoient sus eulx, comme sus chevaulx, et les portoyent®®. Et
nous arrivez a nosdictes barques, fimes voille pour retourner a
nostre gallion®”, pour doubte qu’il n’eust aucun encombrier. Lequel
partement ne fut sans grand regret dudict peuple; car | tant
qu’ilz nous peurent suyvir aval ledict fleuve, ilz nous suyvérent.
Et tant fismes, que nous arrivasmes a nostredict gallion le lundi,
quatriesme jour d’octobre.

Le mardi, cinquiesme jour dudict moys, nous fismes voille
et appareillasmes avecq nostredict gallion et barques, pour retour-
ner a la prouvince de Canada®*, au port de saincte Croix®®, ot
estoient demourez nosdictz navires. Et le septiesme [jour], nous
vinsmes poser le travers d’vne ripviére’®°®, qui vient devers le

and learned these things, we returned to our long-boats, accom-
panied by a large number of these Indians, some of whom, when
they saw that our people were tired, took them upon their shoul-
ders, as on horseback and carried them®®. And on our arrival
at the long-boats, we at once set sail to return to the bark®’, for
fear of any misadventure. Such a departure did not fail to cause
the Indians great regret; for so long as they could follow us down
the river, they did so. And we made such good headway that we
reached our bark on Monday, October 4.

On Tuesday, the fifth of that month, we hoisted sail and set
forth with our bark and the long-boats to return to the province
of Canada *® and to Ste. Croix harbour ®®, where our ships had been
left. And on [Thursday] the seventh we came to anchor opposite
a stream’°° which enters the river [St. Lawrence] from the north

96 A representation of this is given in Ramusio’s drawing of Hochelaga
(op. cit., III, fols. 446-447) and plate IX, p. 144 supra.

97 The Emérillon in Lake St. Peter.

98 Vid. p. 103 supra note 69.

99 The river St. Charles.

100 The river St. Maurice which enters the St. Lawrence at Three Rivers,
twenty-five miles below the head of Lake St. Peter where the long-boats had
rejoined the Emérillon.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 173

nort, sortente audict fleuve, a l’entrée de laquelle [il]* y a quatre
petites ysles, et plaines d’arbres.1 Nous nommasmes icelle rip-
viére la ripvidre de Fouez”. Et pource que l’vne d’icelles ysles
s’avance audict fleuve, et la veoyt on de loing, ledict cappitaine |
fict planter vne belle [grande] croix sus la poincte d’icelle?; et com-
manda apprester les barques, pour aller, avec marée, dedans
icelle® ripviére, pour veoyr le parfond et nature d’icelle, [ce que
fut faict]. Et nagérent celluy jour amont ladicte riviére®; mays‘
pource qu’elle fut trouvée de nulle experiance, ny parfonde, retour-
nérent®; et appareillasmes pour aller aval.

°C has, ladicte. 4 P has, ce qu'il; C, ce que.
®From Pand C. A and B have, ledict fleuve. It was the St. Maurice.
P has, ef.

and at the mouth of which lie four small islands covered with
trees'. We named this stream ‘‘ Lashing river’’?. And as one
of these islands [St. Quentin] stretches out into the river [St.
Lawrence], and can be seen from a distance, the Captain had a
fine large cross erected upon the point of it®. He then commanded
the long-boats to be made ready to go up that river [St. Maurice]
at high tide to find out the depth and nature of the same. These
orders were carried out; and they rowed up the river that day;
but when it was discovered to be of no importance and shallow,
they came back®. We then made sail to continue our way down
the river [St. Lawrence].

1 There are in reality six islands, although two of them, Iles Caron and
Ogden are quite small. The other four are now named St. Quentin, La Potherie,
St. Christophe and St. Joseph, while their old names were Ile au Cochon, Belle-
rive, St. Christophe and La Croix. I am indebted to my friend Mr. V. J. Hughes
of Montreal for the modern names.

2 Fouet means a lashing but the meaning is not clear. Lescarbot (op.
.cit., 1609, p. 363) has added: “‘ ie pense qu’il veut dire Foix”; and on the
margin one reads: “‘ Riviere de Foix laquelle Champlain appelle Les trois rivie-
res.’ Vid. Champlain’s Works, I, 135-136.

3 Tle St. Quentin. Cf. Champlain’s Works, I, 136. 5 Cf. ibid., 137.

30”

31”

174 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

COMMENT NOUS ARRIVASMES AUDICT HABLE DE
SAINCTE CROIX, ET L’ORDRE COMME NOUS TROU-
VASMES NOZ NAVIRES; ET COMME LE SEIGNEUR
DU PAYS VINT VEOYR LE ® CAPPITAINE, ET COMME
LEDICT CAPPITAINE L’ALLA VEOYR; ET PARTYE
DE LEUR COUSTUME EN PARTICULLYER. |

Le lundi, vnziesme jour d’octobre, nous arrivasmes au >

hable de saincte Croix®, of estoient noz navires; et trouvasmes
que les maistres et mariniers, qui estoient demourez, avoient faict
vng fort davant lesdictz! navires, tout cloz, de grosses piéces de
boys, plantées debout, joignant les vnes aux’ aultres, et tout

£P has, nostre.

h P has, audict.

i A has, ledict.

iP has, &; C, es.

How WE ARRIVED AT STE. CROIX HARBOUR;
AND THE STATE IN WHICH WE FOUND OUR SHIPS;
AND HOW THE CHIEF OF THAT REGION CAME TO
SEE THE CAPTAIN, AND THE CAPTAIN WENT TO
SEE HIM; AND OF SOME OF THEIR CUSTOMS IN
DETAIL. .

On Monday, October 11, we arrived at the harbour of Ste.
Croix ® where our ships were lying, and found that the mates and
sailors who had stayed behind, had built a fort in front of the
ships, enclosed on all sides with large wooden logs, planted upright
and joined one to the other, with artillery pointing every way, and
in a good state to defend us against the whole country-side’.

6 The river St. Charles.

7 Vid. the drawing on the Vallard map plate X, p. 160. This fort seems
to have stood at the point where the Lairet enters the St. Charles. Cf. Cham-
plain, Giwvres, V, 14: “‘ Il [Cartier] fut contraint d’hyverner en la riviere Saincte
Croix en vn endroit ot maintenant les Peres Jesuites ont leur demeure, sur le
bord d’vne autre petite riviere qui se descharge dans celle de Saincte Croix,
appellée la riuiere de Jacques Cartier’; and ibid., III, 156: ‘Je tiens que
dans ceste riviere [St. Charles]... ce fut le lieu of Jaques Quartier yuerna,
d’autant qu'il y a encores a vne lieue dans la riviere des vestiges comme d’vne
cheminée, dont on a trouvé le fondement, & apparence d'y avoir eu des fossez
autour de leur logement, qui estoit petit. Nous trouvasmes aussi de grandes
pieces de bois escarrées, vermoulues, & quelques 3. ou 4. balles de canon ”’;

_ THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 175

alentour garny d’artillerie’, et bien en ordre pour se* deffendre
contre tout le pays.'! Et tout incontinent que le seigneur du
pays fut adverty de nostre venue, vint le landemain, XII °® jour
dudict moys,’ acompaigné de Taignoagny, dom Agaya™ et plu-
sieurs aultres, pour veoyr ledict™ cappitaine; et luy firent vne
merveilleuse feste®, faignant avoyr grand joie? de sa‘? venue.
Lequel pareillement leur fict assez bon racqueul, toutesfoys qu’ilz
ne l’avoyent pas desservy. Le seigneur*™ Donnacona pria le®

KP has, soy.

1P has, toute la puissance du pays.

™m A has, Agaia.

"C has, nostre.

°P has, lesquelz firent une merveilleuse feste d nostre cappitaine.
PC has, estre joyeulx.

2P has, nostre.

*C has, Ledict Donnacona. 8 P has, nosire.

As soon as the chief of that region [Donnacona] was informed of
our arrival, he came on the following day, [Tuesday] the twelfth
of the month®, accompanied by Taignoagny, Dom Agaya
and several others to see the Captain [Cartier], to whom they
gave a hearty welcome, feigning to be much pleased at his
return. The latter likewise received them fairly well, notwith-
standing that they had not deserved it. Chief Donnacona invited
the Captain to visit him on the following day at Canada’, and
the Captain promised todoso. So on the morrow [Wednesday],
the thirteenth of the month [October], the Captain, accompanied
by the gentlemen and with fifty sailors drawn up in order, went
to visit Donnacona and his people at their home called Stada-
cona!®, which stood about half a league from the spot where lay
our ships. And on drawing near the village, the inhabitants

and Sagard, Histoire du Canada (Paris, 1636), p. 868: “‘ lesquelles ils [les Je-
suites] ont employées 4 leur bastiment commencé au dela de la petite riviere
[St. Charles] sept ou 800. pas de nous en un lieu que l’on appelle communement
le fort de Jacques Cartier.’ The whole question has been carefully elucidated
by the late Dr. N. E. Dionne in La ‘Petite Hermine’’ de Jacques Cartier, passim,
Québec, 1913. Vid. also Faillon, op. cit., I, note I, 496-499,

8 Tuesday, October 12.

9 The word clearly seems to be used here in the sense of town. Ramusio

has @ veder Canada, whence Florio’s ‘‘ to come and see Canada.” Vid. p. 103
note 69 and p. 190 infra.

10 Vid. p. 124 supra note 67.

176 - THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

cappitaine de l’aller, le landemain, veoyr 4 Canada’, ce que luy
promist | ledict cappitaine. Et le landemain, XIII° [jour] dudict
moys, ledict cappitaine, acompaigné des gentilz-hommes et de
cinquante compaignons*, bien en ordre, allérent veoyr ledict
Donnacona et son peuple, qui est distant du lieu ot estoient noz”
navires, de demye lieue’; et se nomme leur demourance Stada-
coné!®, Et nous arrivez audict lieu, vindrent les habitans auda-
vant de nous, loing de leurs maisons d’vn gect de pierre ou mieulx,
et lA se rangérent et assirent 4 leur modde et facon de faire, les
hommes d’vne part et les femmes [et filles]* de l’aultre, debout,
chantant et danssant sans cesse. Et aprés qu’ilz s’entrefurent
saluez et faict chére les vngs es © aultres, le * cappitaine donna es*

tP has, avecques ses gentilz hommes accompaigne de cinquante compaignons;
C gives, avecques les gentilzhommes, etc. as in P.

UP has, lesdictes.

Vv P has, d’une lieue.

WP has aux,

xP has, ledict.

¥ P and C have, aux and aulx.

came out to meet us a stone’s throw or more from their wigwams,
where they ranged and seated themselves after their manner and
custom, the men on one side and the women and girls on the other,
standing up and singing and dancing unceasingly. And when
all had mutually saluted and welcomed each other, the Captain
presented the men with knives and other wares of small value,
and had all the women and girls pass before him, to whom he

gave each a tin ring, for which they thanked him. He was then
11

conducted by Donnacona and Taignoagny to see their wigwams*},

11 Cf. Thevet, Singularitez, reprint of 1878, 407-8: “Ils habitent par
villages et hameaux en certaines maisons, faites 4 la fagon d’un demy cercle,
en grandeur de vingt 4 trente pas, & de dix de largeur, couuerte d’ecorces d’ar-
bres’; and also Champlain’s Works, I, 105: ‘‘ Leurs cabannes sont basses,
faictes comme des tétes, couuertes de ladite escorce d’arbre, & laissent tout le
haut descouuert comme d’vn pied, d’ou le iour leur vient, & font plusieurs feux
droit au milieu de leur cabanne, ot ils sont quelques-fois dix mesnages enséble.
Ils couchent sur des peaux, les vns parmy les autres, les chiens auec eux.” Vid.
also p. 156 supra note 52, and Lescarbot, op. cit., 1609, 787.

1? Ramusio has, lequali secondo la lor qualita, whence Florio's ‘‘ the qualitie
considered,”’ etc.

13 Ramusio has, della sorte del paese, whence Florio’s ‘‘ suche victualles
as the Countrey yeeldeth.”

PLATE XI.

«A SHORTE AND!

briefe narration of the two

Nauigationsand Difcoueries
to the Northweaft partes called
NEWE FRAVNCES

Firft tranflated out of French into Italian, by that famous
learned man Gio: Bapt: Ramutins, and now turned
into Englith by Iobn Florio: Worthy therea-
ding of all Venturers, ‘Trauellers,
and Difcouerers.

IMPRINTEDATLON
don, by H.Bynneman, dyvelling

in [bames {treate, neere ynto
Baynardes Caftell.

Anna Domini.t 580.

Title-Page of Florio's Translation.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 177

hommes des cousteaulx et aultres choses de peu de valleur, et
fict passer toutes les femmes et filles pardevant luy, | et leur 32°
donna a chascune vne bague d’estaing; de quoy remerciérent
ledict cappitaine, qui* fut par ledict Donnacona et Taignoagny
mené veoir leur[s]* maisons!!; lesquelles!? estoient bien estorées
de vivres, selon leur sorte!*, pour passer leur yver. Et fut par
ledict Donnacona monstré audict cappitaine® les peaulx de cinq
testes d’hommes, estandues sus des boys, comme peaulx de par-
chemin?*; et [lequel Donnacona] nous dist que c’estoient des
Toudamans’, de devers le su, qui leur menoyent continuellement
la guerre’. Oultre? nous fut dict, qu’il y a eu deux ans passez
que lesdictz Toudamans les vindrent assaillir jusques dedans

2 P and C have, lequel.

8 From A and P.

> P has, & nous fut par ledict Donnacona monstré les peaulx, etc.

¢P has, Trudamans, while Ramusio, Belleforest, Lescarbot and Faribault
give, Toudamans. On his map however Lescarbot has put, Tondamans and
such is also Ternaux-Compans’ reading.

4 P and C have, &.

which !? were well stored with the provisions they use in winter.
Donnacona showed the Captain the scalps of five Indians, stretch-
ed on hoops like parchment ?*, and told us they were Toudamans
from the south, who waged war continually against his people?°.
He informed us also that two years previously these Toudamans
had come and attacked them in that very river’®, on an island
which lies opposite to the Saguenay+’, where they were spending

14 Florio has, “ spred upon bourds as we doe use parchment’; but ¢f.
Peter Jones, op. cit., 132: ‘‘ The scalps are stretched on round hoops and care-
fully dried. They are then painted, and decorated with wampum beads and
ribbons;” and F. W. Hodge, Handbook of American Indians, etc., II, 483,
and J. B. Tyrrell, David Thompson's Narrative, 332, Toronto, 1916.

15 Mr. W. D. Lighthall would identify these Toudamans with the Etche-
mins. Cf. Trans. of the R. Society, 2°% ser., V, ii, 207.

16 The St. Lawrence.

17 Perhaps Basque island which Alfonse (p. 293 infra) called isle de la
Guerre. Cf. however Ferland, op. cit., I, 35: ‘‘ Une tradition, conservée parmi
les familles sauvages de Gaspé et de Restigouche, porte qu’autrefois un grand
nombre des leurs furent mis 4 mort par les bandes iroquoises, dans une caverne
peu éloignée du Bic; et cette tradition est confirmée par la découverte d’une
masse d’ossements humains trouvés, il y a plusieurs années, dans une grotte
sur une des files du Bic.”

48493—12

327

178 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

ledict fleuve!®, A vne ysle!” qui est le travers du Saguenay, ov
ilz estoient 4 passer la nuyct, tendans aller a Honguedo?®, leur
mener guerre, avecques envyron deux cens personnes, tant hom-
mes, femmes que enffans; lesquelz furent surprins en dormant
dedans vng fort, qu’ilz avoyent faict, ol myrent lesdictz Touda-
mans® le feu, tout alentour, et comme ilz sortoyent, les tuérent
tous, reservé cing qui eschappérent. | De laquelle destrouce se
plaignoient encores fort, nous monstrant qu’ilz en auroient ven-
geance. Aprés lesquelles choses veues, nous retirasmes a noz
navires.

the night on their way to Honguedo*’, being on the war-path
against the Toudamans with some two hundred men, women
and children, who were surprised when asleep in a fort they had
thrown up, to which the Toudamans set fire round about and slew
them all as they rushed out, except five who made their escape.
Of this defeat they still continued to complain bitterly, making
clear to us that they would have vengeance for the same. After
seeing these things, we returned to our ships.

18 Gaspé, Vid. p. 62 supra. We thus see that expeditions from Quebec
to Gaspé were frequent and that there was nothing unusual in the expedition
of the previous summer in the course of which Taignoagny and Dom Agaya
had been carried off from Gaspé bay by Cartier. Vid. p. 64 supra and p. 196
infra. ;

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 179

DE LA FAGON DE VIVRE DU PEUPLE DE LADICTE
TERRE; ET DE CERTAINES CONDICTIONS, CREANCE
ET FACON DE FAIRE! QU’ILZ ONT.

Cedict peuple n’a aucune créance de Dieu qui vaille!*; car
ilz croyent en® vng qu’ilz appellent Cudouagny; et disent. qu’il
parle®| souvent a eulx, et leur dict le temps qu’il doict faire. Ilz
disent' [aussi] que quant il se courouce a eulx, qu’il leur gecte de
la terre aux yeulx. IIz croient aussi [que] quant ilz trespassent,
ilzi vont es estoilles, puys viennent baissant en l’orizon, comme
lesdictes estoilles; puys* [s’en] vont en beaulx champs vers,
plains de beaulx arbres, fleurs et fruictz sumptueulx”®. Aprés

f P has, vivre.

& P has, ad.

» P has, qu’ilz parlent.
iC has, Et dyent.

iB has, qu’ilz.

EP and C have, Et.

OF THE MANNER OF LIFE OF THE PEOPLE OF THIS
REGION; AND OF SOME OF THEIR CUSTOMS,
BELIEFS AND HABITS.

This tribe has no belief in God that amounts to anything 19; for
they believe in a god they call Cudouagny, and maintain that he often
holds intercourse with them and tells them what the weather will be
like. They also say that when he gets angry with them, he throws
dust in their eyes. They believe furthermore that when they die
they go to the stars and descend on the horizon like the stars.
Next, that they go off to beautiful green fields covered with fine
trees, flowers and luscious fruits”®. After they had explained

19 Cf. however Clarke, op. cit., 6: ‘ Their [the Hurons’] laws were the
laws of nature and of nature’s God. They always held the idea that a Great
and Good Spirit exists ...and rules the universe.” Cf. pp. 136 and 139.

20 Cf. Thevet, Cosmographie universelle, 11, 1013: ‘‘ Davantage, ils croyent
V’immortalité de l’ame: Et disent ... que quand vn homme est mort, s’il a esté
meschant, il vient vn grand oyseau, ayant des griffes & bec fort aiguz, & tren-
chants, qui emporte son Ame; mais au contraire, s’il a esté bon, son ame s’en
va d’elle mesme en vn lieu embelly de plusieurs sortes d’arbres, & ot il y a des
oyseaux, qui nuict & iour chantent des chants les plus melodieux du monde.
Je tiens cecy d’vn Roy de leur pais... lequel s’appelloit Dona coua (sic.) ...

lequel est mort en France du temps du grand Roy Frangoys, parlant assez bien |

48493—124

33”

337

180 THE VOYAGES - JACQUES CARTIER

qu’ilz nous eurent donné ces! choses 4 entendre, nous leur avons
remonstré leur erreur, et [dict] que leur Cudouagny est vng mau-
vays esperit, qui les abuze, et [dict] qu’il n’est qu’vn Dieu, qui est
au ciel, lequel nous donne toutles choses necessaires,] et est créa-
teur de toutes choses, et que en cestuy devons croyre seullement;
et qu’il fault estre baptizés ou aller en enffer. Et leur fut remonstré
plusieurs aultres choses de nostre foy; ce que facillement ilz ont
creu, et appellé leur Cudouagny, agojuda™*', tellement, que plu-
sieurs foys ont pryé le” cappitaine les faire baptizer. Et y sont
venuz ledict seigneur, Taignoagny, dom Agaya®, avecq? tout le
peuple de leur ville pour le cuyder estre; mays pource que ne

1From A. B has, ses choses; C, cesdictes choses while P has, le tout.

™ P has, Agouionda,

2 P has, nostre.

°B has here, Agaia but elsewhere as in the text which is also the reading

in A, P and C.
PP and C have, &

these things to us, we showed them their error and informed them
that their Cudouagny was a wicked spirit who deceived them, and
that there is but one God, Who is in Heaven, Who gives us every-
thing we need and is the Creator of all things and that in Him
alone we should believe. Also that one must receive baptism or
perish in hell. Several other points concerning our faith were
explained to them which they believed without trouble, and pro-
ceeded to call their Cudouagny, Agojuda*' to such an extent that
several times they begged the Captain to cause them to be bap-
tized. And one day the Chief [Donnaconal, Taignoagny and Dom
Agaya came with all the people of their village to receive baptism;
but since we did not know their real intention and state of mind,
and had no one to explain to them our faith, an excuse was made

nostre langue, & y ayant demeuré quatre ou cing ans, deceda bon Chrestien;
lequel i’ay veu, & parlé a luy ”; and Morgan, op. cit., 177: “ All the powers
of the Indian imagination were taxed to picture the glowing beauties of their
celestial home. It was fashioned to please the natural senses. A vast plain of
illimitable extension, it was spread out with every variety of natural scenery
which could please the eye, or gratify the fancy. Forests clothed with ever-
living foliage, flowers of every hue in eternal bloom, fruits of every variety in
perpetual ripeness, in a word, the meridian charms of nature met the eye in
every direction ’’; and also Clarke, op. cit., 6.

21 Florio copying Ramusio has, Agouiada and in the margin, “a noughtie
liver.” Hakluyt has, “‘ Agouwiada, that is to say, nought.”

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 181

“sgavions leur intention et couraige; et qu’il n’y avoyt qui leur
remonstrast la foy pour lors, fut prins excuse vers eulx, et dict a
Taignoagny et dom Agaya“, qu’ilz leur fissent entendre, que nous
retournerions vng aultre voiaige, et apporterions des prebstres et
du cresme, leur donnant a entendre, pour excuse, que l’on ne peult
baptizer sans ledict cresme. Ce qu’ilz croyent, parce que plu-
sieurs enffans ont veu baptizer en Bretaigne; et de la promesse
que leur fict le cappitaine de retourner’, furent fort® joieulx, et
le remerciérent.

Cedict peuple vyt quasi en communaulté de biens, assez de
la sorte des Brézillans; et sont tous vestuz de peaulx de bestes
sauvaiges””, et assez pouvrement*. L’yver, ilz sont chaussez de
chausses | et solliers, [qu’ilz font de peaulx]?°, et l’esté vont des-
chaulx". Jlz gardent l’ordre de mariage, fors que les hommes

2B and A have, Agaia; but P and C as in the text.
* P has, que leur fust faicte de retourner. ®P has, frestoyeulx,
*P has, pourement. "P and C have, nudz piedz.

to them; and Taignoagny and Dom Agaya were requested to
tell them that we should return another voyage and would bring
priests and some chrism, giving them to understand as an excuse,
that no one could be baptized without this chrism. This they
believed; for they, [Taignoagny and Dom Agaya], had seen several
children baptized in Brittany. And at the Captain’s promise to
return, they were much pleased and thanked him.

These people live with almost everything in common, much
like the Brazilians. They go clothed in beasts’ skins?*, and
rather miserably. In winter they wear leggings and moccasins
made of skins?*, and in summer they go barefoot. They maintain
the order of marriage except that the men take two or three wives.
On the death of their husband the wives never marry again, but

22 There is a blank in Florio who has, “‘ the inhabitours of the Towne of ...
cloath themselves with the skinnes of certaine wilde beasts.”

23 Cf. Lescarbot, op. cit., 1609, 708-9: ‘‘ Noz Sauvages en hiver.....
usent de bas de chausses grans & hauts comme noz bas 4 botter, lesquels ils
attachent a leur ceinture . . . Or outre ces grans bas de chausses les ndtres usent
de souliers, qu’ils appellent Mekezin, lesquels ilz fagonnent fort proprement,
mais ilz ne peuvent pas long temps durer, principalement quand ilz vont en
lieux humides; d’autant que le cuir n’est pas couroyé ni endurci, ains seulement

*faconné en maniere de buffle, qui est cuir d’ellan.” Cf. Morgan, op. cit., II,
11-12.

347

34v

182 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

prennent deulx ou troys femmes. Et despuis que le[ur’] mary
est mort, jamays les femmes ne se remarient; ains font le deul™ de
ladicte mort toute leur vye, et se taignent le visaige de charbon
[noir]* pillé” et de gresse, espetz comme l’espesseur [du doz]
d’vn cousteau*, et 4 cela congnoist on qu’elles sont veufves?®.
Ilz ont vne aultre coustume, fort mauvaise, de leurs filles; car
despuis qu’elles sont d’aige d’aller a l'homme, elles sont toutes
mises en vne maison de bordeau, habandonnées a tout le monde
qui en veult, jusques ad ce qu’elles ayent trouvé leur party. Et
tout ce avons veu par expérience; car nous avons veu les maisons
aussi plaines desdictes filles comme est vne escolle de garcons en
France?®, Et davantaige le hazart, selon leur modde, tient es-
dictes maisons, ot ilz jouent | tout ce qu’ilz ont, jusques a la cou-

verture de leur nature’. Ilz ne sont poinct de grand travail,

vA and C have le. WP has, pellé.
*C has, espetz comme le dots d’vun cousteau.

wear mourning?‘ all their lives by dyeing their faces black with

brayed charcoal and grease as thick as the back of a knife-blade;

and by this one knows they are widows”. They have another

very bad custom connected with their daughters who as soon
as they reach the age of puberty are all placed in a brothel open
to every one, until the girls have made a match. We saw this
with our own eyes; for we discovered wigwams as full of these
girls as is a boys’ school with boys in France?®. And further-
more betting, after their fashion, takes place in these wigwams,
in which they stake all they own, even to the covering of their
privy parts?”. They are by no means a laborious people and

4 Although Ramusio gives porlono bruno, Florio has, ‘‘ weare a certayne
blacke weede all the dayes of their life.’’

25 Cf. Peter Jones, op. cit., 100-101: ‘“‘ Immediately after the decease of
an Indian all the near relatives go into mourning by blackening their faces with
charcoal, and putting on the most ragged and filthy clothing they can find.
These they wear for a year, which is the usual time of mourning for a husband
or wife . .. At the expiration of a year the widow or widower is allowed to marry
again,” and J. B. Tyrrell, Thompson’s Narrative, 332.

26 According to Pére Lafitau (Meurs des sauvages ameriquains, I, 173-174.
Paris, 1724 in 4°) these were virgins.

27 On account of the two meanings of sbaraglio, Florio has missed here the
sense of Ramusio'’s correct Italian. Cf. Morgan, op. cit., 1, 281-82: “Betting...
was common among the Iroquois. As this practice was never reprobated by
their religious teachers, but, on the contrary, rather encouraged, it frequently

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 183

et labourent leur terre avecques petitz boys, comme de la grandeur
d’vne demye espée”®, ot ilz font leur bled, qu’ilz appellent ozisy¥;
lequel est groz comme poix; et de ce mesme?’ bled en croist assez
au Brésil. Pareillement, ilz ont assez* de gros mellons?® et con-
combres, courges”®®, poix et febves*! de toutes couleurs, non de la

Y P has, Osizy, and Ramusio, Ofizi.

2C has, de semblable.

® P has, grand quantité.

> P has, et before this word and again after, febves.

work the soil with short bits of wood about half a sword in length ?°.
With these they hoe their corn which they call ozisy, in size as
large as a pea. Corn of a similar kind grows in considerable
quantities in Brazil. They have also a considerable quantity
of melons?’, cucumbers, pumpkins *°, pease and beans of various
colours and unlike our own®!. Furthermore they have a plant, of
which a large supply is collected in summer for the winter’s con-

led to the most reckless indulgence. It often happened that the Indian gambled
away every valuable article which he possessed; his tomahawk, his medal, his
ornaments and even his blanket’; Sagard, Dictionnaire de la langue huronne
s. v. “jouer ’’, Paris, 1632; and Lescarbot, op. cit., 788-9.

28 Cf. Lescarbot, op. cit., 1609, 843-4: ‘‘ Tous ces peuples cultivent la terre
avec vn croc de bois, nettoient les mauvaises herbes & les brulent, engraissent
leurs champs de coquillages de poissons, puis assemblent leur terre en petites
mottes éloignées l’vne de l’autre de deux piez, & le mois de May venu ilz plan-
tent leur blé dans ces mottes de terre a la fagon que nous faisons les féves, fichans
vn baton, & mettans quatre grains de blé separez |’vn de l’autre (par certaine
superstition) dans le trou, & entre les plantes dudit blé (qui croit comme vn
arbrisseau, & meurit au bout de trois mois) ilz plantent aussi des féves riolées
de toutes couleurs, qui sont fort delicates, lesquelles pour n’estre si hautes,
croissent fort bien parmi ces plantes de blé.” See F. W. Waugh, op. cit., plate I.

29 Florio has: ‘‘ muske Millions.”

30 Florio has, ‘‘ Pompons,” and has added ‘‘Gourdes.” Cf. The Canadian
Naturalist, V, 449, note: ‘‘ In the opinion of the late Dr. Harris and of Professor
Gray, both of whom have given attention to this subject, the aborigines of
Eastern America certainly possessed and cultivated the common pumkin, some
species of squash and probably two species of beans (Phaseolus communis and
lunatus)”; and Morgan, op. cit., II, 34.

31 Cf, Thevet, op. cit., 410: ‘‘ Ils platent aussi des feues plates, et blaches
comme neige, lesquelles sont fort bones... Il y a d’avatage force citrouilles et
coucourdres, lesquelles ils mangent cuites 4 la braise, cOme nous faisons les poires
de par deca ”; and F. W. Waugh, op. cit., 3: ‘‘ One of the outstanding features
of Iroquois material culture was their aptitude for agriculture. This was at
first concerned largely with the cultivation of corn, beans and squashes.”

35”

184 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

sorte des nostres. Ilz ont aussi vne herbe*,de quoy ilz font grand
amas durant l’esté pour l’yver, laquelle ilz estiment fort, et en
vsent les hommes seullement, en la fagon qui ensuict. [lz la font
sécher au soleil, et la portent 4 leur col, en vne petite peau de
beste *?, en lieu de sac, avecques vng cornet de pierre, ou de boys**.
Puis, 4 toute heure, font pouldre de ladicte herbe, et la meptent
en® l’vn des boutz dudict cornet; puys? meptent vng charbon de
feu dessus, et | sussent par l’aultre bout, tant qu’ilz s’emplent le
corps de fumée, tellement, qu’elle leur sort par la bouche et par les
nazilles, comme par vng tuyau dechemynée. Et disent que cela
les tient sains et chauldement; et ne vont jamays sans avoyr ces-
dictes ° choses*®. Nous avons expérimenté f ladicte fumée. Aprés

‘From P. A, B and C have, @.
4 C has, et.

©P and C have, sesdictes.

‘ P and C have, esprouvé

sumption®*, They hold it in high esteem, though the men
alone make use of it in the following manner. After drying it
in the sun, they carry it about their necks in a small skin pouch ??
in lieu of a bag, together with a hollow bit of stone or wood **.
Then at frequent intervals they crumble this plant into powder,
which they place in one of the openings of the hollow instrument,
and laying a live coal on top, suck at the other end to such an
extent, that they fill their bodies so full of smoke, that it streams
out of their mouths and nostrils as from a chimney. They say
it keeps them warm and in good health, and never go about without
these things?®. We made a trial of this smoke. When it is in

32 Tobacco. Cf. Morgan, op. cit., II, 33-34.

38 Tbid., 38: ‘‘ The tobacco-pouch is made of the skin of some small animal,
which is taken off entire. It was anciently an indispensable article. They were
usually made of white weasel, mink, squirrel, and fisher skin’’; and Peter
Jones, op. cit., 135, No. 2,

34 Florio has added, “like a pipe.” Cf. Morgan, op. cit., II, 6-9.

35 Cf, Lescarbot, op. cit., 1609, 848-49: ‘‘Ilz font aussi grand labourage
de Petun, Chose tres-precieuse entre eux, & parmi tous ces peuples vniversele-
ment. C’est vne plante de la grandeur de Consolida major... Apres qu’ils
ont cuilli cette herbe ilz la mettent secher a l’ombre, & ont certains sachets de
cuir pendus a leur col ou ceinture, dans lequel ils en ont toujours, & quant &
quant vn calumet, ou petunoir qui est vn cornet troiié par le cété, & dedans le
trou ilz fichent vn long tuyau, duquel ilz tirent la fumée du petun qui est dans
ledit cornet, apres qu’ilz l’ont allumé avec du charbon qu’ilz mettent dessus. Iz

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 185

laquelle avoyr mys dedans nostre bouche, semble y avoir [mis]
de la pouldre de poyvre, tant est chaulde. Les femmes dudict
pays travaillent sans comparaison plus que les hommes, tant a

la pescherie, de quoy font grand faict, que au labour et aultres

choses*°. Et sont, tant hommes, femmes, que enffans, plus durs

que bestes au froict; car, de la plus grand froidure que ayons veu,
laquelle estoit® merveilleuse et aspre®’, venoyent pardessus les
glaces et naiges, tous les jours, 4 noz navires, la pluspart d’eulx
quasi tous nudz, qui est chose incréable qui ne le voyt®. Ilz
prennent, durant lesdictes glaces et naiges, grand quantité de
bestes sauvaiges, comme | dyns, serfz, et ours, [liévres, martres,

® C has, a esté
4 P has, chose fort a croire qui ne la veu; C, chose increable, qui ne Va veu.

one’s mouth, one would think one had taken powdered pepper,
it is so hot. The women of this country work beyond compa-
rison more than the men, both at fishing, which is much followed,
as well as at tilling the ground and other tasks?®. Both the men,
women and children are more indifferent to the cold than beasts;
for in the coldest weather we experienced, and it was extraordinary
severe®’, they would come to our ships every day across the ice

soutiendront quelque fois la faim huit jours avec cette fumée ... Les Sauvages
ne peuvent faire féte 4 ceux qui les vont voir, de plus grand’ chose comme par-
deca quand on presente de quelque vin excellent 4 vn ami... Et ceux qui
ont entre eux quelque tenebreuse nouvelle de Dieu, disent qu’il petune comme

- eux, & c’est le vray Nectar decrit par les Poétes. Cette fumée de petun prise
par la bouche en sucgant comme vn enfant qui tette, ilz la font sortir par le nez,
& en passant par les conduits de la respiration le cerveau en est rechauffé, &
les humiditez d’icelui chassées. Cela aussi étourdit & enivre aucunement, lache
le ventre, abbat les ardeurs de Venus, endort, & la feuille de petun, ou cendre
qui reste au petunoir consolide les playes.” For reproductions of the Hochelaga
pipes, see J. W. Dawson, Fossil Men, etc., 94-95. Montreal, 1880.

36 Schoolcraft, op. cit., 179: “It is well known that corn-planting, and
corn-gathering ... are left entirely to the females and children... This labour
is not compulsory and is assumed by the females as a just equivalent, in their
view, for the onerous and continuous labour of the other sex, in providing meats,
and skins for clothing, by the chase, and in defending their villages against their
enemies and keeping intruders off their territories ’’; and Thevet, op. cit., 410
“‘Les femmes labourent la terre, et la remuent auec certains instruments faits
de longues pierres, et sement les grains,” etc.

37 Thevet, op. cit., 408: ‘‘ Et Dieu sgait si le froid les penetre [les maisons]
tant mal basties ... tellement que bien souuent les piliers et cheurons flechis-
sent et tombent pour la pesanteur de la neige estant dessus.”’

186 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

regnardz, loueres* et aultres], desquelz nous apportoient, mays
bien peu‘, pource qu’ilz sont [fort gormans et]* villains de leurs
vivres. Ilz mengent leur chair toute creue, aprés avoyr esté
séchée A la fumée*’, et pareillement! leur poisson. Ad ce que
nous avons congneu * et peu entendre de cedict peuple, il me sem-
ble qu’il seroit aisé 4 dompter, en telle fagon et maniére que l’on
vouldroict. Dieu, par sa saincte miséricorde, y veulhe mectre

son regard®*, Amen.

iC has, et autres, mays ne nous en ont gueres apporté pource que, etc.
iC has, semblablement.
KP has, veu.

and snow, the majority of them almost stark naked, which seems
incredible unless one has seen them. ‘While the ice and snow last,
they catch a great number of wild animals such as fawns, stags
and bears, hares, martens, foxes, otters and others. Of these they
brought us very few; for they are heavy eaters and are niggardly
with their provisions. They eat their meat quite raw, merely
smoking it, and the same with their fish®®. From what we have
seen and been able to learn of these people, I am of opinion that
they could easily be moulded in the way one would wish. May
God in His holy mercy turn His countenance towards them??,
Amen.

38 Florio has, “ having firste dryed it in the Sunne or smoke.” - Cf. Morgan,
op. cit., I, 336: and Waugh, op. cit., 134-137.
3° Florio has, “ As farre forth as we coulde perceive and understande by
these people, it were a very easie thing to bring them to some familiaritie and
civilitie, and make them learne what one woulde. The Lord God for his mercies
sake sette there unto his helping hande when hee seeth cause.” Cf. Cham-
, Plain’s Works, I, 110, and 117,

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 187

COMME LEDICT PEUPLE, DE JOUR EN AULTRE,
NOUS APPORTOIENT DU POISSON ET DE CE QU’ILZ
AVOYENT A NOS NAVIRES; ET COMME PAR L’AD-
VERTISSEMENT DE TAIGNOAGNY ET DOM AGAYA,
LEDICT PEUPLE SE RETIRA DE Y VENYR; ET
COMME IL Y EUT AUCUN DISCORT ENTRE NOUS
ET EULX. |

Et despuis, de jour en aultre, venoit ledict peuple 4 noz 36"
navires, et apportoient force anguilles et aultres poissons, pour
avoyr de nostre marchandise; de quoy leur estoit baillé cous-
teaulx, allaisnes, patenostres et aultres menues choses, dont! se
contentoyent fort. Mays nous apersumes que les deulx meschansque
[nous]* avyons apportez*®, leur disoient et donnoyent 4 entendre
que ce que nous leur baillons, ne vailloit riens, et qu’ilz auroyent
assi™ tost des hachotz comme des cousteaulx, pour ce qu’ilz nous
bailloyent, non obstant que le cappitaine leur eust faict beaucop ™
de presens, et si ne cessoyent, 4 toutes heures, de demander audict
cappitaine®. Lequel fut adverty par vng seigneur de la ville de

1C has, dequoy.

m A and C have, aussi. This chapter and the following are omitted in P.

2 A has, beaucoup.

°Chas, deluydemander. Ei fut ledict capitaine adverty, etc. Lescarbot, (op.
cit., 1609, p. 392) has added here, ‘‘N’est bon d’amener les Sauvages en France.”

How DAY BY DAY THESE PEOPLE BROUGHT FISH
AND WHATEVER ELSE THEY HAD TO OUR SHIPS;
AND HOW ON THE ADVICE OF TAIGNOAGNY AND
Dom AGAYA THEY CEASED COMING; AND HOW
THERE WAS A CERTAIN COLDNESS BETWEEN US.

After this, these people used to come day by day to our ships
bringing us plenty of eels and other fish to get our wares. We
gave them in exchange knives, awls, beads and other trinkets,
which pleased them much. But we perceived that the two
rogues whom we had brought with us*®, were telling them and
giving them to understand that what we bartered to them was
of no value, and that for what they brought us, they could as
easily get hatchets as knives, although the Captain had made
them many presents, which indeed they never for a moment ceased

40 Taignoagny and Dom Agaya.

Agoiuda.

367

188 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

Hagouchonda”, [qui luy avoit donné vne petite fille en allant a
Hochelaga]* +, qu’il se donnast garde de Donnacona, et desdictz
deux meschans, [Taignoagny et dom Agaya‘“]*, et qu’ilz estoient
agojuda, qui est a dire traystre[s]" [et meschans]*; et aussi en
fut adverty par aulcuns dudict Canada**. Et aussi, que nous
apersumes de leur malice, pource qu’ilz voullurent retirer les troys
enffans, que ledict Donnacona avoyt | donnez audict cappitaine *%,
et de faict, firent fuyr la plus grande des filles du navire®.
Aprés laquelle ainsi fuye, fist le* cappitaine prandre garde es"
aultres. Et par l’advertissement desdictz Taignoagny et dom
Agaya, se abstinérent et depportérent [lesdictz Canadians]* de
venyr avecques nous, quatre ou cing jours, sinon aulcuns, qui
venoyent en grand[e]* peur et craincte.

P Lescarbot and the Quebec edition have, Hagouchouda. Ternaux-Compans
has the same as above. The Vallard map has, A gochonda while Mercator gives,
Aygue cheuonda below Quebec. It is spelt, A gouchonda in the list of towns in
C, p. 246 infra.

4C has only, desdiciz Taignoagny et dom Agaya.

From A and C. 2

®C has, des navires.

tC has, ledict.

“C has, aulx.

begging from him. The latter was warned by the chief of the
village of Hagouchonda‘*?!, who had presented him with a little
girl when he was on his way to Hochelaga, to be on his guard
against Donnacona and these two rogues, Taignoagny and Dom
Agaya, who were Agojuda, that is to say traitors and rogues, and
he [Cartier] was also warned against them by some of the Indians
of Canada**. Besides this we ourselves perceived their malice,
when. they wished to take away the three [Indian] children whom
Donnacona had given to the Captain **; and the older girl in truth
was induced by them to run away from the ship. After her
escape, the Captain had a watch kept over the others. And
on Taignoagny’s and Dom Agaya’s advice, the Canadians ceased
coming to see us for four or five days, except a few who used to
come in great fear and trembling.

41 Vid. p. 142 supra where the place is called Achelacy.
42 Cf. p. 103 note 69.
43 Vid. p. 132 supra.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 189

COMMENT LE” CAPPITAINE, DOUBTANT QU’ILZ NE
SONGASSENT AUCUNE TRAHISON, FICT RENFORCER
LE FORT; ET COMMENT ILZ VINDRENT PARLEMEN-
TER AVECQUES LUY, ET LA RENDITION DE LA
FILLE, QUI S’'EN ESTOIT FUYE. (CHAPPITRE) . |

Voyant la malice d’eulx*, doubtant qu’ilz ne songassent
aucune trahison et venyr, avecques vng amast de gens, [courrir]*
sus nous, le” cappitaine fict renforcer le fort, tout alentour, de
groz fossez, larges et parfondz**, avecq porte 4 pont-levys, et
renffort de pantz.de boys, au contraire des premiers. Et fut
ordonné pour le guet de la nuict, pour le temps advenir, cinquante
hommes, a quatre quars, et a chascun changement desdictz cars,
les trompettes sonnentes; ce qui fut faict selon ladicte ordon-
nance. Et lesdictz Donnacona, Taignoagny et dom Agaya,
estans advertiz dudict renffort, et de la bonne garde et guet que
Von faisoit, furent courroucez d’estre en la male grace du cappi-

°C has, nostre.

W It is probable that it was the copyist’s intention to number the chapters
but this has not been done.

*C has, d’iceulx.

¥ C has, nostre.

How THE CAPTAIN, FEARING LEST SOME TREA-
CHERY SHOULD BE ATTEMPTED, HAD THE FORT
STRENGTHENED, AND HOW THEY CAME TO PARLEY
WITH HIM; AND OF THE RESTORATION OF THE
GIRL WHO HAD RUN AWAY.

Seeing their malice, and fearing lest they should attempt
some treasonable design, and come against us with a host of
Indians, the Captain gave orders for the fort to be strengthened
on every side with large, wide, deep ditches**, and with a gate and
drawbridge, and with extra logs of wood set crosswise to the former.
And fifty men were told off for the night-guard in future, in four
watches, and at each change of watch, the trumpets were to be
sounded. These things were done according to the above orders.
And when Donnacona, Taignoagny and Dom Agaya were inform-
ed of this, and of the good watch and ward that was being kept,

44 Cf. Champlain, Gewvres, III, 156: ‘‘ & apparence d’y avoir eu des fossez
autour de leur logement,” cited supra p. 174 note 7.

377

190 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

taine; et envoyérent, par plusieurs foys, de leurs gens, faignant
qu’ilz fussent d’ailleurs, pour veoyr si on leur feroit desplaisir.
Desquelz on ne tiat compte, et n’en fut faict ny monstré aulcun
semblant*. Et y vindrent | lesdictz Donnacona, Taignoagny,
dom Agaya et aultres, plusieurs foys, parler audict cappitaine, vne
ripviére entre deulx, demandant audict cappitaine, s'il estoit marry,
et pourquoy il n’alloit 4 Canada les veoyr*®. Et ledict cappitaine
leur respondit qu’ilz n’estoient que traistres et meschans, ainsi
que on luy avoyt rapporté; et aussi qu’il l’avoyt appersu en plu-
sieurs sortes, comme de n’avoir tins proumesse de aller 4 Hoche-
laga*’, et de avoyr retiré la fille que on luy avoit donnée et aultres
mauvays tours, qu’il leur nomma; mays pour tout ce, que s’ilz
voulloyent estre gens de bien, et oblier” leur malle voulunté, qu’il
leur pardonnoyt, et qu’ilz vinssent seurement 4 bort faire bonne
chére, comme pardavant. Desquelles parolles remercyérent le-
dict cappitaine*, et luy promyrent qu’ilz luy rendroient la? fille

* A has, oublyer; C, oblyer. As before mentioned this chapter is not given
in P.

®C has, dequoy le remercyerent.

> C has, ladicte.

they were annoyed to be in the Captain’s bad graces, and several
times sent some of their people to see if any harm would befall
them. No attention was paid to the latter, and no sign shown
or exhibited of anything unusual*®. And several times Donna-
cona, Taignoagny, Dom Agaya and others came to speak to the
Captain from the other side of the river, asking him if he were
angry and why he did not go and visit them at Canada*®. The

45 Thevet gives another side of the story: “ Ainsi se voulurent ils [les
Canadiens] defendre contre les premiers, qui allerent decouvrir leur pais, faisans
effort, auec quelques gresses et huiles, de mettre le feu la nuict es nauires des
autres abordées au riuage de la mer. Dont les nostres informez de ceste entre-
prise, y donnerent tel ordre, qu’ils ne furent aucunement incommodez. Toute-
fois i’ay entendu que ces pauures Sauuages n’auoient machiné ceste entreprise,
que iustement a bOne raison, cdsideré le tort qu’ils auoient receu des autres.
C’est qu’estans les nostres descenduz en terre, aucuns ieunes folastres par passe-
temps, vicieux toutefois et irraisonnables, comme par une maniere de tyrannie
couppoient bras et iambes a quelques uns de ces pauures gens, seulemét disoient-
ils pour essayer, si leurs espées trenchoient bien, nonobst&at que ces pauures
Barbares les eussent receu humainement, auecques toute douceur et amytié,”’
etc. Singularitez, etc., 422-23. Cf. also his Cosmographie universelle, II, 10127.

46 Cf. p. 103 note 69, and p. 175, note 9.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 191

qui s’en estoit fuye, dedans troys jours. Et le quatriesme jour de
novembre, dom Agaya®, acompaigné de® six aultres hommes, vin-
drent 4 noz navires pour dire audict cappitaine | que le seigneur
Donnacona estoit allé par le pais, serche[r]® ladicte fille [qui s’en
estoit allée]*, et que le landemain elle luy seroit par luy amenée.
Et oultre dist, que Taignoagny estoit fort malade, et qu'il prioyt
le cappitaine luy enyoyer vng peu de sel et de pain. Ce que fist
ledict cappitaine, lequel‘ luy manda, que c’estoit Jesus qui estoit
marry contre® luy, pour les maulvays tours qu’il avoyt cuyder
jouer.

Et le landemain*®, ledict* Donnacona, Taignoagny, dom
Agaya et plusieurs aultres vindrent, et amenérent ladicte fille,
la représentent audict cappitaine, lequel n’en tint compte, et dist
qu’il n’en voulloit poinct, et qu’ilz la remmenassent. A quoy res-

°B has here, Agata.
4 C has, avecques.

®=C has, avecques.

4 C has, lesdicts.

Captain answered that they were nothing but traitors and rogues,
as had been reported to him, and as he himself had seen on several
occasions, as for example in not keeping their promise to go to
Hochelaga*’, and in taking away the girl that had been offered
to him*®, and in other bad turns which he mentioned; but for
all that, if they were willing to behave properly and to lay aside
their evil thoughts, he would forgive them, and they might come
on board in all security and have some good cheer as formerly.
For these words they thanked the Captain and promised that
within three days, the girl who had run away would be given
back. And on [Thursday] November 4, Dom Agaya, accom-
panied by six other Indians, came to our ships to tell the Captain
that Chief Donnacona had gone up country to look for the girl
who had run away, and that she would be brought to him on the
morrow. He also stated that Taignoagny was very ill and begged
the Captain to send him a little bread and salt. The Captain

47 Cf. p. 140 supra.
48 Cf. p. 188 supra.

38°

192 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

pondirent, faisant leur excuse, qu’ilz ne luy avoyent pas conseillé!
s’en aller, ains’ qu’elle s’en estoit allée, pource que les paiges
l'avoyent batue, ainsi qu'elle leur avoyt dict; et pryérent, de
rechef, le* cappitaine | de la reprendre; et eulx mesmes la mené-
rent jusques au navire. Aprés lesquelles choses, le cappitaine
commanda apporte[r]! pain et vin, et les festoya. Puys prindrent
congé les vngs des aultres. Et despuis sont allez et venuz a noz
navires, et nous a leur demourance, en aussi grand amour que
pardavant.

iC has, commandé.
iC has, et.

* C has, ledict.
'From A and C.

did so and told them to tell him that it was Jesus who was angry
with him for the bad turns he had tried to play.

And on the following day**®, Donnacona, Taignoagny, Dom
Agaya and several others came and brought the girl and offered
her anew to the Captain, but the latter paid no attention, and
said he would have nothing to do with her, and that they might
take her away again. Thereupon they excused themselves, saying
they had not counselled her to run away, and that she had done so
because the cabin-boys had beaten her, as she had informed them;
and again they begged the Captain to take her back and them-
selves brought her as far as the ship. After this the Captain ordered
bread and wine to be brought and entertained them. Then they
took leave of one another, and thenceforward both they and we
came and went between our ships and their village in as friendly
a manner as before.

49 Friday, November 5.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 193

DE LA GRANDEUR ET PARFONDEUR DUDICT
FLEUVE EN GENERAL; ET DES BESTES, OYSEAULX,
POISSONS, ARBRES ET AULTRES CHOSES, QUE Y
AVONS VEU; ET DE LA SCITUACION DES LIEUX. |

Ledict fleuve®® commance passé l’isle de l’Assumption®!, le
travers des haultes montaignes de Honguedo *” et des Sept Ysles®*;
et y a de distance en traverse envyron trente cinq ou quarante
lieues; et y a au parmy plus de deux cens brasses de parfond.
Le plus parfond, et le plus seur a naviguer, est du cousté devers
le su. Et devers le nort, savoir, esdictes Sept Ysles, y a d’vn
cousté et d’aultre envyron sept lieues loing desdictes ysles, deux
grosses ripviéres®*, qui descendent des monts du™ Saguenay ®®,
lesquelles font plusieurs bancqs a la mer®®, fort dongereulx. A
entrée desdictes ripviéres, avons veu grand numbre de® bail-

laines et chevaulx de mer ®’.

™ P has, de. 2 P and C have, plusieurs.

OF THE SIZE AND DEPTH OF THIS RIVER IN
GENERAL; AND OF THE BEASTS, BIRDS, FISHES,
TREES AND OTHER THINGS WE SAW ALONG IT;
AND OF THE SITUATION OF THE VILLAGES.

This river®° begins just beyond the island of Assumption ®},
opposite to the high mountains of Honguedo®? and the Seven
islands®*, and the width across is some thirty-five or forty leagues,
with a depth in the middle of 200 fathoms. The deeper side and the
safer to navigate is along the south shore. And on the north shore,
namely about seven leagues on each side of the Seven islands, are
two large rivers®* which flow down from the mountains of the
Saguenay °5, and form several very dangerous shoals in the gulf®®.
At the mouths of these rivers we saw a large number of whales
and sea horses ®’.

50 The St. Lawrence. 51 Anticosti island. Vid. p. 104.

52 Notre-Dame mountains in Gaspé. Vid. p. 103.

53 Seven Islands. The distance across to cape Ste. Anne on the Gaspé
shore is about fifty-six miles. Vid. pp. 109 and 111.

54 Pentecost river on the west and Moisie river to the east of the Seven
Islands.

55 The Laurentides.

56 Moisie shoal and rock. 57 Walruses. Vid. p. 110, and also p. 34.

48493—13

39°

39v

194 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

Le travers desdictes Sept Ysles y a vne petite ripviére®®,
qui va troys ou quatre lieues en® la terre pardessus des maretz,
en laquelle y a | vng merveilleux numbre de tous oiseaulx de rip-
viéres. Despuis le commancement dudict fleuve jusques 4 Hoche-
laga, y a troys cens lieues et plus>®. Et [est] le commancement
dicelluy 4 la ripviére, qui vient du Saguenay, laquelle sort
d’entre haultes montaignes, et entre dedans ledict fleuve, aupa-
ravant que arryver a la prouvynce de Canada, de la bande devers
le nort; et est icelle ripviére®® fort parfonde, estroicte, et fort
dongereuse A naviguer.”

Aprés ladicte ripviére®°, est la prouvynce de Canada®, od
ily a plusieurs peuples, par villaiges non cloz. II y a aussi, es envy-
rons dudict Canada, dedans ledict fleuve, plusieurs ysles, tant

°P has, a.

Opposite to the Seven islands is a small river®®, which passes
through swamps for some three or four leagues from the coast,
and up which are a marvellous number of all kinds of water fowl.
The distance from the mouth of this River [St. Lawrence] to
Hochelaga is 300 leagues and more®*®. It begins at the tributary
which comes from the Saguenay®®, which issues from between
lofty mountains and flows into this river on the north side before
one arrives at the province of Canada. This [Saguenay] tributary
is extremely deep and narrow and is very difficult to navigate ®?.

Above this tributary ®° lies the province of Canada®? where
live several tribes in open villages. Several large and small
islands lie in the river within the limits of Canada, and among

58St. Margaret river a few miles to the west. It was seen by Champlain
in 1603 (Works, I, 173).

59 The distance from Montreal to the Atlantic is 873 miles. The distance
from Cape Chatte opposite pointe des Monts to Montreal is 373 miles and from
the Saguenay to Montreal, 243 miles.

69 The Saguenay.

61 Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 327-28: ‘For the first 50 miles up from its
confluence with the St. Lawrence... the Saguenay is from two-thirds of a mile
to 2 miles wide, filling up a deep transverse valley through mountains of sienitic
granite and gneiss. These mountains rise everywhere more or less abruptly-
from the water, forming, in some parts, precipitous headlands more than 1,000
feet in height ... Within the same part of the Saguenay the water is almost as
deep as the mountains are high. The bed of the Saguenay for many miles, is
sunk more than 100 fathoms below that of the St. Lawrence at their point of
jugction "; and Appendix II, p, 292. 62 Cf. p. 103 note 69.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 195

grandes que petites; et entre aultres, y en (y) a vne®® qui contient
plus de dix lieues de long, laquelle est plaine de beaulx et | grandz
arbres”; et [aussi en icelle y a] force vigne[s]. Il y a passaige des
deux coustez d’icelle; le meilleur et le plus seur est du cousté
devers le su®*. Et au bout? d’icelle ysle, vers l’ouaist, y a vng
affourq’ d’eaues®®, [lequel est fort] beau et delectable, pour
meptre navires®®, ouquel il y a vng destroict dudict fleuve, fort
courant et parfond; mays il n’a de laize* que envyron vng tiers
de lieue®®. Le travers duquel, y a vne terre double®®, de bonne

P P and C have, beaulx arbres & haultz.
4 P has, bort.

¥P has, affoug.

®P has, long.

the rest is one®* more than ten leagues in length which is covered

with fine high trees and with manyvines upon it. There is a passage
on both sides of this island but the better and safer one is on the
south side®*. And at the western extremity of. this island [of
Orleans] there is a forking of the waters ®*which is a fine pleasant
spot for laying up vessels®*®. Here the river [St. Lawrence]
becomes narrow, swift and deep, and but a quarter of a league in
width®*®. Opposite to this spot the shore rises to a good height in
two ridges of cultivated land °°, and is as good soil as it is possible
to find. Ther2’° stands the village and abode of Chief Donna-

63 The island of Orleans which is twenty-one miles long. Vid. p. 119 supra.

64 This is the regular ship channel. Cf. p. 120 note 52.

65 The St. Charles river makes the fork. See p. 123.

66 Florio has added: “ with:a Towne therein.”

67 It is impossible to know when this marginal note was added. The first
known appearance of the name is on the Le Vasseur map of 1601. Vzd., Har-
risse, op. cit., p. 194, and p. 107 supra.

68 The St. Lawrence is only some 3,230 feet wide at Quebec.

®9 Quebec rises in two ridges, the first ending at Dufferin terrace while on
top of the second stands the Citadel. Cape Diamond is 350 feet in height.
Cf. Champlain’s Works, 1, 129: ‘‘ Nous vinsmes moiiiller l’ancre 4 Quebec,
qui est vn destroict de la dicte riuiere de Canadas, qui a quelque 300 pas de large:
il y a a ce destroict, du costé du Nort vne montaigne assez haulte qui va en
abbaissant des deux costez; tout le reste est pays vny & beau, ou il y a de bonnes.
terres plaines d’arbres, etc.”’

70 Evidently on cape Diamond itself though the exact site is not stated.
M. Faribault (Quebec edition p. 54 note) gave the present Faubourg Saint-Jean
as the site, while Ferland (op. cit., I, 27, note) says: “‘ entre la rue de la Fabrique

48493—133

40°

Destroit de
Kebec.

40%

196 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

haulteur, toute labourée, aussi bonne terre qu’il soit possible de
veoyr '; et 147° est la ville et demourance du seigneur Donnacona,
et de noz deulx hommes que avyons" prins le premier voiaige”},
laquelle demourance se nomme Stadaconé”. Et auparavant que
arriver audict lieu, y a quatre peuples et demourances”’, savoyr:
Ajoaste *, Starnatam*, Tailla, qui est sus vne montaigne, et
SitadinY. Puys, ledict lieu de Stadaconé, soubz laquelle | haulte
terre, vers le nort, est la ripviére et hable de saincte Croix’ 3,
ouquel lieu avons esté despuis le quinziesme jour de septembre,
jusques au VI™"* jour de may, V°XXXVI, ouquel lieu les na-

t P has, comme tamais homme veist; C, que jamais homme vid.

UP has, qui avoient esté.

Vv P has, de demourance.

¥ P has, Araste, but in the list of towns in C (p. ) the spelling is again
the same as in the text. Cf. Transactions of the Royal Society 24 ser., V,
ii, 207. 1899.

* P has, Starnatan. One can also read, Starnatain or Staonatam and Staona-
tain. Lescarbot, Faribault and Ternaux-Compans all have the same as in the
text.

YP has, Scitadin while Lescarbot gives, Satadin which is also the reading
in the Quebec and Ternaux-Compans editions. A, B and C have the above.
Vid., p. 360 infra, note 1.

cona and of our two Indians [Taignoagny and Dom Agaya] whom
we had seized on our first voyage’!. This village is called Stada-
cona’?. And before reaching this point, there are four tribes and
villages, namely: Ajoaste, Starnatam, Tailla, which is on a moun-
tain, and Sitadin. Then the village of Stadacona. Beneath
this high land on the north lies the river and harbour of Ste.
Croix [St. Charles], where we remained with our ships hauled
out, as before mentioned, from September 15, [1535] until May
6, 1536. Beyond this point lies the abode of the people of Teque-
nonday and of Hochelay’®, the former on a mountain and the
latter in a flat region.

et le céteau de Sainte-Geneviéve, prés de la céte d’Abraham.” Parkman placed
it, ‘‘ on ground now covered by the suburbs of St. Roque and St. John.”” (Pion-
eers, etc. 207, note I). Cf. also N. E. Dionne, Jacques Cartier, p. 247, note G.
Québec, 1889.

™l At Gaspé. Cf. p. 66 supra,

72 Vid. p. 124 note 67.

78 The St. Charles river. Cf. pp. 123 et seq.

74 Ramusio has sedici whence Florio’s “sixteenth of May.”

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 197

vires demeurent assec, comme cy davant est dict. Passé ledict
lieu, est* la demourance du” peuple de Tequenonday * et de Hoche-
lay’®, lequel Tequenonday est sus vne montaigne, et l’aultre en
vng plain pays®. 5

Toute la terre des deux coustez dudict fleuve jusques 4 Hoche-
laga’® et oultre, est aussi belle [terre] et vnye que jamays homme
regarda. Il y a aucunes montaignes, assez loing dudict fleuve,
que on veoyt par sus lesdictes terres’’, desquelles il descend plu-
sieurs ripviéres, qui entrent dedans ledict fleuve. Toute ceste-
dicte terre est couverte et plaine de| boys de plusieurs sortes7%,
et force vignes, exepté a l’entour des peuples, laquelle ilz ont deser-
tée, pour faire leur demourance et labour. Il y a grand numbre de
grandz serfz, dins, hours et aultres bestes. Nous y avons veu les

*P has, & in both places.
®P has, Tequenondahi while Lescarbot has read, Tequenouday which the

Quebec editor copied. Ternaux-Compans has, Tequeurnday. In the list of.

towns in C (p. 418) it is, Thequenondahy. According to Mr. W. D. Lighthall
the modern Huron form is ‘‘Tekenonkiaye.” (Transactions of the Royat Society,
2°4 ser., V, ii, 207). The Harleian mappemonde has, Tequenonelay while
Mercator’s map has, Tequondelay.

°P has, Tequenondahi, qui est sur une motaigne & la ville de Hochelay,
Lequel Hochelay est vung plain pays.

The whole country on both sides of this river [St. Lawrence]
up as far as Hochelaga’® and beyond, is as fine a land and as level
as ever one beheld. There are some mountains visible at a consid-
erable distance from the river’’, and into it several tributaries
flow down from these. This land is everywhere covered and
overrun with timber of several sorts’® and also with quantities

75 This may be the same as the Achelacy mentioned above (p. 142). Indeed
the Harleian mappemonde, the Mercator, Hakluyt and Le Vasseur maps all
give Hochelay at that point. Ferland (op. cit., I, 28) also considered them as
one. It is spelt, Ochela in the list of towns in C (p. 246). Ramusio has “ & la
valle di Hochelay”’ whence Florio’s “‘ and the valley of Hochelay.’”’

76 Hakluyt has put ‘‘ Hochelay.”” These first two sentences are omitted
in Florio.

77 Hakluyt has, ‘‘above the foresaid towns.’ These mountains were
the Laurentian hills on the north and the Notre Dame, Ste. Anne and
Adirondack mountains on the south.

78 Cf. Thevet, Cosmographie universelle, II, 1014: “‘ Il y a force arbres &
de diuerses sortes, desquels nous n’auons aucune cognoissance pardeca, & qui
ont grande proprieté & en fut apporté plusieurs plantes & arbrisseaux, que lon
voit encores auiourd’huy au iardin Royal de Fontainebleau.”

4i1f

41’

198 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

pas d’vne beste, qui n’a que deulx piedz, laquelle nous avons suyvie
longuement pardessus le sable et vase, laquelle a les piedz en ceste
facon, grandz4 d’vne paulme et plus®®. Il y a force loueres, byé-
vres, martres, regnardz, chatz sauvaiges, liépvres, connyns, escu-
reulx, ratz°, lesquelz sont groz 4 merveilles, et aultres sauvagines.
Ilz se acoustrent des peaulx d’icelles bestes, pource qu’ilz n’ont
nulz aultres acoustremens. II y a [aussi] grand numbre d’oiseaulx,
savoir: grues, oultardes, signes, oayes sauvaiges, blanches et grises,
cannes, cannardz, merles, mauvys, turtres, ramyers, chardonne-
reulx, tarins‘, seryns, | lunottes, rossignolz®!, passes sollitaires, et
aultres oiseaulx comme en France. Aussi, comme par cy davant
est faicte mention es chappitres précédens*?, cedict fleuve est le
plus habundant de toutes sortes de poissons qu’il soyt memoire
d’homme avoyr jamays veu ny ouy; car despuis le commancement
jusques a la fin, y treuverez, selon les saisons, la pluspart des sortes

4C has, et grandz. ® A has, et ratz. f P has, turnis.

of vines, except in the neighbourhood of the tribes, who have clear-
ed the land for their village and crops. There are a large number
of big stags, does, bears and other animals. We beheld the foot-
prints of a beast with but two legs, and followed his tracks over
the sand and mud for a long distance. Its paws were more than
a palm in size’. Furthermore there are many otters, beavers, mar-
tens, foxes, wild-cats, hares, rabbits, squirrels, wonderfully large
{musk-] rats and other wild beasts. The natives wear the skins of
these animals for want of other apparel. There are also great
numbers of birds, to wit: cranes, bustards, swans, white and gray
wild geese, ducks, drakes, blackbirds, thrushes, turtle-doves,
wood-pigeons, goldfinches, tarins, canaries, linnets, nightingales®!,
sparrows and other birds the same as in France. Again this river
[St. Lawrence] as has been already stated in the preceeding chap-
ters®*, is the richest in every kind of fish that any one remembers
having ever seen or heard of; for from its mouth to the head of

8° Four inches. Had this phrase not been omitted in P, we might attribute
to it Cartier’s presence in the circle about Ouy dire and his mappemonde. (Cf.
Rabelais, Géuvres, édition Burgaud et Rathery, II, liv. V, chap. XXXI,
Paris, 1887; and see p. 222, note 41, and Lescarbot, op. cit., 1609, 428.

81 Cf. pp. 144-145 note 14.
82 Cf. pp. 120 and 132.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 199

et espesses de" poissons de la mer et eaue doulce. Vous treu-
verez jusques audict Canada®*, force baillaines, marsoins, che-
vaulx de mer, adhothuys*®*, qui est vne sorte de poisson, duquel
jamays n’avyons veu ny ouy parler. Ilz sont blancs comme neige,
et grandz' comme marsoins, et ont le corps et la teste comme lep-
vriers; lesquelz se tiennent entre la mer et l’eaue doulce, qui com-
mance entre la ripviére du Saguenay et Canada ®°, |

Item, y treuverez en jung, juillet et aoust, force macque-
reaulx, mulletz’, bars, sartres®®, grosses anguilles et aultres
poissons. Ayant leur saison passée, y treuverez l’epelan, aussi
bon que en la ripviére de Saine. Puys, au renouvieau, y a force
lamproysetsaulmon. Passé ledict Canada**, ya force brochetz,
truyttes, carpes, branmes, et aultres poissons d’eaue doulce. Et de
toutes ses sortes de poissons, faict ledict peuple, de chascun selon
leur saison, grosse pescherye, pour leur substance et victuaille. |

»C has, des. ;
*P has, gros. 1C has, merles. This paragraph is omitted in P.

it, you will find in their season the majority of the [known] varieties
and species of salt-and fresh-water fish. Up as far as Canada®*,
you will meet with many whales, porpoises, sea-horses, walruses and
Adhothuys**, which is a species of fish that we had never seen or
heard of before. They are as white as snow and have a head like
a greyhound’s. Their habitat is between the ocean and the fresh-
water that begins between the river Saguenay and Canada®°.

Moreover you will find in this river [St. Lawrence] in June,
July and August great numbers of mackerel, mullets, maigres,
tunnies®®, large-sized eels and other fish. When their [spawning]
season is over you will find as good smelts as in the river Seine.
In spring again there are quantities of lampreys and salmon.
Up above Canada* are many pike, trout, carp, breams and
other fresh-water fish. All these varieties are caught, each in its
season, in considerable quantities by these people for their food
and sustenance.

88 Cf. p. 103 note 69.

84 The beluga or white whale mentioned above p. 117.

85 The fresh water begins at Grosse isle.

86 Sardes is the general name for the scombre family to which both the
mackerel and the tunny belong. Cf. F. W. Waugh, op. cit., 136 et seg. on the
fish diet of the Indians.

42°

200 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

CHAPPITRE D’AULCUNS ENSEIGNEMENS QUE CEULX
DU PAYS NOUS ONT DONNE, DESPUYS ESTRE
REVENUZ DE HOCHELAGA.

Despuys estre arrivez * de Hochelaga avecq le gallion et les
barques, avons conversé, allé et venu avecques les peuples les
plus prochains de noz navires en doulceur et amytié, fors que,
par foys, avons eu aulcuns! différendz avecques aulcuns maulvays
garcons, dont les aultres estoient fort marriz et couroucez. Et
avons entendu par le seigneur Donnacona, Taignoagny, dom
Agaya et aultres, que la ripviére davant dicte et™ nommée la
ripviere du Saguenay, va™ jusques audict Saguenay®’, qui est

KP has, revenuz.

1P has, avyons quelques.
™ A and P have, est.
2P has, & va.

A CHAPTER OF SOME INFORMATION WHICH THE
NATIVES GAVE US AFTER OUR RETURN FROM
HOCHELAGA.

On our return from Hochelaga with the bark and the long-
boats, we held intercourse and came and went among the tribes
nearest to our ships in peace and friendship, except for a few
quarrels now and then with some bad boys, at which the others
were very angry and much annoyed. And we learned from Chief
Donnacona, from Taignoagny, Dom Agaya and the others that
the above-mentioned river, named the “river of the Saguenay,”
reaches to the [kingdom of the] Saguenay °’, which lies more than
a moon’s journey from its mouth, towards the west-north-west;
but that after eight or nine days’ journey, this river is only navig-
able for small boats®*®; that the regular and direct route to the
[kingdom of the] Saguenay and the safer one, is by the river
[St. Lawrence] to a point above Hochelaga where there is a tribu-
tary®°, which flows down from the [kingdom of the] Saguenay,
and enters this river [St. Lawrence], as we ourselves saw, from

87 The kingdom of the Saguenay mentioned above p. 170.

88 The navigation on the Saguenay is interrupted by the falls above Chicou-
timi.

89 The St. Lawrence.

*® The Ottawa.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 201

loing° du commancement | de plus d’vne lune? de chemyn, vers 43
louaist norouaist; et que passé huict ou neuf journées, elle n'est
plus parfonde que pour bateaulx®*; mays que le droict et bon
chemin [dudict Saguenay ®”], et plus seur, est par ledict fleuve®®,
jusques audessus de® Hochelaga, 4 vne ripviére®® qui descend
dudict Saguenay °” et entre oudict fleuve®®; ce que avons veu; et
que de 14°? sont vne lune a y aller. Et nous ont faict entendre,
que audict lieu les gens sont [vestuz et] habillez de draps, comme
nous, et [qu'il] y a force villes et peuples, et bonne[s]* gens, et
qu’ilz ont grand*[e] quantité d’or et cuyvre rouge. Et nous ont

°P has, plus loing.

P Here and a little lower down P has, lieue.
2P and C have, jusques, d.

¥ From A and P.

which point?! the journey takes one moon. And they gave us
to understand, that in that country®’ the natives go clothed and
dressed in woolens like ourselves; that there are many towns and
tribes composed of honest folk who possess great store of gold and
copper. Furthermore they told us that the whole region from
the first-mentioned river®? up as far as Hochelaga and [the king-
dom of the] Saguenay is an island, which is encircled and sur-
rounded by rivers and by the said river [St. Lawrence]?*; and
that beyond the [kingdom of the] Saguenay, this tributary °*
flows through two or three large, very broad lakes®®, until one

91 The junction of the Ottawa with the St. Lawrence.

92 The river Saguenay.

98 The kingdom of the Saguenay.

94 The head waters of the Gatineau, a tributary of the Ottawa lie in fact
within a very short distance of the head waters of the Chamouchouan, which
flows into lake St. John, whence the Saguenay takes its rise. The region between
the Ottawa and the Saguenay rivers is therefore virtually encircled by the
Gatineau, the Ottawa, the St. Lawrence, the Saguenay and the Chamouchouan.

95 The Ottawa.

96 These lakes were Nipissing, Des Allumettes and the others of the
chain leading from the Ottawa to Georgian bay via the Mattawan. This route
to lake Huron via the Ottawa, Mattawan and the above lakes continued to be
the only one used throughout the whole of the sixteenth and the first half of the
seventeenth centuries. Vid. Champlain, op. cit., IV, 19 et seg., and Sagard,
op. ctt., 60 et seq.

437

202 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

dict que le tout de la terre, despuis ladicte premiére ripviére™
jusques audict Hochelaga et Saguenay®*, est vne ysle, laquelle
est circuitte et envyronnée de ripviéres et dudict fleuve*®*; et
que, passé ledict Saguenay®*, va ladicte | ripviére®® entrent en
deux ou troys grandz lacqs d’eaue®®, fort largest; puys, que
l’on treuve vne mer doulce®’, de laquelle n’est mention avoyr
veu le bout, ainsi” qu’ilz ont ouy par ceulx du Saguenay; car
ilz nous ont dict n’y avoyr esté®®. QOultre, nous ont donné &
entendre, que ou lieu ot avyons laissé nostre gallion quant fumes
A Hochelaga®®, y a vne ripviére’°°, qui va vers le surouaist, od

®* P has, dudict fleuve & de rivieres.

t The word, fort has been erased in B and is also omitted in P and C. It
is given however in A. P has also omitted the word, larges.

"P has, a ce.

reaches a fresh-water sea®"’, of which there is no mention of any-
one having seen the bounds, as the people of the [kingdom of the]
Saguenay had informed them; for they themselves, they told us,
had never been there®®. They also informed us that at the place
where we had left our bark when on our way to Hochelaga®®,

87 Lake Huron.

%8 The Mercator map gives the lake with the following inscription: ‘“ Hic
mare est dulcium aquarum, cuius terminum ignorari Canadenses ex relatu
Saguenaiensium aiunt.”” See Kohl, of. cit., 384, N° XXII. In his map of 1599-
1600 Hakluyt calls it: ‘‘The Lake of Tadouac the boundes wherof are un-
knowne.” Cf. also Noel’s letter in Appendix VI, pp. 313-314.

®® At the head of lake St. Peter. Vid. p. 146 supra.

100 The Richelieu river.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 203

semblablement, sont vne lune a aller avecq leurs barques despuis
saincte Croix’ jusques 4 vne terre, ou il n’y a jamays glaces ny
naiges; mais que en cestedicte terre y a guerres continuelles, les
vngs contre” les aultres; et que en icelle [terre] y a oranges, al-
mendes, noix, prunes”, et aultres sortes de fruictz, et en grand
habundance*. Et nous ont dict, les| hommes et habitans’
d’icelle terre estre vestuz et acoustrez de peaulx, comme eulx.
Aprés leur avoyr demandé s’il y a[voit] de l’or et du cuyvre, nous
ont dict que non. Je estime, a leur dire, ledict lieu estre vers la
Floridde, ad ce qu’ilz monstrent par leurs signes et merches’.

VP has, avec.

“ P has, pommes.

* Lescarbot has added here (op. cit., 1609, p. 391): “& font de l’huile qu’ilz
tirent des arbres tres-bonnes a la guerison des playes.”” which the Quebec editor
also inserted (p. 56). Cf. Lescarbot, op. cit., 852.

¥ P has, femmes.

=P has, marches. Lescarbot has altered this to read: ‘‘J’estime A leur dire
ledict lieu estre vers la Terre-neuve ot fut le Capitaine Jean Verazzan,” etc.

there is a river [Richelieu] flowing from the south-west, and
that along it they likewise journey in their canoes from Ste. Croix
[the St. Charles] for one month to a land where ice and snow never
come; but in which there are continual wars of one tribe against
the other. In that country grow in great abundance oranges,
almonds, walnuts, plums and other varieties of fruit. They also
told us that the inhabitants of that land were dressed and clothed
in furs, like themselves. On inquiring if gold and copper were to
be found there, they said no. From these statements, and judging
from their signs and the indications they gave us, I am of opinion
that this land lies towards Florida.

1 The river St. Charles.

44°

hav

204 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

D’VNE GROSSE MALADIE ET MORTALITE, QUI A
EST& AU PEUPLE DE STADACONE, DE LAQUELLE,
POUR LES AVOYR FREQUENTEZ, EN AVONS ESTE
ENLOUEZ*, TELLEMENT QU’IL EST MORT DE NOZ
GENS JUSQUES AU NUMBRE DE VING[T] CINQ. |

Au moys de decembre, fumes advertiz que la mortalité?
s'estoit mise audict peuple de Stadaconé?, tellement que ja en
estoient mors, par leur confession, plus de cinquante; au moien
de quoy leur fimes deffence® de non venyr a nostre fort, ny
entour nous®, Mays non obstant les avoyr chassez, commanga
ia maladie? entour nous, d’vne merveilleuse sorte et la plus incon-
gnue*; car les vngs perdoyent la soustenue ©} et leur‘ devenoyent
les jambes grosses et enfflées, et les nerfz retirez et noirciz

* P has, imboues. > A has, Stadaconné.

°A has, deffences, while P reads, leur deffendismes nostre fort & ne venir
entour nous; C has, leur deffensames nostre fort et de ne venyr entour nous.

4 From PandC. A and B have, mortalité.

® A and P have, substance. f P has inserted, de before this word.

OF A GREAT SICKNESS AND PESTILENCE WHICH
VISITED THE PEOPLE OF STADACONA, BY WHICH,
FOR HAVING FREQUENTED THEM, WE WERE
ATTACKED TO SUCH AN EXTENT THAT THERE
DIED AS MANY AS TWENTY-FIVE OF OUR MEN.

In the month of December we received warning that the
pestilence” had broken out among the people of Stadacona to
such an extent, that already, by their own confession, more than

fifty persons were dead. Upon this we forbade them to come either

to the fort or about us*. But notwithstanding we had driven

them away, the sickness broke out among us accompanied by
most marvellous and extraordinary symptoms‘; for some lost
all their strength®, their legs became swollen and inflamed, while

2 The scurvy.

8 Florio has “‘ whereupon we forbad them neyther to come neere our Forte,
nor about our ships, or us.”

4 Ramusio has, della piu strana sorte, & non mai piu intesa ne udita che mai
fosse, whence Florio's ‘‘ after the strangest sort that ever was eyther heard of
or seene.”’

® Ramusio has, percioche alcuni perdevano le forze di sostenersi in piedi,
whence Florio’s, “ in so much, as some did lose all their strength, and could not
stand on their feete.”’

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 205

comme charbon, et aucunes® toutes semées de gouttes de sang
comme pou[r]pre; puys montoyt ladicte maladie aux hanches,
cuysses, espaulles", aux braz' et au col®. Et a tous! venoyt la
bouche si infecte et pourrye par les gensivez, que toute la chair
en tumboyt, jusques a la racine des dents, lesquelles tumboyent
presques toutes’. | Et tellement se esprint ladicte maladie en
noz trois navires®, que 4 la my febvrier, de cent dix hommes que
nous estions, il n’y en avoyt pas dix sains, tellement que* 1’vn
ne pouvoyt secourir l’aultre, qui estoit chose piteuse A veoyr,
conscideré le lieu ot nous estions. Car les gens du pays venoyent,
tous les jours davant nostre fort, qui peu de gens voyoient debout;
et ja y en avoyt huict de mors, et plus de cinquante [en qui‘] on
n’esperoit plus de vye.

&P has, @d aucuns; C, a aulcuns.

. P has, & espaulles.

* A has, au bras.

iP has, tout.

k P and C have, en sorte que.
1From PandC. A and B have, on.

the sinews contracted and turned as black as coal. In other
cases the legs were found blotched with purple-coloured blood.
Then the disease would mount to the hips, thighs, shoulders,
arms and neck®. And all had their mouths so tainted, that the
gums rotted away down to the roots of the teeth, which nearly
all fell out’. The disease spread among the three ships® to such
an extent, that in the middle of February [1536], of the 110 men
forming our company, there were not ten in good health so that
no one could aid the other, which was a grievous sight considering
the place where we were. For the people of the country who
used to come daily up to the fort, saw few of us about. And not
only were eight men dead already but there were more than fifty
whose case seemed hopeless.

6 Ramusio has, nelle anche, coscie, spalle, allo brazzi, al collo, while Florio
gives, ‘“‘ to theyr anckles, knees, thighes, shoulders, armes and necke.”’

7 Cf. Cleirac, Explication des termes de marine, Bourdeaux, 1660, p. 25:
‘‘ Te mal de terre ou mal des gencives...c’est avoir l’estomac depravé, une
grande fetur & puantise d’haleine que blesse les gencives & fait tomber les dents,
& provient de manger trop souvent des viandes salées, espicées, & de haut goust, &
pour boire le vin pur ou les eaux corrompues’”’; and Champlain, Céwvres, V, 14-15.

8 This would seem to indicate that the Emérillon had also been brought
into the St. Charles after their return from Hochelaga. Vid. p. 208 infra.

45"

457

206 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

Nostre cappitaine, voyant la pitié et maladie ainsi esmue,
fict meptre le monde en priéres et oraisons, et fist porte[r]™ vng
ymaige et" remembrance de la Vierge Marie’ contre vng arbre,
distant de nostre fort d’vn treict d’arc, le travers les® neiges et
glaces; et ordonna que, le dimanche ensuyvant, l’on diroyt audict
lieu la messe; et que tous ceulx qui pourroient chemyner, tant
sains que malades, yroient a la procession, chantant | les sept
pseaulmes?!° de David, avecq la Letanye™, en priant ladicte
Vierge!* qu’il luy pleust pryer son cher enffant qu’il eust pitié
de nous. Et la% messe dicte et chantée’ davant ladicte ymaige,
se fist le cappitaine pellerin 4 Nostre Dame qui se faict deprier

™ From A and P.

2 P has, en.

°P and C have des. rk

PFrom A, P and C. B has, pheaulmes. The copyist of C first wrote
pheaulmes but afterwards corrected it to pseaulmes.

Our Captain, seeing the plight we were in and how general
the disease had become, gave orders for all to pray and to make
orisons, and had an image and figure of the Virgin Mary ® carried
across the ice and snow and placed against a tree about a bow-
shot from the fort, and issued an order that on the following
Sunday, mass should be said at that spot, to which all who could
walk, both sick and well, should make their way in a procession,
singing the seven psalms of David! with the Litany?4, praying
the Virgin to be good enough to ask her dear Son?? to have pity
upon us. And when the mass had been said and sung before the
image, the Captain made a vow to go on a pilgrimage to Our

® As England had accepted the Reformation Florio put, ‘“‘ Our Capitaine
commaunded, that every one shoulde devoutly prepare himselfe to prayer, and
in remembraunce of Christ, caused his Image to be sette up upon a tree,” etc.

10 The seven Psalms were Nos. VI, XX XI, XXXVII, L, CI, CXXIX and
CXLII in the Vulgate, (Le livre d’heures d’Anne de Bretagne, 185-202), but VI,
XXXII, XXXVIII, LI, CII, CXXX and CXLIII in the Protestant versions,

11 The Litany of all the Saints comes immediately after these psalms in the
Livre d’heures d'Anne de Bretagne, 203-221. Cf. Grant’s Lescarbot, II, 150.

12 Florio has, “ praying moste hartily, that it woulde please the said our
Christ to have compassion upon us.”

THE VOYAGE SECOND 1535-1536 207

a Rocquemado?!?, proumectant y aller, si Dieu luy donnoyt grace
de retourner en France. Celluy jour trespassa Philippes Rouge-
mont, natif d’Amboise!*, de l’aige de envyron vingt [deux] ans.

Et pource que ladicte maladie estoit incongnue, fist le cappi-
taine ouvryr le corps, pour veoyr si aurions aucune congnoissance
d’icelle, pour preserver, si possible estoit, le parsus*®. Et fut
trouvé qu’il avoyt le cueur tout blanc et fletry, envyronné de plus
d’yn pot d’eaue!®, rousse comme datte; le foye, beau; mays |
ayoyt le poulmon tout noircy et mortiffyé; et s’estoit retiré tout
son sang au dessus de son * cueur; car, quant il fut ouvert, sortit
au dessus du" cueur vne grand habundance de sang, noyr et

4 C has, ladicie.

*P has, celebrée.

® Ramusio has, della compagnia.
tC has, du.

"C has, de son.

Lady of Rocamadour!?, if God would allow him to return to
France in safety. On that day there died Phillip Rougemont,
aged some twenty-two years, a native of Amboise!+*.

And because the disease was a strange one, the Captain had
the body opened to see if anything could be found out about it,
and the rest, if possible, cured. And it was discovered that his
heart was completely white and shrivelled up, with more than a
jugfull+® of red date-coloured water about it. His liver was in
good condition but his lungs were very black and gangrened; and
all his blood had collected over his heart; for when the body was
opened, a large quantity of dark, tainted blood issued from above

18 Rocamadour near Gamat in the department of the Lot. See plate XIII,
p. 208. It was-one of the most famous sanctuaries of the later Middle Ages,
from 1166 onwards. It was even the theme of the jongleurs.

““La douce mére au Creatour
As église Rochemadour
Fait tant miracles, tant biaus fais
C’uns moult biax livres en est fais,’’ etc.

It was sacked by the Hugenots in 1572 when over 1,500 quintals of gold and
silver were taken away. Vid. G. Servois, Notice et extraits du recueil des miracles
de Nostre-Dame de Roc-Amadour, in the Bibliotheque de l’Ecole des Charies, 4™°
série, II], 21-44 and 228-245, Paris, 1857. Cf. also Lescarbot, op. cit., 1609, 396.
14 On the Loire near Tours.
15 Ramusio has, piu d’un locale whence Florio's, ‘‘ more than a pottle of
red water.”” Hakluyt has, ‘‘ more than a quart.” <A pottle was two quarts.

46”

208 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

inffect. Pareillement avoyt la ratte, par devers l’eschine, vng
peu entamée, envyron deulx doidz, comme si elle eust esté frottée
sus vne pierre rudde. Aprés cela veu, luy fut ouvert et incizé
vne cuisse, laquelle estoit fort noire par dehors, mais par dedans,
la chair fut trouvée assez belle. Ce faict, fut inhumé au moings
mal” que l’on peult. Dieu, par Sa saincte grace, pardoinct 4 son
ame, et 4 tous trespassez; Amen.

Et despuis, de jour en aultre, s’est” tellement continué[e]
ladicte maladie, que telle heure a esté, que, par tous* lesdictz
troys navires!®, n’y avoyt pas troys hommes sains’, de sorte |
que en l’vn desdictz navires n’y avoyt homme qui eust peu des-
cendre soubz le tillat pour tirer 4 boyre, tant pour luy que pour
les aultres*. Et pour l’heure, y en avoyt ja plusieurs de mors,
lesquelz il nous convynt meptre, par feblesse, soubz les naiges;
car il ne nous estoit possible de pouvoyr, pour lors, ouvryr la
terre, qui estoit gellée, tant estions foibles et avyons peu de puis-
sance. Et si estions en vne craincte merveilleuse des gens du
pays, qu’ilz ne s’aperceussent de nostre pitié et foiblesse. Et pour
couvryr ladicte maladie, lors qu’ilz venoyent prés de nostre fort,

YP has, @ mieulx. “From Aand P. Band C have, c’est.

*From P. A, Band C have, tout. Y A has, saincts.
*P has, pour son compaignon.

the heart. His spleen for some two finger breadths near the back-
bone was also slightly affected, as if it had been rubbed on a rough
stone. After seeing this much, we made an incision and cut open
one of his thighs, which on the outside was very black, but within
the flesh was found fairly healthy. Thereupon we buried him as well
as we could. May God in His holy grace grant forgiveness to
his soul and to those of all the dead. Amen.

After this the disease increased daily to such an extent that at
one time, out of the three! ° vessels, there were not three men in good
health, so that on board one of the ships, there was no one to go
down under the quarter-deck to draw water for himself and the
rest. And already several had died, whom from sheer weakness,
we had to bury beneath the snow; for at that season the ground
was frozen and we could not dig into it, so feeble and helpless were
we. We were also in great dread of the people of the country,
lest they should become aware of our plight and _ helplessness.

16 Cf, p. 205, note 8.

"ANOPDULDION.

THX ad1lv1d

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536. 209

nostre cappitaine, que Dieu a tousiours preservé debout, sortoyt
audavant d’eulx, avecq deulx ou troys hommes, tant sains que
malades, lesquelz il faisoit sortyr aprés luy. Et lors qu’il les
voyoit® | hors du parc, faisoit semblant les voulloyr battre, en°
criant et leur gectant bastons aprés eulx, les envoyant a bort,
monstrant par signes esdictz sauvaiges, qu’il faisoit besongner
{tous] ses gens dedans les navires, les vngs a gallifester, les aultres
a faire du pain, et aultres besongnes; et qu’il n’estoit pas bon
qu’ilz vinssent chommer? dehors; ce qu’ilz croyoient °.. Et
faisoit ledict cappitaine battre et mene[r]‘ bruyt esdictz malades
dedans les navires, avecq bastons et cailloudz, faignans gallifester.
Et pour lors, estions si esprins de ladicte maladie, que avyons
quasi perdu l’espérance de jamais retourner en France, si Dieu,
par sa bonté infinye et misericorde, ne nous eust regardé en pityé,
et donné congnoissance d’vn remedde contre toutes maladies, le
plus exellant qui fut jamays veu, ny trouvé sus la terre, ainsi
qu'il sera faict mention en ce® chappitre. |

*From PandC. A has, veott and B, veoyt.

> P has, fort. °From PandC. A and B have, et.

4 A has, homuer; P, donner. © P has, croyent. ‘
!From A, P and C. ®From A, PandC. B has, se.

And to hide the sickness, our Captain, whom God kept continually
in good health, whenever they came near the fort, would go out
and meet them with two or three men, either sick or well, whom
he ordered to follow him outside. When these were beyond the
enclosure, he would pretend to try to beat them, and vociferating
and throwing sticks at them, would drive them back on board
the ships, indicating to the Indians by signs, that he was making
all his men work below the decks, some at calking, others at baking
bread and at other tasks; and that it would not do to -have them
come and loaf outside. This the Indians believed. And the
Captain had the sick men hammer and make a noise inside the
ships with sticks and stones, pretending that they were calking.
At that time so many were down with the disease, that we had
almost lost hope of ever returning to France, when God in His
infinite goodness and mercy had pity upon us and made known
to us the most excellent remedy against all diseases that ever
has been seen or heard of in the whole world, as will be set forth
in this [second] chapter [following].
48493—14

47?

47°

210 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

LE NUMBRE DU TEMPS QUE NOUS AVONS ESTE AU
HABLE SAINCTE CROIX, ENGLASSEZ? DEDANS LES
GLACES ET NAIGES; ET LE NUMBRE DES GENS
DECEDDEZ DESPUIS LE COMMANCEMENT DE LA’
MALADIE JUSQUES A LA My MaRS!”,

Despuis la my novembre jusques au XV™ jour d’apvril,
avons esté continuellement enfermez dedans les glaces, lesquelles
avoyent plus de deux brasses d’espesseur, et dessus la terre, y avoit
la haulteur de quatre piedz de naiges et plus, tellement qu’elle
estoyt plus haulte que les bors de noz | navires; lesquelles ont
duré jusques audict temps, en sorte que noz breuvaiges estoient
tous gellez dedans les fustailles. Et par dedans nosdictes navires,
tant [de] bas que [de] hault, estoit la glace contre les bors, 4 quatre

doidz d’espesseur!®. Et estoit tout ledict fleuve, par aultant

bP has, & places.
i C has, ladicte.

THE LENGTH OF TIME WE REMAINED IN STE.
CROIX HARBOUR FROZEN UP IN THE ICE AND
SNOW; AND THE NUMBER OF MEN WHO DIED OF
THE PESTILENCE FROM THE TIME IT BEGAN UNTIL
THE MIDDLE OF Marcn?”.

From the middle of November [1535] until [Saturday] the
fifteenth of April [1536], we lay frozen up in the ice, which was °
more than two fathoms in thickness, while on shore there were
more than four feet of snow, so that it was higher than the bul-
warks of our ships. This lasted until the date mentioned above,
with the result that all our beverages froze in their casks. And
all about the decks of the ships, below hatches and above, there
was ice to the depth of four finger breadths!*. And the whole
river [St. Lawrence] was frozen where the water was fresh up to
beyond Hochelaga!*®. During this period there died to the

17 From the context it should evidently be April.

18 Florio has, ‘‘ above a hande-breadth thicke.”

19 Cf, Bayfield, op. cit., I, 310: ‘‘ The river seldom, if ever, freezes across
below Quebec, but is almost filled with ice that fluctuates with wind and tide
from shore to shore"; ibid., 8-9; The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, V,
184 and p. 199 supra, note 85.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 211

que l’eaue doulce en contient!, jusques au dessus de* Hochelaga,
gellé?®. Auquel temps! nous decedda jusques au numbre de
vingt cinq personne[s]™ des principaulx et bons compaignons
que [nous] eussions, lesquelz mouroient dela maladie susdicte. Et
pour l’heure, y en avoyt plus de quarente® en quy on n’esperoit
plus de vye; et le parsus tous malades, que nul n’en estoit ex-
empté, excepté troys ou quatre?®. Mays Dieu, par Sa saincte
grace, nous regarda en pityé??, et nous envoya [la]* congnoissance
et remedde de nostre garison et santé, de la sorte et manyére qu’il
sera dict® en ce chappitre ensuyvant. |

iP has, contenoit.

¥ P has, dudict.

1P has, Durant lequel temps.
™ From A and P.

1 P has, cinquante.

° P has, devisé; C, divisé.

number of twenty-five of the best and most able seamen we had,
who all succumbed to the aforesaid malady. And at that time
there was little hope of saving more than forty others, while the
whole of the rest were ill, except three or four?®. But God in
His divine grace had pity upon us?}, and sent us knowledge of a
remedy which cured and healed all in the manner that will be
told in this next chapter.

20 Florio has, ‘‘ and all the rest were so sicke, that wee thought they shoulde

never recover agayne.”
21 Florio following Ramusio has, “‘ cast his pitifull eye upon us”

48493—14}

4gv

49°

212 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

COMMENT, PAR LA GRACE DE DIEU, NOUS EUS-
MES CONGNOISSANCE D’VNE SORTE D’ARBRE,? PAR
LEQUEL NOUS AVONS ESTE GARIZ; ET ONT RECOU-

VERT TOUS LES MALADES SANTE, APRES EN AVOYR
VSE; ET LA FACON D’EN VSER.

Vng jour nostre cappitaine, voyant la maladie si esmue et ses
gens si fort esprins d’icelle”®, estant sorty hors du fort%, et soy
promenant sus la glace, appersut venyr vne bande de gens de
Stadaconé, en’ laquelle estoit dom Agaya, lequel le cappitaine
avoyt veu dix ou douze jours auparavant® fort malade, de la
propre* maladie que avoyent | ses gens; car il avoyt l’vne des

P P and C have, de la sorte d’vng arbre.

4C has, parc.

¥C has, a.

®From P. A and B have, despuis dix ou douze jours; C, puys dix ou douze

jours.
tP has, de ladicte.

How By Gop’s GRACE WE RECEIVED KNOWLEDGE
OF A TREE WHICH CURED US AND GAVE BACK
HEALTH TO ALL THE SICK; AND THE MANNER OF
USING IT.

One day our Captain, seeing the disease so general and his
men so stricken down by it”, on going outside the fort to walk
up and down on the ice, caught sight of a band of Indians approach-
ing from Stadacona, and among them was Dom Agaya whom he
had seen ten or twelve days previous to this, extremely ill with
the very disease his own men were suffering from; for one of his
legs about the knee had swollen to the size of a two-year-old baby,
and the sinews had become contracted. His teeth had gone bad
and decayed, and the gums had rotted and become tainted. The
Captain, seeing Dom Agaya well and in good health, was delighted,
hoping to learn what had healed him, in order to cure his own men.
And when the Indians had come near the fort, the Captain inquired
of him [Dom Agaya], what had cured him of his sickness. Dom
Agaya replied that he had been healed by the juice of the leaves

22 Ramusio has, essendo la detta malatia tanto accesa, cresciuta & irritata,
whence Florio’s, ‘‘ and how that sicknesse was encreased and hote amongst us.”

_ THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 213

jambes, par le genoil, aussi grosse que vng enffant de deux ans,
et tous les nerfz d’icelle retirez, les dentz perdues et gastées, et
les genscives pourries et infectes. Le cappitaine, voyant ledict
dom Agaya sain et deliberé", fut joieulx, espérant par luy scavoir,
comme il s’estoit guery, affin de donner aide’ et secours a ses
gens. Et lors qu’ilz furent arrivez prés le fort, le cappitaine luy
demanda comme il s’estoit guery de sa maladie. Lequel dom
Agaya respondit, que avecq le juz des feulhes d’vn arbre et le
marq “73, il s’estoit guery, et que c’estoit le singullier remedde
pour maladie. Lors le* cappitaine luy demanda s’il y en avoyt
poinct 1a entour, et qu’il luy en monstrast, pour guerir” son ser-

“From P and C. A and B have, guery which however is again used on
the next line. es

YP has, ordre. :

’ P has, qu'il avoit le tus & le marcq des fueilles d’ung arbre dont il s’estoit
guary; C, que avecg le juz et le marcg des feulhes d’vn arbre, il s’estoit guery.

=P has, ledict.

¥From A. Band C have, guery; P, guarir.

of a tree and the dregs”® of these, and that this was the only way
to cure sickness. Upon this the Captain asked him if there was
not some of it thereabouts, and to show it to him that he might
heal his servant who had caught the disease when staying in
Chief Donnacona’s wigwam at Canada, being unwilling that he
should know how many sailors were ill. Thereupon Dom Agaya
sent two squaws with our Captain to gather some of it; and they
brought back nine or ten branches. They showed us how to grind
the bark and the leaves and to boil the whole in water. Of this one
should drink every two days, and place the dregs on the legs where
they were swollen and affected. According to them this tree cured
every kind of disease. They call it in their language Annedda”*.

28 Cf. Littré, Dictionnaire de la langue frangaise, III, Paris, 1874, 438:
“Marc, résidu de fruits, d’herbes ou de toute autre substance qu’on a pressurée
ou fait bouillir pour en retirer le suc.”

24 Hakluyt (op. cit., III, p. 227) has added: ‘‘ or Hamnneda, this is thought
to be the Sassafras tree.’”’ It seems to have been the hemlock. Cf. Morgan,
op. cit., 1, 321: ‘‘ A favorite beverage was made from the tips of hemlock boughs
boiled in water, and seasoned with maple sugar.’’ The Seneca word is O-neh-da
and in Mokawk O-no-da. (Ibid., II, 252, note 90). The Wyandot word for
white pine is Handehta and the Mokawk Ohnehda. Mr. Waugh tells me that
the Onondaga and Cayuga word for evergreen is unénda which is considered a
cure for boils and venereal diseases. See also his Iroquois Foods, 147.

49”

214 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

viteur, qui avoyt prins ladicte maladie [audict Canada durant
qu’il demouroit] en la maison du seigneur* Donnacona, ne luy
voulant® déclerer le numbre des compaignons, qui estoient ma-
lades. _ Lors ledict dom Agaya envoya deulx femmes avecq nostre
cappitaine, pour en | querir, lesquelz en apportérent neuf ou dix
rameaulx; et nous monstrérent, qu’il® failloyt piller? l’escorce
et les feulhes dudict boys, et meptre le tout [a] boullyr en eaue;
puys boyre de ladicte eaue®, de deux jours l’vn; et meptre le
marc sus les jambes enfflées et malades; et que de toutes maladies
ledict arbre garissoit. Ilz appellent ledict arbre en leur langaige,
annedda ‘**,

Tost aprés, le cappitaine fict faire du breuvaige, pour faire
boire es malades, desquelz n’y avoyt nul d’eulx qui voullust icelluy
essaiger ®, sinon vng ou deulx, qui se myrent en adventure d’icelluy
essayer. Tout incontinent? qu’ilz en eurent beu, ilz eurent l’ad-

=P and C have, qu'il demeuroit avec Donnacona.
8From P. A, B andC have voullut.

>C has, le.

°C has, comment il.

4 P has, peller.

°P and C have, puis en boire.

£P has, Ameda.

®P has, gui voulsist essayer ledict bruvage.

From P. A, B and C have again, Tost apres, etc.

The Captain at once ordered a drink to be prepared for the
sick men but none of them would taste it. At length one or two
thought they would risk a trial?®. As soon as they had drunk
it, they felt better which must clearly be ascribed to miraculous
causes; for after drinking it two or three times, they recovered
health and strength and were cured of all the diseases they had
ever had. And some of the sailors who had been suffering for
five or six years from the French pox were by this medecine cured
completely. When this became known, there was such a press
for the medecine that they almost killed each other to have it
first; so that in less than eight days a whole tree as large and as
tall as any I ever saw was used up, and produced such a result,

*5 Florio has, ‘‘ excepte one or two, who ventured the drinking of it onely
to taste and prove it: the other seeying that did the like,’’ etc.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 215

vantaige, qui se trouva estre vng vray et evident miracle; car
de toutes maladies de quoy ilz estoient entachez, aprés en ayoyr |
beu deux ou troys foys, recouvrérent santé et guarizon, tellement
que tel [y avoyt] des[dictz] compaignons, qui avoyt! la [grosse]
verolle puis cing ou six ans auparavant la[dicte] maladie, a esté,
par icelle médecine, curé nectement. Aprés ce avoyr veu [et
congneu], y a eu telle presse, que on se voulloit tuer sus ladicte
médecine}, A qui premier en auroyt; de sorte que vng arbre, aussi
groz et aussi grand que je vidz jamais arbre*, a esté employé en
moings de huict! jours, lequel a faict telle oppération, que si tous
les médecins de Louvain?® et [de] Montpellier?” y eussent esté,
avecques toutes les drogues d’Alexandrie?°, ilz n’en (n’)eussent
pas tant faict en vng an que ledict arbre a faict en huict™ jours;
car il nous a tellement prouffité, que tous ceulx qui en ont voullu
vser, ont recouvert santé et garizon, la grace a Dieu. |

i A has, avoient.

iC has, telle presse sus ladicte medecine que on, etc. while P has the same
though the word sus is omitted.

KP has, aussi grand que chesne qui soit en France.

1P has, en six iours.

™P and C have, six.

that had all the doctors of Louvain”® and Montpellier?’ been
there, with all the drugs of Alexandria?®, they could not havé done
so much in a year as did this tree in eight days; for it benefited
us so much that all who were willing to use it, recovered health
and strength, thanks be to God.

26 The University of Louvain in Brabant, which was founded in 1426 by
John, Fourth Duke of Brabant, had eight professors on the medical faculty.
Vid. Mer. A. J. Naméche, Jean IV et la fondation de l’université de Louvain,
Louvain, 1838.

27 Cf. Rabelais, op. cit., I, 334-35: ‘‘ Puis vint 4 Montpellier, od il trouva
fort bons vins de Mirevaulx, et joyeuse compagnie; et se cuida mettre a estudier
en medecine: mais il considera que l’estat estoit fascheux par trop, et melancho-
lique, et que les medecins sentoient les clysteres comme vieux diables.”” On
the medical faculty of Montpellier which seems to have been established early
in the Middle Ages, wid. A. Germain, L’Ecole de médecine de Montpellier, ses
origines, sa constitution, son enseignement, etc., Montpellier, 1880 in 4°.

28 Vid., Alfred Spont, Samblancy, 4, Paris, 1895, and his La Marine fran-
aise sous le regne de Charles VIII, 69, Paris, 1894, Cf. also Biggar Precursors
of Cartier, 20-21, Ottawa, 1911.

50°

50”

216 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

COMMENT LE SEIGNEUR DONNACONA, ACOM-
PAIGNE DE TAIGNOAGNY ET PLUSIEURS AULTRES,
PARTIRENT DE STADACONE, FAIGNANS ALLER A LA
CHASSE AU[X] SERFZ ET AUX DYNS; LESQUELZ
FURENT DEUX MOYS SANS RETOURNER; ET A LEUR
RETOUR AMENERENT GRAND NUMBRE DE GENS,
QUE N’AVYONS ACOUSTUME DE VEOYR.

Durant le temps que la maladie et mortalité regnoit en noz
navires, se partirent Donnacona, Taignoagny” et plusieurs aul-
tres, faignans aller prandre des serfz et aultres bestes°*®, lesquelz
ilz nomment en leur langaige ajounesta? et asquenondo%*®, pource

2 A has, Taignoaigny. °P has, Cerfs & Dains; C, serfz et dins.

P Such is the spelling in P. Lescarbot has read, ajonnesta while Ternaux-
Compans gives, ajouvesta. The Quebec edition has, Asjannesta; C has here,
foumesta or jouniesta.

9 P has, asquenoudo in which he has been followed by Lescarbot and Fari-
bault. _Ternaux-Compans gives, asqueurudo. C has, asquemindo. See note 31,

How CuIEF DONNACONA, ACCOMPANIED BY TAI-
GNOAGNY AND SEVERAL OTHERS, SET OFF FROM
STADACONA ON A DEER HUNT, AND REMAINED
AWAY TWO MONTHS; AND HOW ON THEIR RETURN,
THEY BROUGHT WITH THEM A NUMBER OF
INDIANS WHOM WE HAD NOT. HITHERTO SEEN.

During the time that sickness and death were holding sway
on board our ships, Donnacona, Taignoagny and several others
set off, pretending to be going to hunt stags and other animals?°,

29 Cf. Thevet, op. cit., 403-404: ‘ Aussi sont ils grands veneurs.. . Ils
usent d’une maniere de raquettes tissues de cordes en fagon de crible, de deux
piés et demy de long, et un pié de large ... Pour prendre ces bestes [i.e. cerfs]
ils s’assembleront dix ou douze armés de longues lances ou piques, grandes de
quinze a seze pieds, garnies par le bout de quelque os de cerf ou autre beste,
d’un pié de long ou plus, au lieu de fer, portans arcs et fleches garnies de mesme:
puis par les neiges qui leur sont familieres toute l’année, suyuans les cerfs au
trac par lesdites neiges assez profondes, descouurent la voye, laquelle estant
ainsi decouverte, vous y planteront branches de cedre, qui verdoyent en
tout temps, et ce en forme de rets, sous lesquelles ils se cachent armez en ceste
maniere. Et incontinent que le cerf attiré pour le plaisir de ceste verdure et
chemin frayé s’y achemine, ils se iettent dessus 4 coups de piques et de fleches,
tellement qu’ils le contraindront de quitter la voye, et entrer es profondes neiges,
voire iusques au ventre, ol ne pouuant aisément cheminer, est attaint de coups
iusques 4 la mort. II sera ecorché sur le champ, et mis en pieces, l’enuelopperont

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 217

que les naiges estoient grandes, et que les glaces estoient ja rompues
dedans le cours du* fleuve, tellement qu’ilz pouvoyent naviguer
par icelluy. Et nous fut, par | dom Agaya et aultres, dict qu’ilz
ne seroient que [environ] quinze jours; ce que croyons; mays ilz
furent deux moys sans retourner. Au moyen de quoy, eusmes
suspection qu’ilz ne feussent allez amasser grand numbre de gens,
pouf nous faire desplaisir?'!, pource qu’ilz nous veoyoient si
affebliz?*; non obstant que avyons mys si bonne® ordre en*
nostre faict, que si toute la puissance de leur terre y eust esté, ilz
n’eussent sceu faire aultre chose que nous regarder. Et pendent
le temps qu’ilz estoient dehors, venoyent, tous les jours, force gens
a noz navires, comme ilz avoyent de coustume, nous apportant
de la chair fresche de serfz et de dins, et poisson" fraiz, de toutes
sortes, qu’ilz” nous vendoient assez “ cher, ou [autrement] mieulx
l’aymoient remporter, pource qu’ilz avoyent necessité de vivres
pour lors, 4 cause de l’yver, qui avoyt esté long; et qu’ilz avoyent
mengé leurs vivres et estouremens. |

® C has, dudict. ®P has, bon but A, B and C as in text. t P has, a.
"C has, poissons. VP has, lesquelz. P and C have, fort.

which in their language they call Ajounesta and Asquenondo®®,
as the snow was deep and yet they could paddle along the river
[St. Lawrence] where the ice had broken up. Dom Agaya and
the others told us that they [Donnacona, etc.] would be gone about a
fortnight, which we believed, but they did not return for two
months. At this we became suspicious lest they should be gone
to collect a large force of Indians to attack us**, when they saw
we were so weak®?; although we had put everything in such
good order, that had the whole of the armed forces of their
country come against us, they would have been able to do nothing
but gaze at us. Meanwhile every day there came to our ships as
usual a considerable number of Indians with fresh meat, venison and
all varieties of fresh fish, which they bartered for a good price or other-
wise preferred to carry them away again; for they were themselves
in need of provisions on account of the winter having been a long one,
during which they had consumed their provisions and supplies.
en sa peau, et traineront par les neiges iusques en leurs maisons. Et ainsi les
apportoient iusques au fort des F rancois, chair et peau, mais pour autre chose
en recompense, c’est a scauoir quelques petits ferremens et autres choses.”’
30 The Mohawk word is Oskoneantea. Vid. Schoolcraft, op. cit., 267, No. 156.

31 Florio has, ‘‘ to raise the country to come againste us.”
82 Ramusio has, demessi & debilitati, whence Florio’s, ‘‘so weake and faint.”

si”

siv

“4

218 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

CoMMENT DONNACONA REVYNT A STADACONE, AC-
COMPAIGNE DE * GRAND NUMBRE DE GENS; ET FIST
LEDICT DONNACONA LEY MALADE, DE PEUR DE
VENYR VEOYR LE CAPPITAINE, CUYDANT QUE LE-
DICT CAPPITAINE ALLAST LE VEOYR’.

Le XXI™ jour du® moys d’apvril, dom Agaya vint a bort
de noz navires, acompaigné de plusieurs gens, lesquelz estoient
beaulx et puissans, et n’avions acoustumé de les veoyr, qui nous
dirent®, que le seigneur Donnacona seroit le landemain venu, et
qu’il apporteroit force chair de serfz et aultre venaison. Et le
landemain, XXII°® jour dudict moys, arryva® ledict Donnacona,
lequel amena en sa compaignye grand numbre de gens audict
Stadaconé, ne sgavyons a quelle occasion, ny pourquoy. Mays |
comme on dict en vng prouverbe%, qui de tout se garde et d’aulcuns
eschappe*®, ce que nous estoit de necessité; car nous estions si af-

=P and C have, avec. YP has, du.
*P has, allast vers luy; C, le allast veoyr. ®P has, dudict.
> P has, lesquelz dient; C, lesquelz nous dirent. °P has, vint.

4 P has, Mais on dict a ung proverbe.

How DONNACONA CAME BACK TO STADACONA
WITH A LARGE NUMBER OF INDIANS, AND FEIGNED
TO BEILL, BECAUSE HE WAS AFRAID TO COME AND
SEE THE CAPTAIN, THINKING THE LATTER
WOULD GO AND VISIT HIM.

On [Friday] April 21, Dom Agaya came on board our vessels
with several fine-looking, powerful Indians whom we had not
been in the habit of seeing, and told us that Chief Donnacona
would be back on the following day and would bring with*him a
quantity of deer’s meat and other venison. And the next day,
the twenty-second of the month, Donnacona did arrive at Stada-
cona accompanied—why or for what purpose we did not know—
by a great number of Indians. But as the proverb says, ‘‘ He who
is on his guard against everything, escapes something** which
with us was a case of necessity, so weakened were we by the disease
and by the men we had lost, that we were obliged to leave one

33 Florio has, ‘‘ he that takes heede and shields himselfe from all men,
maye happe to scape from some.”

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 219

febliz°®, tant de maladie que de gens mors, qu’il nous a faillu laisser
vng de noz navires audict lieu de saincte Croix**. Le cappitaine,
estant adverty de leur venue, et qu’ilz avoyent amené tant de
peuple‘, et aussi que dom Agaya le vint dire audict cappitaine,
sans voulloir passe[r] ® la ripviére*® qui estoit entre nous et ledict
Stadaconé", ains fict difficulté de passer, ce que n’avoyt acous-
tumé de faire, au moyen de quoy eusmes suspection de traisoni.
Voyant ce, le cappitaine envoya son serviteur, nommé Charles
Guyot, [accompaigné de Jehan Poullet], le[s]quel[z] estoi[en]t,
plus que nul[z] aultre[s], aime[z] du[dict] peuple de tout le pays,
pour veoyr qui! estoit audict lieu, et qu’ilz faisoient, faignans *

®Such is the original spelling. A later hand has put, affoiblig which is
also the spelling in A, P and C.

f P and C have, gens.

® From A and P.

h This word is printed here in P for the first and only time with an acute
accent i.e. Siadaconé. This instance was doubtless Lescarbot’s authority for
printing it always thus.

iP has, qui nous donna doubte de trahison.

iP has, que. kFrom P. A, B and C have, faignant.

of our ships at Ste. Croix®*, The Captain, being informed how

on their return they had brought back so many Indians, and how
Dom Agaya, on coming to tell us of this, had been unwilling to
cross the river lying between us and Stadacona*®, and had refused
to come over, a thing he was not in the habit of doing, became
suspicious of treason, as did the rest of us. And in view of this,
the Captain sent his servant, named Charles Guyot, accompanied
by John Poullet, who were greater favourites with the Indians of
that region than any of the others, to find out who was in the
village and what the Indians were doing, pretending they had come

34 In 1843, the year in which the Quebec edition of Cartier’s voyages appear-
ed, the hull of an old vessel was found at the mouth of the St. Michel which
flows into the St. Charles, a little above the Lairet where Cartier passed the
winter. This hull was forthwith declared to be the Petite-Hermine and half
of the relics now figure as such in the Museum of St. Malo. Dr. Dionne has
clearly proved that this wreck was not Cartier’s vessel. Vid. La “ Petite
Hermine”’ de Jacques-Cartier, etc., 13 et seq.; and p. 205, note 8, and p. 208 supra.
That Cartier left the Petite-Ermine and not the Emérillon, is made clear from
the subsequent mention of the latter in Cartier’s commission of 17 October, 1540.

35 The St. Charles.

52”

220 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

le[s]dict[z Poullet et] serviteur, estre allé veoyr ledict seigneur
Donnacona, parce qu’il[z] avoy[en]t demouré lon[g]! temps avecq
luy | [a leur ville], le[s]quel[z] luy portérent™ aucun [petit] pré-
sent?®, Et lors que ledict Donnacona fut adverty de leur” venue,
fit le malade et se coucha, disant audict serviteur qu’il estoit fort
malade. Aprés, alla° ledict serviteur en la maison de Taignoagny,
pour le veoyr, ot par tout trouva? les maisons si plaines de gens,
que on ne si pouvoyt tourne[r]%, lesquelz on n’avoyt accoustumé
de veoyr. Et ne voullut permettre ledict Taignoagny, que ledict
serviteur allast es aultres maisons; ains le[s] convoya vers les
navires envyron la moictyé du chemin. Et leur’ dist, que si le
cappitaine luy voulloyt faire [ce] plaisir de prandre vng seigneur
du pays, nommé Agona®**’, lequel luy avoyt faict desplaisir, et

From A. P has, parce qu’ilz avoient esté longuement avec luy a leur ville.
™From P. A, B and C have, porta.

®From P. A, B and C have, sa.

° P has, allerent en la maison, etc; C, alla ledict Charles en la maison, etc.
PP has, trouverent. 2From Aand C. P has, remuer.

¥ From P. . A, B and C have, luy. * P and C have, Agonna.

to see Chief Donnacona; for they had passed a long time in the
village with him; and they brought him a small present®®. And
on being informed of their arrival, Donnacona played the sick
man and went to bed, telling the servant [Guyot] that he was
very ill. After this the servant went to Taignoagny’s wigwam to
pay him a call, and everywhere found the wigwams so full of
Indians, whom he had not been in the habit of seeing, that one
could not turn around inside them. Taignoagny would not allow
the servant to visit the other wigwams, but accompanied them
almost half-way to the ships. And he informed them that if the
Captain would do him a good turn and would seize a chief of that
region named Agona*’, who had slighted him [Taignoagny] and
would carry him [Agona] off to France, that he [Taignoagny] would
be in the Captain’s debt and would do anything he asked; and
that on the morrow the servant should return with the captain’s
answer.
The Captain, on being informed of the large number of Indians _

at Stadacona, though unaware of their purpose, yet determined

36 Probably on Friday, April 28,
87 Vid. p. 252 infra.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 221

l’emmener en France, qu’il [seroit tenu a luy, et] feroit tout ce que
vouldroit ledict cappitaine, et qu’il [ledict serviteur] retournast
le landemain luy dire la responce. |

Quant le cappitaine fut adverty du grand nombre de gens
qui estoient audict Stadaconé*, ne scavoyt a quelle fin, se deslibera
leur jouer finesse*®, et prandre leur seigneur, Taignoagny", dom
Agaya et des principaulx. Et aussi qu’il estoit bien desliberé
de mener ledict seigneur Donnacona en France, pour compter et
dire au Roy*®® ce qu'il avoyt veu es pays occidentaulx des mer-
veilles du monde; car il nous a certiffié avoyr esté a la terre du
Saguenay, ot il y a infiny or, rubiz et aultres richesses, et y sont
les hommes blancs, comme en France, et acoustrez de draps de
laine. Plus, dict avoyr veu aultre pays, ot! les gens ne mengent
poinct, et n’ont poinct de fondement, et ne digérent poinct; ains
font seullement eaue par la verge. Plus, dict avoyr esté en aultre
pays de Picquenyans **°, et aultre pays ot les gens n’ont que

*C has, audict lieu. UA has, Taignoaigny. VP has, en laquelle.
*P has, Picquemyans. Lescarbot has read, Picqueniaus and Ternaux-
Compans, Picquevyons. Faribault gives, Piquemains.

to outwit _ them *8, and to seize their Chief [Donnacona], Taignoa-
gny, Dom Agaya | and. the headmen. And moreover he had quite

made up his m mind to take Chief Donnacona to France, that he
might relate and tell to the king*® all he had seen in the west

of t the wonders of the world; for he assured us that he had been.

to the land of the Saguenay where there are immense quantities
of gold, rubies and other rich things, and that the men there are

“white as in France and go clothed in woolens. He told us

also that he had visited another region where the people,
possessing no anus, never eat nor digest, but simply make water
through the penis. He told us furthermore that he had been in
the land of the Picquenyans*®, and to another country whose

38 Florio has, ‘‘ purposed to playe a pretty prancke.””

89 Francis I. Cf. pp. 170 and 201 supra.

49 The Desceliers planisphere has a representation of these pigmies with
the following legend: ‘‘ Pigmeons, Cy dessus est la demonstracion d’vng peuple
nommé pigmeons, gens de petite stature comme d’vnec Idée. Au troysiesme
an ilz engendrent, et au 8° ilz meurent non ayans devant es yeulx honte, justice
ou honnesteté. Pour ceste cause sont dictz brutes, non hommes. On tient
qu’ilz ont guerre continuelle contre les oyseaux nommés grues.” Cf. Peter

53”

Nota.

53°

222 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

vne jambe, et aultres merveilles, longues a racompter**. Ledict
seigneur est homme ancien, et ne cessa jamays d’aller | par pays
despuis sa congnoissance, tant par fleuves, ripviéres, que par terre.

Aprés que le{s]dict[z Poullet et] serviteur eu[ren]t faict leur *
messaige*? et dict au cappitaine’, ce que ledict Taignoagny luy
mandoit, renvoya le” cappitaine sondict serviteur, le landemain®,
dire audict Taignoagny, qu’il le vint veoyr, et luy dire, ce qu’il
vouldroit®, et qu’il luy feroyt bonne chére et partye de son voul-
loyr. Ledict Taignoagny luy manda, qu'il viendroit le lande-
main, et qu’il [ad]meneroyt [le seigneur] Donnacona et ledict

*From P. A, B and C have, son.

YFrom P. A, B and C have, a son maistre.

*P has, ledict.
® P has, vouloit.

inhabitants have only one leg, and other marvels too long to relate*!
This chief is an old man who has never ceased travelling about the
country by river, stream and trail since his earliest recollection.

When Poullet and the servant had delivered their message*?
and told the Captain what Taignoagny had asked them to say,
the Captain on the morrow *? sent back his servant to tell Taignoa-

Jones, op. cit., 156: ‘‘ The heathen Indians all believe in the existence of those
imaginary little folks called Fairies ... They believe them to be invisible, but
possessed of the power of showing themselves. Many old Indians affirm that
they have both seen and talked with them. They say that they are about two
or three feet high, walk erect, and have the human form, but that their faces
are covered over with short hair.’’ Vid. also Strabo’s Geography lib. XV, cap. I,
57; Pliny’s Natural History, lib. VI, 22 and 35: and cf. Lescarbot, op. cit.,
1609, p. 429: ‘‘ Pour le regard des Pygmées, ie scay par le rapport que plusieurs
m’ont fait, que les Sauvages de la grande riviere disent qu’és montaignes des
Iroquois il y a des petits hommes fort vaillans, lesquels les Sauvages plus Orien-
taux redoutent & ne leur osent faire la guerre’; and ibid. 714.

41 Cf. Rabelais, op. cit., II, 455-56: ‘‘vismes un petit vieillard bossu,
contrefait et monstrueux, on le nommoit Ouy dire... Autour de luy je vis
nombre innumerable d’hommes et de femmes escoutans et attentifs .. . d’entre
lesquels un pour lors tenoit une mappemonde, et la leur exposoit sommairement
par petits aphorismes, et y devenoient clercs et savans en peu d’heures, et par-
loient de prou de choses prodigieuses . .. ; des pyramides du Nil, de Babylone,
des Troglodites, des Hymantopodes, des Blemmyes, des Pigmées... et tout
par Ouy dire. La je vis... Jacques Cartier. ..et ne scay combien d'autres
modernes historiens cuchie: derriere une piece he tapisserie, en tapinois escri-
vans de belles besongnes, et tout par Ouy dire.”

4? Florio has, “ having tolde oure Captayne theyr Embassage.”

48 Saturday, April 29.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 223

homme?, qui luy avoyt faict desplaisir**. Ce que ne fist; ains
fut deux jours sans venyr, pendent lequel temps ne vint personne
es navires dudict Stadaconé, comme avoyent de coustume; mays
nous fuyoient, comme si les eussions voullu tuer. Lors appersumes
leur mauvaistié. Et pource qu’ilz furent advertys que ceulx de
Sitadin®*® alloyent et venoyent entour nous; et que leur avyons
habandonné | le fons du navire que laissions, pour avoyr le viel
cloud ‘®, vindrent tous, le tiers jour [ensuyvant*"] dudict Stada-
coné, de l’aultre bort de la ripviére, et passérent la plus-grand
partye d’eulx en petitz bateaulx, sans difficulté. Mays ledict
Donnacona n’y voullut passer; et furent Taignoagny et dom Agaya
plus d’vne heure a parlementer ensemble avant que voulloyr
passer, mays en fin [ilz] passérent et vindrent parler audict cappi-

> P has, celuy.
°From C. Aand B have, Stadin here while P gives, Sicadin.

gny to come and see him and let him know what he wished; and
that he [Cartier] would treat him well and would perform part
of what he asked. Taignoagny sent back word that he would
come on the following day, and would bring with him Chief
Donnacona and the Indian who had done him the bad turn‘*?.
But he did not do so and for two days no one from Stadacona
came near the ships, as they had been in the habit of doing, but
used to flee as if we were trying to kill them. Upon this we became
convinced of their knavishness. But on learning that the Indians
of Sitadin*® came and went among us, and that we had let them
have the hull of the vessel we were abandoning, that they might
secure the old nails*®, the people of Stadacona all came on the
third day*’ to the river-bank, and most of them crossed in their
canoes without hesitation. But Donnacona would not come
over; and Taignoagny and Dom Agaya debated together for
more than an hour before they would cross, but in the end they
did so, and came and spoke to the Captain. And Taignoagny
begged the Captain to consent to seize that Indian** and carry
him off to France. This the Captain refused, saying that the

44 Agona.

45 It doubtless lay on the Beauport shore. Vid. p. 196 supra.
48 Iron would be a great rarety.

47 Tuesday, May 2.

54°

224 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

taine. Et pria ledict Taignoagny le? cappitaine voulloyr prendre
et emmener ledict homme** en France. Ce que reffusa ledict
cappitaine, disant que le Roy, son maistre, luy avoyt deffendu de
non emmener homme, ny femme en France, mays. bien deulx ou
troyz petitz garcons°, pour apprendre le langaige; mays que vou-
luntiers l’emmeneroyt en Terre Neufve, et qu’il le meptroit en
vne ysle*®. Ces parolles disoyt ledict cappitaine pour les asseurer, |
et a celle fin d’amener ledict [seigneur] Donnacona, lequel estoit
demouré dela l’eaue. Desquelles parolles fut fort joieulx ledict
Taignoagny ‘, esperant ne retourner jamais en France, et promist
audict cappitaine de retourner le landemain, qui estoit le jour
saincte Croix*®, et amener ledict seigneur Donnacona et tout le
peuple dudict Stadaconé ®.

4 P has, ledict.

°P and C have, enfans.
! A has, Taignoaigny.
£P has, lieu.

king [Francis I], his master, had forbidden him tocarry off to France
any. man or woman but only two or three boys to learn the lan-
guage; but that he would willingly take him to Newfoundland
and set him upon an island*®. The Captain spoke thus in order
to calm their fears and to induce Chief Donnacona, who still
kept on the other side of the river, to cross over. Taignoagny
was much pleased at these words which made him hope he should
never go back to France, and he promised the Captain to return
on the following day, which was Holy Cross day*® and to bring
with him Chief Donnacona and all the people of Stadacona.

48 It should be borne in mind that at that time Newfoundland was supposed
to form an archipelago. Vid. p. 3 supra, note 1.

“9 Wednesday, May 3, 1536. Florio has here ‘“ Holyroode day ” which
name is usually given to the festival of the Exaltation of the Cross on September
14. The third of May is the festival of the Finding of the Cross.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 ZL9

COMMENT, LE JOUR SAINCTE CROIX, LE CAPPI-
TAINE FICT PLANTER VNE CROIX DEDANS NOSTRE
FORT; ET COMMENT LE? SEIGNEUR DONNACONA,
TAIGNOAGNY, DOM AGAYA ET LEUR BANDE VIN-
DRENT, ET DE LA PRINSE DUDICT SEIGNEUR. |

Le III® jour de may, jour et feste saincte Croix, pour la sol-
lempnité et! feste, le cappitaine fist planter vne belle croix, de la
haulteur d’envyron trente cing piedz de longueur!, soubz le croizil-
lon®® de laquelle y avoit vng escusson, en bosse, des armes de
France °!, et sus icelluy estoit escript en lettre atticque®?: FRA N-
CISCVS PRIMVS, DEI GRATIA FRANCORVM REX, REG-
NAT. Et celluy jour, envyron midi, vindrent plusieurs gens de
Stadaconé, tant hommes, femmes, que enffans, qui nous dirent
que leur seigneur Donnacona, Taignoagny, dom Agaya et aultres
qui estoient en sa compaignye, venoyent, de quoy fumes joieulx,
esperant nous en saisir. Lesquelz vindrent envyron deux heures
aprés midi; et lors qu’ilz furent arrivez davant noz navires, nostre

4 P has, ledict. iP has, de la. iC has, haulteur.

How on Hoty Cross DAY, THE CAPTAIN HAD
A CROSS SET UP INSIDE OUR FORT; AND HOW
CuIEF DONNACONA, TAIGNOAGNY, Dom AGAYA
AND THEIR PARTY CAME, AND OF THE CAPTURE OF
THIS CHIEF.

On [Wednesday] May 3, which was the festival of the Holy
Cross**, the Captain in celebration of this solemn feast, had a beauti-
ful cross erected some thirty-five feet high, under the cross-bar°°®
of which was attached an escutcheon, embossed with the arms
of France®!, whereon was printed in Roman characters®?: LONG

LIVE FRANCIS I. BY GOD’S GRACE KING OF FRANCE.

50 Florio has, “‘ crosset.”’

51 The three fleurs de lys.

52 Cf. Geofroy Tory, Champfleury. Auquel est contenu Lart & Science de la
deue & vraye Proportion des Lettres Attiques, quon dit autrement Lettres Antiques,
& vulgairement Lettres Romaines, etc., Paris, 1529. Lescarbot, op. cit., 1609,
p. 406 has added in the margin: ‘‘ Je croy qu’il veut dire Antique”. A cross
of similar dimensions and character was erected at the mouth of the Lairet in
1886. Vid. 1° et 2™° Bulletin du conité littéraire et historique du cercle Catho-
lique de Québec—Ciuvre du monument Jacques Cartier, Québec, 1888.

48493—15

55*

55Y

226 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

cappitaine alla saluer le* seigneur Donnacona, lequel pareillement
luy fist grand[e] chére, mays tousiours avoyt l’ceil au boys, et
vne | craincte merveilleuse. Tost aprés arryva Taignoagny|!,
lequel dist audict seigneur Donnacona, qu’il n’entrast poinct
dedans le fort. Et lors fut, par l’vn de leur[s]” gens, apporté du
feu hors™ dudict fort, et allumé pour® ledict seigneur. Nostre
cappitaine le pria de venyr boire et menge[r]? dedans les navires,
comme avoyt de coustume, et semblablement en pria ledict
Taignoagny, lequel dist que tantost ilz y yroient%; ce qu’ilz firent
et entrérent dedans ledict fort®?. Mays auparavant avoyt esté
nostre cappitaine adverty par dom Agaya, que ledict Taigno-
agny’ avoyt mal parlé®*, et qu’il avoyt dict au seigneur Donna-
cona qu'il n’entrast poinct dedans les navires. Et nostre*®
cappitaine, voyant ce, sortit hors du parc ot il estoit, et vyt que
les femmes s’en fuyoient par l’advertissement dudict Taignoagny *,

E P has, ledict. 1A has, Taignoaigny. ™ From A, P and C.
" C has, de hors. °P has, par. P From A, P and C.

4 P has, al entreroit; C, ilz entreroient. T A has, Taignoaigny.

®P has, nostredict. t A has, Taignoaigny.

And that day about noon several persons arrived from Stadacona,
both men, women and children, who told us that Chief Donnacona
with Taignoagny, Dom Agaya and the rest of their party were on
their way, which pleased us, as we were in hopes of being able
to capture them. They arrived about two o’clock in the after-
noon; and as soon as they came opposite to our ships, the Captain
went and greeted Chief Donnacona, who likewise was friendly
enough but kept his eye constantly fixed on the wood and was
wonderfully uneasy. Soon after ,Taignoagny came up and told
Chief Donnacona that on no account should he go inside the fort.
Thereupon one of their men brought out some embers and lit a
fire for their Chief outside the fort. Our Captain begged him to
come on board the ships to eat and to drink as usual, and also
invited Taignoagny, who replied that they would go presently.
This they did and came inside the fort®*. Before this however
our Captain had been warned by Dom Agaya, that Taignoagny
had spoken adversely®* and had told Chief Donnacona by
no means to go on board the ships. And our Captain knowing

53 Florio has, ‘‘ entred in our Shippes.”
54 Florio has, ‘‘ had spoken yll of him.”

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 227

et qu’il ne demouroyt que les hommes, lesquelz estoient en grand
nombre. Et [lors] commanda le" cappitaine 4 ses gens, prandre
ledict seigneur Donnacona, Taignoagny’, dom Agaya et deulx °|
aultres des principaulx, qu’il monstra; puis, que on fist retire[r] *
les aultres. Tost aprés ledict seigneur entra dedans [le fort] avecq
ledict cappitaine; mays tout soubdain ledict Taignoagny vint pour
le faire sortir. Nostre cappitaine, voyant qu'il n’y avoyt aultre
ordre®®, se print A cryer, que on les prynt. Auquel cry sortirent
les gens dudict cappitaine, lesquelz prindrent ledict seigneur et ceulx
que [l’Jon avoyt desliberé prandre. Lesdictz Canadians, voyans la-
dicte prinse, commancérent a fuyr et courir comme brebis davant
le loup, les vngs le travers la ripviére ®®, les aultres parmy le boys,
serchant chascun son advantaige. Ladicte prinse ainsi faicte des
dessusdictz, et que les aultres se furent tous retirez, furent mys
en seure garde, ledict seigneur et ses compaignons. |

P has, ledict.

Vv A has, Taignoaigny.
¥ P has, & de deux.
*From A, P and C.

this went outside the fort where he had been keeping and saw
that at Taignoagny’s warning the squaws were hurrying away,
and that none but men were left, who were present in considerable
numbers. At this the Captain issued his orders for the seizure
of Chief Donnacona, Taignoagny, Dom Agaya and two other
headmen, whom he pointed out, and he commanded that the
others should be driven away. Soon after the chief [Donnacona]
entered the fort in company with the Captain, whereupon Taignoa-
gny immediately rushed in to make him go out again. Seeing
there was no other chance®®, our Captain proceeded to call to
his men to seize them. At this they rushed forth and laid hands
upon the chief and the others whose capture had been decided upon.
The Canadians, beholding this, began to flee and to scamper off
like sheep before wolves, some across the river®®, others into the
wood, each seeking his own safety. When the above-mentioned
had been captured and the rest had all disappeared, the chief
and his companions were placed in safe custody.

55 Florio has, ‘‘ seeing that there was no other remedie.”
56 St. Charles,

48493—153

56”

56¥

228 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

COMMENT LES CANADIANS VINDRENT LA NUICT
DAVANT LES NAVIRES, SERCHER LEURS GENS, DU-
RANT LAQUELLE ILZ ULLOUYENT ET CRYOIENT
COMME LOUPS; ET LE PARLEMENT ET CONCLU-
SION QU ILZ FIRENT LE LANDEMAIN; ET DES PRE-
SENS QU ’ILZ FIRENT A NOSTRE CAPPITAINE.

La nuict venue, vindrent davant noz navires, la ripviére °® entre
deulx, grand nombre du peuple dudict Donnacona, huchant et
ullant®” toute la nuyt comme loups, cryant sans cesse, ago[u]hanna,
ago[ulhanna¥*®, penssant parler a luy. Ce que ne permist ledict
cappitaine pour l’heure, ny le [lendemain] matin®®, jusques en-
vyron midy; par quoy nous faisoient signe, que les avyons tuez
et penduz®®. Et envyron l’heure de midi, retournérent de rechef,
en aussi grand nombre que avyons veu de voyaige, pour vng coup,
eulx tenans cachez dedans | le boys, fors aulcuns d’eulx, qui

¥ From PandC. A and B have, agohanna.

How AT NIGHTFALL THE CANADIANS CAME OPPO-
SITE TO OUR SHIPS TO LOOK FOR THEIR MEN, AND
HOWLED AND CRIED ALL NIGHT LIKE WOLVES;
AND OF THE PARLEY AND AGREEMENT MADE NEXT
DAY AND THE PRESENTS THEY OFFERED TO OUR
CAPTAIN.

At nightfall a large number of Donnacona’s people came
opposite to our ships, the river [St. Charles] between us, howling
and crying®’ like wolves all night long, calling out incessantly,
Agouhanna, Agouhanna*®, in the hope of being able to speak to
him [Donnacona]. This the Captain would not then allow, nor
during the whole of the following morning®® until about noon,
on which account they made signs to us that we had killed or
hanged them®®. And about noon they returned in as great
numbers as we had seen during the voyage, prepared for a move
of some sort, and remained hidden in the wood, except a few who

57 Ramusio has, bdttendo, gridando & urlando, whence Florio’s “striking
their breastes, crying and howling.”

58 Vid. supra p. 121.

5° Thursday, May 4.

89 So Florio, “ hanged or killed hym."

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 229

cryoient et appelloient, 4 haulte voix, ledict Donnacona. Et lors
commanda le cappitaine faire monter ledict Donnacona hault,
pour parler a eulx. Et luy dist ledict cappitaine, qu’il fist bonne
chére, et que aprés avoyr parlé au Roy de France, son maistre, et
compté(r)* ce qu’il avoyt veu au Saguenay et aultres lieulx,
qu’il reviendroyt dedans dix ou douze lunes; et que le Roy luy
feroyt vng grand présent. De quoy fut fort joieulx ledict Donna-
cona, lequel* le dist es aultres, en parlant a eulx, lesquelz en firent
troys merveilleux criz, en signe de joye®!. Et a I’heure, firent
lesdictz peuples® et Donnacona entre eulx plusieurs predications
et serimonyes®, lesquelles il n’est possible de escripre, par faulte
de l’entendre?™. Nostre cappitaine dist audict Donnacona,
qu 'ilz vinssent seurement de |’aultre bort, pour mieulx parler en-
semble, et qu’il les asseuroyt. Ce que leur dist ledict Donnacona; |

” A and P have, compté. _ ® Pand C have, et.
> P has, ledict peuple. © P has, preschemens, lesquelz.
4 P has, possible d’entendre par faulie de langue.

called out and shouted aloud to Donnacona. At this the Captain
gave orders for Donnacona to be brought on deck to address
them. And the Captain told him [Donnacona] to be of good cheer,
for that after he had had an interview with the king of France,
his master, and had related what he had seen at the Saguenay,
he would be able, within ten or twelve moons, to come back, and
that the king would make him a fine present. At this Donnacona
was much pleased and in his speech mentioned it to the others,
who gave three great shouts in sign of joy®!. Then these people
and Donnacona made several harangues and went through various
ceremonies which, as we did not understand them, it is impos-
sible to describe®?. Our Captain told Donnacona that his people
might cross the river [St. Charles] in all security in order to con-
verse with greater comfort, and that he might reassure them. On
learning this from Donnacona, several of the headmen came along-
side our vessels in a canoe and began once more their harangues,
praising our Captain and making hima present of twenty-four strings
of wampum®, which is the most valuable article they possess in this

61 Vid. p. 130 supra, note 80.

62 Ramusio has, non é possibile descrivere per mancamento d’interpreti, whence
Florio’s, ‘‘ whiche for wante of interpretours cannot be described.”

68 Vid. pp. 160-161 supra.

57v

230 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

et sur ce, vindrent vne barquée des principaulx [a]° bort esdictz
navires, lesquelz, de rechef, commancérent a faire plusieurs presche-
mens, en donnant louange a nostre‘ cappitaine, et luy firent pré-
sent de vingt quatre colliers d’esnoguy *°*, qui est la plus-grand
richesse qu’ilz ayent en ce monde; car ilz l’estiment mieulx® que
or ny! argent. Aprés qu’ilz eurent assez parlementé et divisé, les
vngs avecq les aultres, et [veu] qu’il n’y avoyt remedde audict
seigneur d’eschapper, et qu’il failloyt qu’il vint en France, il leur
commanda que on luy apportast vivres, pour menger par la mer,
et que on les luy apportast le landemain. Nostre cappitaine fict
présent audict Donnacona de deux pailles d’arain®* et de huict
hachotz, et aultres menues besongnes, comme cousteaulx et pate-
nostres; de quoy fut fort joieulx 4! son semblant, et les envoya a
ses femmes et enffans. Pareillement donna ledict cappitaine 4
ceulx qui estoyent venuz parler audict Donnacona, aucuns petitz
presens, desquelz* remercyérent fort ledict cappitaine. A tant
se retirérent, et s’en allérent a leurs logis.

© From A and P. £ P has, nostredict.
®From C. A and B have here, enoguy while P gives as usual, Esurgny.
1 P has, plus. *P has, &. 4 P has, en. EP has, dequoy.

world; for they attach more value to it than to gold or silver.
When they had chatted and discussed matters together to their
heart’s content, and had seen that there was no chance for their
chief to escape, and that he would be obliged to go to France, the
latter commanded them to fetch provisions to eat at sea, and to
bring them to him on the following day. Our Captain presented
Donnacona with two brass kettles®*, eight hatchets and some
smaller objects such as knives and beads, at which to all appear-
ance he was much pleased, and sent them to his wives and children.
The Captain likewise gave some small presents to the Indians who
had come to speak with Donnacona, who thanked him extremely
for the same. After that they left and went back to their wig-
wams.

64 Cf. Palsgrave, op. cit., 171: “ palle, a pale.” Ramusio has, due padelle
di rame, whence Florio’s “ two frying pannes of Copper.”

’

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 231

COMMENT LE LANDEMAIN, CINQUIESME JOUR DE
MAY, LEDICT PEUPLE RETOURNA, POUR PARLER A
LEUR SEIGNEUR; ET COMMENT IL VINT QUATRE

‘\

FEMMES A BORT, LUY APPORTER DES VIVRES.

Le landemain, cinquiesme jour dudict moys, au plus matin,
ledict peuple retourna en grand nombre, pour parler a leur seigneur;
et envoyérent vne barque, qu’ilz appellent [en leur langaige]
casnouy®®, en laquelle y! estoient quatre | femmes, sans y avoyr
aulcuns hommes, pour le doubte qu’ilz avoyent que on [ne] les
retint, lesquelles apportérent force vivres, scavoyr: groz mil, qui
est le bled duquel ilz vivent, chair, poisson, et aultres prouvisions
a leur modde. Esquelles, aprés estre arriveez es navires, fist™
le cappitaine bon racqueul. Et pria Donnacona le™ cappitaine,
qu'il dist [ausdictes® femmes], que dedans douze lunes il retourne-
royt, et qu’il ameneroyt ledict Donnacona 4 Canada; et ce disoyt

1P has, az.

m™ P and C have, Lesquelles . . . leur fist, etc.

2 P has, audict.

°C has, esdictes. A and B give, gu’dl leur dist.

How on THE Morrow, May 5, THESE INDIANS
CAME BACK TO SPEAK WITH THEIR CHIEF;
AND HOW FOUR SQUAWS BROUGHT PROVISIONS ON
BOARD TO HIM.

On the following day, [Friday] May 5, at daybreak, the
Indians returned in considerable numbers in order to speak with
their Chief; and sent over a canoe, which in their language is
called casnowy®®, with four squaws but no men for fear lest we
should detain them. These women brought a large quantity of
food to wit: Indian corn (which is their wheat), fresh meat, fish
and the other provisions they use. The Captain received these
squaws well on board the ships. And Donnacona begged the
Captain to say to them that he would return within twelve moons,
and would bring Donnacona to Canada. He spoke thus to set their
minds at rest. The Captain did as requested, whereupon the
squaws pretended to be much pleased, and gave him to understand
by signs and words, that should he ever return and bring back

65 The modern Seneca word is gasna. Our form of the word comes to us
from the Spanish writers on America.

58”

232 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

pour? les contenter. Ce que fist ledict cappitaine, dont lesdictes
femmes firent vng grand semblant de joye, en? monstrant par
signes et parolles audict cappitaine, que mays qu’il retournast et
amenast ledict Donnacona et aultres, ilz luy feroyent plusieurs
présens. Et lors chascunes d’elles* donna audict cappitaine vng
collier d’esnoguy. Puis s’en allérent de l’aultre bort de la rip-
viére®*®, ot estoyent tout le peuple dudict Stadaconé; et se retiré-
rent, [prenant*] congé dudict seigneur Donnacona.

Le sabmedi, VI jour [dudict moys] de may, nous appareil-
lasmes du havre saincte Croix ®*, et vinsmes poser au bas de l’isle
d’Orleans®’, envyron douze lieues dudict lieu saincte Croix. Et
le dimanche &, vinsmes A l’isle es Couldres®*®, ot avons esté jus-
ques au lundi, XV(I)°’° jour dudict moys, laissant amortir les
eaues, lesquelles estoient trop courantes et dongereuses pour
avaller ledict fleave’!, [et attendans bon temps]. Pendent lequel

P P has, @ celle fin de.

4From PandC. A and B have, et.

* P has, dicelles.

*From P. A, B and C have, puys se retirérent et prindrent congé, etc.

Donnacona and the rest, the whole tribe would give him many
presents. After this each of them offered the Captain a string
of wampum. Then they retired to the opposite bank of the
river [St. Charles], where the whole population of Stadacona
was collected; and all withdrew waving farewell to their Chief
Donnacona.

On Saturday, May 6, we set sail from Stef Croix harbour ®®,
and came to anchor at the foot of the island of Orleans®’, some
twelve leagues from Ste. Croix. And on Sunday®® we reached
Coudres island ®®, where we remained until Monday, the fifteenth
of the month, to allow the spring-flood to moderate; for it was
too swift and dangerous to sail down the river’!; and we were

66 The St. Charles.

87 Still so called. On his arrival Cartier had called it isle of Bacchus (Vid.
p. 127, note 73). It was evidently named after Charles, duke of Orleans, the
third son of Francis I. Cf. Thevet, Cosmographie universelle, 11, 1011: ‘‘ Quant
a la grand riviere de Hochelaga, il y a dedans de tresbelles Isles, comme .

celle d’Orleans, ainsi nommee a l’honneur & memoire du feu Duc d’Orleans.”
88 May 7, 1535.
®9 Still called le aux Coudres. Vid. pp. 118-119 supra.
70 Monday was the fifteenth.
71 The St. Lawrence.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 233

temps, vindrent plusieurs barques des peuples subgectz audict
Donnacona, lesquelz venoyent de la ripviére du Saguenay’*. Et
lors que, par dom Agaya, furent advertiz de la prinse d’eulx, et
la fagon et maniére comme on menoyt ledict Donnacona en France,
furent bien estonnez, mays ne laiss¢érent 4 venyr le long des na-
vires parler audict Donnacona, qui leur dist que dedans douze
lunes il retourneroyt, et qu’il avoyt bon traictement | avecq le
cappitaine et compaignons’*. De quoy tous, 4 vne voix, remer-
ciérent ledict cappitaine, et donnérent audict Donnacona troys
pacquetz de peaulx de byévres et loups maryns’*, avecq vng grand
cousteau de cuyvre rouge, qui vient dudict Saguenay, et aultres
choses. Ilz donnérent aussi au cappitaine" vng collier d’esnoguy,
pour lesquelz presens leur fist le’ cappitaine donner dix ou douze
hachotz, desquelz furent fort contens et joyeulx, remercyant
ledict cappitaine; puys s’en retournérent.

“P has, Semblablement donnerent audict cappitaine.
Vv P has, ledict.
WP has, & en remercierent.

also waiting for fine weather. During this interval arrived several
canoes with Indians who were Donnacona’s subjects, who came
from the river Saguenay’”. And on being informed by Dom Agaya
of their capture and how and in what manner Donnacona was
being taken to France, they were extremely astonished; but never-
theless came alongside to speak to Donnacona, who told them
that within twelve months, he would come back and that he was
well treated by the Captain and the sailors’*. At this-all with
one voice thanked the Captain. And to Donnacona they gave

59v

three bundles of beaver and seal-skins’*, with a large copper knife -

from the Saguenay and other gifts, and presented the Captain
with a string of wampum. In return for these things the Captain
had ten or twelve hatchets given to them, which made them very
happy and contented; and they thanked the Captain and then
left.

72 The mouth of the Saguenay is about fifty miles from the lower end of
the ile aux Coudres.

73 Ramusio has, dal Capitano & compagni & marinari, whence Florio’s,
‘“‘ well used with the Captayne, Gentlemen and Mariners.”

74 Florio has, ‘‘ Sea Wolves Skinnes.”’

60F

234 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

Le passaige est plus seur et meilleur entre le nort et ladicte
ysle’® que vers le su, pour le grand nombre des basses, bancqs et
rochiers, qui y sont; et aussi qu’il y a petit fondz. |

Le landemain, XVI™° jour [dudict moys] de may, nous appa-
reillasmes de ladicte ysle es Couldres, et vinsmes poser a vne ysle‘°®
qui est A envyron quinze lieues de ladicte ysle es Couldres, laquelle
est grande, de envyron cinq lieues de long; et 14 posames* celluy
jour pour passer la nuyt’’, esperant, le landemain, passer’® les
dongiers du Saguenay, lesquelz sont fort grandz’’. Le soyr fumes
a ladicte ysle, ot trouvasmes grand nombré de liepvres, desquelz
nous eusmes quantité; et pour ce, la nommasmes J’isle es Liep-
vres®®. Et la nuict, le vent vint contraire et en tormente, tellement

=P has, passasmes.
,

The channel is safer and better to the north of this island’®
than to the south of it, where there are a large number of shoals,
bars and boulders, and where the water is shallow.

On the following day [Tuesday] May 16, we set sail from
Coudres island, and came to anchor at an island’® lying some
fifteen leagues below Coudres island. This island is about five
leagues in length. Here we anchored for the night’’, hoping on
the morrow to make our way through’ ® the dangers of the Sague-
nay [river] which are great’®. In the evening we rowed over to
this [Hare] island where we found a great number of hares, and
captured a quantity of them. On this account we named the
island, ‘‘ Hare island ’’°°. In the night, the wind veered around

75 Tle aux Coudres. This paragraph is omitted in P. Cf. Bayfield, op.
cit., 1, 282-83: ‘‘ North Channel stretches along the high northern shore of the
river, inside Coudres island ... This channel was formerly in general use, but
it is now little known to the majority of the pilots. It is broader than South
channel but the streams are much stronger... Altogether, South channel is
preferable for the general purposes of din Visgattaks yet North channel is good.”

76 Hare island, forty-one miles below Coudres island. It is eight miles
long and half a mile wide. Vid. p. 116.

77 Ramusio has, & dvi ci fermamo quel giorno nar riposar la notte, which
Florio rendered, “and there, to the ende we might take some rest the night
following, we staide that day.”

78 Ramusio has, passar & schifar, whence Florio’ s, “ passe and avoyde.”

79 Vid. p. 115 supra, note 31.

8° It is still called Ile aux Liévres or Hare island. These have since dis-
appeared. Cf. Sagard, Histoire, etc., 157: ‘‘ Proche de la est I’Isle aux lievres,
ainsi nommée pour y en avoir esté pris au commencement qu'elle fut decouverte,
mais a present ils y sont bien rare.”

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 235

qu'il nous faillyt” relascher a l’isle es Couldrez, d’ot? estions par-
tiz, parce qu’il n’y a®* aultre passaige entre lesdictes ysles. Et y
fumes jusques au [XXI™]> jour dudict moys, que le vent vint
bon; et tant fymes par noz journées | que nous passames jusques
a Honguedo*, entre l’isle de l’Assumption ®? et ledict Honguedo,
lequel passaige n’avoyt par [cy] devant esté descouvert. Et fismes
couryr jusques le travers du cap de Prato®’, qui est le commence-
ment de la baye de Challeur. Et pource que le vent estoit con-
venable et bon 4 plaisir, fismes porter le jour et la nuyt. Et le
landemain®* vinsmes querir au corps l’isle de Bryon®®, ce que
voullyons faire, pour l[’abrégé°] de nostre chemyn®*®. [Et sont]

¥ P has, convint. 2P has, dont. ®P has, avoit.

>From P and C. There is a blank here in A and B.

°From P and C., A and B have, la barge; P has, ce que ne voulions faire,
etc. where the negative is evidently a printer’s error for a contracted nous.
Vid., pp. 9, 26 and 28 of P for similar contractions.

into a head wind and blew with such violence that [on Wednesday,
May 17] we had to run back under the lee of Coudres island,
whence we had set out, as there is no other passage among these
islands. And there we remained until [Sunday] the twenty-first
of the month, when the wind came fair; and we made such good
headway each day that we passed down as far as Honguedo®!,
between the island of Assumption®? and this Honguedo, which
passage had never before been discovered. And we ran on until
we came opposite cape Pratto [or Meadow °*], which is the entrance
to Chaleur bay. And as the wind was fair and entirely in our
favour, we carried sail both night and day. And on the morrow ®?,
we found we were heading straight for the middle of Brion
island®, which was what we wished in order to shorten our route®,

81 Gaspé. See p. 103 supra.

82 Anticosti island. On their way up they had gone north of the island so
that this was the first time they had been through the passage to the south of
it between Anticosti and Gaspé. Vid. p. 104 supra.

83 Cap d’Espoir at the mouth of Chaleur bay. The cape was so named on
the first voyage in 1534. Vid. p. 58 supra.

84 Tn all probability Wednesday, May 24. It would take them quite three
days to sail from Coudres island to Chaleur bay.

85 Discovered and so named on the first voyage. Vid. p. 34 supra.

86 Cf. p. 35 supra. They wished to see if there was really a passage into
the Atlantic between Newfoundland and Cape Breton as they had supposed
on their first voyage.

60"

61°

236 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

gisantes les deux terres suest et norouaist, vng quart de l’est et de
l’ouaist; et y a entre eulx cinquante lieues. Ladicte ysle est en
quarente sept degrez et demy de latitude*’. |

Le jeudi, XXV(I)™? jour dudict moys, jour et feste de
l’Ascention Nostre Seigneur, nous traversames a vne terre et
sillon ° de basses araynes**, qui demeurent au surouaist de ladicte
ysle de Bryon, envyron huict lieues, par [des]sus lesquelles y a de
grosses terres, plaines d’arbres®®, Et y a vne mer enclose®”,
dont n’avons veu aucune entrée ny ouverture, par oti entre[r en]
icellef mer®4. Et le vendredi, XXVI%, parce que le vent
chargeoit 4 la couste, retournames a ladicte ysle de Brion, ot

4 Thursday was 25 May. Farther on Friday is correctly called the twenty-
sixth. For this reason a late hand has drawn a stroke through the last bar of the
VI in MS. B.

£ P has, pour entrer en icelle.

£P has, 27, but Friday fell on the twenty-sixth.

ht ge a
These coasts [Gaspé and Brion island] lie south-east and north-
west, one quarter east and west, while the distance between them
is fifty leagues. This [Brion] island lies in latitude 47° 30/87.

On Thursday the twenty-fifth of the month [of May], the
anniversary of the festival of our Lord’s Ascension, we crossed
to a coast and narrow strip of low sandy shore lying some eight
leagues to the south-west of Brion island*®. Beyond this low

- coast are high lands covered with trees*®. And there is also a

lagoon®® into which we saw no entrance or opening, by which

to enter the same®!. And on Friday the twenty-sixth, as the

wind began to blow off the sea, we went back to Brion island,

87 47° 48/,

88 This was East island, the most north-easterly of the Magdalen group, ten
and a half miles south-west of Brion island.

89 Cf, Bayfield, op. cit., I, 42-3: ‘East point, forming the north-east
extreme of Magdalen islands, is of low sand, inclosing several shallow ponds,
and having several sand-hills, some of which are near its extremity, while others,
of greater elevation and farther westward, extend in a chain nearly to North-
east cape. These last mentioned sand-hills are inland "; cf. also Clarke, op. cit.
plates II and XIV; and also pp. 36 supra, notes 22 and 24.

9° The Great Lagoon or Grand Entry harbour inside Grosse, East and
Coffin islands. Vid Clarke, op. cit. plate 2.

91 The entrance to Grand Entry harbour lies in behind Coffin island and
is extremely narrow.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 237

fumes jusques au premier jour de juing. Et vinmes querir vne
terre haulte’”, qui demeure au suest de ladicte ysle, qui nous appa-
ressoit estre vne ille; et la rangames envyron vingt deux lieues
et demye. Faisant lequel chemin, eusmes congnoissance de troys
aultres ysles®® qui demouroient vers les araines?*; et pareille-
ment lesdictes araines estre ille®*®, et ladicte terre?®, qui est terre
haulte et vnye, estre terre certaine, ce rabatent au norouaist°’.
Aprés lesquelles choses congnues, retournasmes au cap de ladicte
terre®®, qui'se faict A deulx ou trois caps®®, hautz 4 merveilles, et
grand parfond d’eaue?°°, et la marée si courante, qu’il n’est pos-

hP has, deux lieues & demye.

where we remained until [Thursday] June 1. And [setting sail
that day] we came to a high shore [Cape Breton island], lying
south-east of this [Brion] island, which appeared to us to be
an island, which we coasted for some twenty-two leagues. While
holding this course, we descried three other islands®* lying near
the sand-bars®*, and likewise perceived that these sand-bars
formed an island®®. This coast [of Cape Breton island], which
is high and flat, we saw to be mainland, which ran north-west °’.
After discovering this we made our way back?® to the point of
this coast where there are two or three very very high capes®’,
with great depth of water'°°, and the tide as strong as it is pos-
sible to meet?. We named this cape, which lies in 46° 30’, ‘‘ cape

92 Cape Breton island.

93 Alright, Entry and Amherst islands of the Magdalen group.

94The Magdalens.

95 That is to say, that the Magdalens were not mainland as they had sup-
posed on their first voyage (p. 35) but were really a group of islands. They are
called ysles des Arenes on the Desliens map and on the Desceliers planisphere.
The Homem map has, ille des Sablones. They are frequently mentioned in
Hakluyt (op. cit., III, 189, 191, 192, 193 and 195-201) under the name of Ramea
Glandsa Cf. p. Sor supra, niote: 20:

°6 Cape Breton island.

97 The variation of the compass here is now between 26° and 27° W.

98 This shows that they had ranged Cape Breton island from north to south.

°° Cape St. Lawrence, Black point, cape North, Money point, etc.

100 The depths here run from eighty to over one hundred fathoms.

1 Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., II, 214: ‘‘ Even with a smooth sea and in fine
summer weather, vessels are set in toward this coast; an effect which seems to
be due sometimes to the general current from the north-west ... and at other
times to the direction of the ebb stream from Northumberland strait’; and
also pp. 280-81 of the same work.

61%

238 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

sible de plus?. Nous nommames celluy cap, cap de Lorraine’ qui
est en 46 degrez 37.» Au su duquel cap, y a vne basse terre, et
semblant de entrée de ripviére, mais il n’y a hable qui vaille®.
Par sus lesquelles [terres], vers le su, demeure/ vng [aultre] cap de
terre, que nous nommasmes le cap de sainct Paoul, qui est en 47
degrez 14.

Le dimanche, IIII® jour dudict moys, jour et feste de la
Panthecouste, eusmes congnoissance de la coste d’est suest de
Terre Neufve, estant* & envyron xxii lieues dudict cap®. Et

iP has, Nous arrivasmes celluy iour au cap de Lorraine.
+P has, veismes.
KP has, qui estoit.

Lorraine”. To the south of it, the shore in one place is low as
if a river entered the sea there; but there is no harbour of any
value®. Beyond these headlands towards the south stands another
cape named by us “ cape St. Paul,’’ which lies in 47° 15’*.

On Sunday, the fourth of that month [of June], which was
the feast of Whitsuntide, we came in sight of the coast of New-
foundland, which runs east-south-east, and is distant some twenty-
two leagues from the above cape [North*]. And as the wind was
against us, we went into a harbour, which we named the “harbour
of the Holy Ghost ’®. Here we remained until Tuesday [June 6],

* Probably cape St. Lawrence, the north-western extremity of Cape
Breton island. Cf. Thevet, Singularitez, 399-400: “Il y a un cap appellé
de Lorraine, autrement de ceux qui l’ont decouuert, Terre des Bretons, prochaine
des Terres neuues...un espace de dix ou douze lieiies entre les deux... il
gist a la terre par deuers le Nort, laquelle est rengée par une mer Mediterranee.. .
Et depuis ledit cap allant a l'Ouest, Ouest et Surouest, se peut renger enuiron
deux cens lieiies, et tous sablons et arenes, sans aucuns port ne havre’; and
also his Cosmographie universelle, 11, 1010.

3 St. Lawrence bay between Cape St. Lawrence and Cape North; the
whole north-west coast of Cape Breton is harbourless.

*Cape North, the north-eastern extremity of Cape Breton island. The
name survives in St. Paul’s island thirteen miles out. It lies in latitude 47° 2’
and is really north of Cape St. Lawrence.

° The distance from cape North to cape Ray on the opposite side of Cabot
strait is fifty-six miles. Champlain (Works, I, 94,) gives the distance as eighteen
leagues.

®° Probably port aux Basques or Port Basque, seven miles and a half south-
east of cape Ray. Cf. Maxwell, op. cit., 224: ‘ Port Basque is barren and rocky
in appearance, but contains good anchorage for moderate-sized vessels, in a

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 239

pource que le vent estoit contraire, fumes 4 vng hable, que [nous]
nommasmes /e hable du sainct Esperit®, jusques au mardi, que appa-

reillasmes dudict hable, et rangames ladicte coste jusques aux

illes de sainct Pierre’. Lequel chemin faisant, trouvames | le

long de ladicte coste plusieurs illes et basses, fort dangereuses®,

estans en la routte d’est suest et ouaist norouaist, a 2, 3 et 4 lieues

A la mer®. Nous fumes ausdictes! ysles sainct Pierre!°, od trou-

vasmes plusieurs navires, tant de France que de Bretaigne, des-
puis le jour sainct Bernabé, XI° de jung, jusques au XVI° jour
dudict moys, que appareillasmes desdictes ysles sainct Pierre. Et
vinmes au cap de Raze!?, et entrames dedans vng hable, nommé

1P and C have, esdictes.

when we set sail and coasted along that [south] shore [of New-

foundland] as far as the islands of St. Pierre’. On our way along

that coast, which runs east-south-east and west-south-west, we

saw several islands* and some dangerous shoals, lying at a distance

of two, three and four leagues out to sea®. We remained at these

islands of St. Pierre’®, where we met several ships both from
France and from Brittany, from [Sunday] June 11, St. Barnabas’
day, until [Friday] the sixteenth of that month, when we set sail
from these islands of St. Pierre. And we came to cape Race!!

space nearly half a mile long and 1} cables broad, with from eight to ten fathoms
water, over mud.” The harbour was so named because Whitsuntide com-
memorates the descent of the Holy Ghost upon the Apostles. Vid., Acts, II.

7 Still called St. Pierre and Miquelon islands which belong to France to
this day. Formerly with Langlade they formed three islands.

8 Dead, Burnt, Wreck, Great Bruit, Burger, Ramea, Penguin islands,
etc.

9 Cf. J. B. Jukes, Excursions in and about Newfoundland, 11, London,
1842, 186-7: ‘“‘ The whole coast between La Poile and Cape Ray seems to
have been at one time or other strewed with wrecks. Every house is surrounded
with old rigging, spars, masts, sails, ship’s bells, rudders, wheels and other
matters. A ship’s galley lay at Port aux Basques.”

10 Cf, Jukes, op. cit., 1, 91: ‘‘ The harbour of St. Pierre consists of an
outer road, which is protected by several small islands and rocks from most
winds; and an inner harbour, which is smaller, and has a rocky bar that does
not allow of the entrance of anything larger than a brig of about 200 tons.”

11The south-eastern extremity of Newfoundland. It was most appro-
priately christened Cabo Razo or the ‘‘ Barren cape’ by the Corte-Reals. Vz
Biggar, The Precursors of Cartier, xvii.

62°

240 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

Rougnouse!”, ot prinsmes eaues et boys, pour traverser la mer;
et 1A laissames I’vne de noz barques!*. Et appareillasmes dudict
hable!*, le lundi XIX° jour dudict moys; et avecq bon temps
avons navigué par la mer, tellement, que le seixiesme™’* jour de
juillet [1536], sommes arrivez au hable de Sainct Malo, la grace
au™ Créateur, le priant°, faisant fin 4 nostre navigation, nous

donner sa grace et paradis a la fin; Amen.

mA has, seiziesme while P gives, 6 and C, VI™®. Lescarbot has also,
seziéme.

2 P has, du.

° P has, lequel prions.

and entered a harbour called Rougnouse +”, where we took on board
. wood and fresh water for consumption at sea. Here we left one
of our long-boats'®. And on Monday, the nineteenth of that
month [of June], we set forth from this [Renewse] harbour and
were favoured at sea with such good weather that we reached St.
Malo on [Sunday] July 161°, 1536, thanks be to God, whom we
implore on bringing our voyage to an end, to give us His grace
and His paradise hereafter. Amen.

12 Renewse harbour, ten miles north of cape Race.

13 Cf. MS. fr. 24269 in the Biblioth. Nat., Paris, fol. 55: “ Soit faict me-
moire de la mercque de mes basteaux et barques, que je laissé enla Terre Neeufve,
au havre de Jehan Denys, dict Rougnouse; Premierement, ilz y en a six qui
sont tout au cul du sac et quattre aultres qui sont 4 vne anse A main destre
comme on entre au destroict, la prochayne anse du cul du sac. Et plus oultre,
je laissé vne barque et vng basteau petit, 4 l’entrée du destroict auprés d’vn
jerfault.” This note was written in all probability about 1544 by Jehan Cordyer
of Rouen. Cf. also Hakluyt, of. cit., III, 195: “ We put in to Rogneuse to seeke
Shallops.”

14 Renewse harbour.

16 Palsgrave, op. cit. (edit. of 1530), fol. CXVIIY: “ Seixiesme, syxteenth.”

The reprint of 1852 (p. 372) is wrong here.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 241

ENSUIT LE LANGAIGE DES PAYS ET ROYAUMES DE HOCHELAGA 63"
ET CANADA, AULTREMENT DICTE? LA NOUVELLE FRANCE

HERE FOLLOWS THE LANGUAGE OF THE COUNTRIES AND KING-
DOMS OF HOCHELAGA AND CANADA, OTHERWISE CALLED

NEW FRANCE.
PREMIER LEUR NOMBRE DE COMPTER, FIRST THEIR NUMERALS.
_ Un. One. Segada. [O. Skéda
Deux. Two. Tigneny. [M. Tiggeni.]
Trois. Three. Asche. [M. Asse.]
Quatre. Four. Honnacon. [W. Enda.]
Cina. Five. Ouyscon. [H. Ouyche.]
Six. Six. Judaié4, © (H. Hondahéa.]
Sept. Seven. Aiaga.
Huit. Eight. Addegué. [MM. Satego.]
Neuf. Nine. Wadellon’. [O. Watlon.]
Dix. Ten. Assem§, [O. WAshen.]

ENSUICT LES NOMS DES PARTIES DU CORPS DE L’HOMME,
-NEXT THE NAMES OF THE DIFFERENT PARTS OF THE BODY

La teste. The head. Aggonosy *. [I. Akenontsi.]
Le frons. The forehead. Hetguenyascon. [W. Yen’tsa.]
Les yeulx. The eyes. Hegata". | (I. Okata.]

Les oreilles. The ears. Ahontascon. {H. Ahontta.]

La bouche. The mouth. Escahé. [H. Ascaharente.]
Les dentz. The teeth. Esgongay ’. | {H. Asconchia.]
La langue. The tongue. Esnache ¥. (M. Ennasa.] 4
La gorge. The throat. Agonhon%. (M. Ohonikwa.]
Le menton. The chin. Hebbehin. {H. Onhoinha.]
Le visaige. The face. Hegouascon’. [M. Oneyatsa.]
Les cheveulx. The hair. Aganyscon?, [M. Gagenia.]
Les bras. The arms. Ayaiascon. {H. Ahachia.]
Les esselles. The armpits. Hetnenda. [H. Etneinchia.] ?

P P has, appellée par nous.

"Chas, Judayé; P gives, Indahir.

™ P has, Madellon which can also be read in the MSS.
®C has, Assen.

*C has, Agonozy; P, Aggourzy.

"C has, Hetgata.

YP has, Esgougay.

¥ P has, Osuache.

x P has, Agouhon.

¥C has, Hegouscon; P, Hogouascon.
7 C has, Aganiscon.

1 Van Curler (op. cit., 100.) gives this word for “ nose.”’
2 Sagard gives this for “ sur l’espaule.”

48493—16 *

64"

242

THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

Les coustez. The sides. Aissonné.

L’esthomach, The stomach, Aggoascon ®, [H. Oiiachia.]
Le ventre. The belly. Eschehenda. [I. Osiahonta.]
Les cuysses. The thighs. Hetnegoadascon.

Les genoilz. The knees. Agochinegodascon®. [H. Ochinegoda.]
Les jambes. The legs. Agouguenehondé4, {H. Anonta.]
Les piedz. The feet. Ouchidascon °, {H. Achita.]

Les mains. The hands. Aignoascon, [M. Osnotsa.]
Les doidz. The fingers. Agenoga. [M. Gasnonge.]
Les ongles. The nails. Agedascon. P
Le vyt. Phallus. Agnascon f,

Le con. The womb. Chastaigné.

La barbe du menton. The beard. Ostoné,

La barbe du vyt. Hair of Phallus. Aggonsson.

Les coillons. The testicles. Xista. |

Vng homme. A man. Aguehan. [H. Augyahan.]
Vne femme. A woman. Aggouetté &, [H. Coenhechti.]
Vng garcon. A boy. Addegesta.

Vne fille, © A girl. Agnyaquesta. [M. Gakstestha.]
Vng petit enfant. A small child. Exiasta. [M. Gaksaa.]
Vne robbe. A dregs. Cabata.

Vn prepoinct. A doublet. Cozah,

Des chausses. Stockings. Henondouai. [H. Andéuha.] 4
Des soulliers. Shoes. Atha. {I. Ahta.]

Des [chemises]!. Shirts. Anigoua for Anigona].

Vng bonnet. A cap. Castrua [or Castona].

Ilz appellent leur bled. They call their corn. Ozisy*. [On. Uste’saa.]
Pain, Bread. Carraconny. [H. Caracona?.]
Eaue. Water. Ame. [H. Esmeu.]
Chair. Flesh. Quahouachon. ! {H. Auhoytsa.]
Poisson. Fish. Quejon. [I. Kentsion.]
Prunes. Plums. Honnesta. [M. Una’huste’.]®
Figues. Figs. Absconda.

Raisins. Grapes. Ozaha. [O. Hu °sa’ha.]4
Noix. Nuts. Quaheya. [M. Atnenha,]®
Senelles de buisson. Bush fruits. Aesquesgoua™ §,

4P has, Aggruascon.
> P has, Hetnegradascon.

°P has, A gochinegodasion.

4C has, Agouguenondé. Cf. the Huron form, Anonta.

©P has, Onchidascon.

'P has, A ynoascon.

£P has, Agrueste.

4 P has, Coioza.

iC has, Henondoa.

iB and C have Chausses again but P gives chemises.

XP has Osizy. 1C has, Quahoachon. ™ C has, Aesquesgoa.

1 Sagard gives this word for ‘“ une peau.”

* Bruyas, op. cit., 69, gives Gannataronni, “ faire du pain.” Cf.als Waugh
op. cit., 128.

3 Waugh, op. cit., gives this for “ mandrake.”

4 Waugh, op. cit., 128, gives this for the elderberry.

> Bruyas, op. cit., gives this for noyau.

® Cf. Waugh, op. cit., 127-129.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536

Petites noix.

Vne poulle.
Vne lamproye,
Vng saulmon.
Vne ballaine.
Vne anguille.

Vng escureul.
Vne couleuvre.
Des tortues.

Des ollyves.

Ils appellent le boys.
Feulhes de boys.

Ilz appellent leur dieu.
Donnez moy 4 boire.
Donnez moy 4 desiunef[r].
Donnez moy a soupper.
Allons nous coucher.

Bon jour.
Allons jouer.
Venez parler 4 moy.

Regardez moy.
Taisez vous.
Allons au bateau.

Cela ne vault rien.

Donnez moy vng cous-
teau.

Vng achot.

Vng arc.

Small nuts.

A hen.

A lamprey,
A salmon.
A whale.
An eel.

A squirrel,
A snake.
Turtles.

Olives.

They call wood.
Leaves.

They call their god.
Give me a drink.
Give me breakfast.
Give me supper.
Let us go to bed.

Good day.

Let us go and bet.

Come and speak to
me.

Look at me.

Silence.

Let us go to the
canoe.

That’s no good.

Give me a knife.

A hatchet.
A bow.

Undegonaha! for Un-
degocaha]. |

Sahonigagoa™.

Zisto.

Ondaccon.

Ajunehonné?®.

Esgneny for Esgue
ny].

CaiognenP.

Undegnesy 4,

Heuleuzonné [or Heu-
lenzonné*].

Honocohonda.

Conda.

Honga [or Houga®®].

Cudonaguy *.

Quazohoa quea.

Quazahoa quascahoa.

Quazahoa quatfrean"™.

Quasigno’, agnyda-
hoa.

Aigay.

Quasigno”Y caudy.

Asigny quadadya.

Quatgathoma,
Aista.
Quasigno quasnouy ™. |

Sahauty quahonquey
for quahouquey].
Quazahoa aggoheda.

Addogué.
Ahena.

243

{H. Ahonque2.]
(H. Ohuista 4]
[H. Einchetaon 4.]

649

[H. Askeendi.]

(H. Ohihoin.]
[{I. Onekentsi.]

[H. Ondata®.]

[M. Tag8atka8o.]
[On. Hisk.]

65°

(MM. Atokea.]

[MM. Aeana.]

2 P and C have Sahomgahoa.

°P has, Ainnehonne.

PP has, Catognem.

4 P and C have, Undeguezy.

™P has, Heuleuxime and C, Heulonzonné or Heulouzonné.
5 P has, Hoga.

tP has, Cudragny.

UP has, Quatfream.

YP has, Casigno.

WP has, Casnouy.

1 Cf. Waugh, op. cit., 123 where the Cayuga for hickory is given as Onen-
dogéa.

2 Sagard gives this word for outarde.

3 Sagard gives this word for escailles.

4Sagard gives this for ‘‘ autre gros poisson du lac comme barbeaux.”

5 In Cayuga the word for shrub is Ohonda. Vid. Schoolcraft, op. cit., 273,
n° 143: and the Mohawk for arbre is Garonta. Bruyas, op. cit., 94.

6 Cf. Waugh, op. cit., 117-119.

484938—163

68°

244

THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

Vne flesche. An arrow. Quahetan*.

Des plumes. Feathers. Heccon.

Allons a la chasse. Let us goa hunting. Quasigno donassené’.

Vng serf. A stag. Ajonuesta for Ajon-
nesta’”].

[De dains ilz dient que
se sont moutons, & les

They speak of does
as sheep and call

appellent®]. them. Asquenondo. [On. Scoenonto and
Vng liepvre. A hare, Sonohamda?. Skenondo.]
Vng chian. A dog. Aggayo.
Des oayes. Geese. Sadeguenda.
[liz appellent]* le chemin. They call a trail. Addé. [H. Hahattey.]

Ilz appellent la graine de
coucombres et® mellons.

Quant ilz veullent dire
demain, ilz dient.

Quant ilz veulent dire a
Dieu a quelcun ilz dient.

They call the seed of
cucumbers and me-
lons. Cascouda for Cascon-
da].
When they wish to say
to-morrow they say. Achidé.
When they wish to say

good-bye to any one

{H. Achietecque.]

they say. Hedgagnehanyga‘,
Chanter. To sing. Thegnehoaca. [On. Jorriehwecqua.]
Rire. To laugh. Cahezem °.
Pleure[r]. To cry. Agguenda.
Danscer, To dance. Thegoaca. | [On. Wachgoentha.]
Le ciel. The heavens. Quemhya‘, [M. Garonhia.]
La terre. The earth. Damga®,
Le soleil. The sun, Ysnay.
La lune. The moon. Assomaha,
Les estoilles. The stars. Signehoani.
Le vent. The wind. Cahonaj,
La mer. The sea. Agougasy *.
Eaue doulce. Fresh water. Amé, {H. Esmen.]
Les vagues de la mer. Sea waves. Coda.
Vne ille. An island. Cohena. [M. Grah8endo.]
Vne montaigne. A mountain. Ogacha.
La glace. The ice. Honnesca. [H. Ondescoye.]
La neige. The snow. Canysa !,
Froyt. Cold. Athau. [C. Otowi.]

x P has, Quahetam.

¥ P has, donassent.

2P has, Atonnesta.

* B and C have merely ung dain.
b P has, Sourhamda.

° P has, ou.

4C has, Sedgagnehanyga.

°C has, Cahezen.

£C has, Quenheya; P, Quenhia.
®C has, Daniga.

4 C has, Assommaha.

iP has, Siguehoham.

iP has, Cahoha.

k P has, Agogasy; C, Agogasi.
1P has, Canisa.

Chault.

[Grand merciz.

Mon amy.

Courez.

[Venez nagez.

Feu.

Fumée.

La fumée me faict mal
és yeulx,

Vng tel est mort.
Vne maison.

Ilz appellent leurs febves.

[Vung pot de terre.
Ilz appellent une ville.
{Nota que leur seigneur
a nom Donnacona et
quant ilz le veullent
appeller seigneur ilz
l’appellent.

Quant ilz veullent dire
injure a quelcun ilz
l'appellent Agojuda,
qui est 4 dire meschant
et traystre.

Villain.

[Cheminez.

D’o venez vous?

Donnez cela a quelcun,

Gardez moy cecy.
Oi est allé cestuy?
Fermez la porte.
Va quérir de l’eaue.

Va quérir quelcun.

Iiz appellent l’erbe de
quoy ilz usent en leurs
cornetz durant l’yver.

Il y a de groz ratz en leur
pays, qui sont gros
comme connyns, les-
quelz sentent le musq
et les appellent.

THE SECOND VOYAGE 1535-1536 245

Hot. Odayan™. (C. Otaiho.]
Many thanks. Adgnyeusce.]*
My friend. Aguiase®, (On. Ungiatschi.]
Run. Thodoathady. [H. Saratate.]
Come fora paddle. Cazigahoatte.]*
Fire. Asista°, [H. Assista M. Gatsista.]
Smoke. Quea.
The smoke hurts my

eyes. Quea quanoagné

egata. |

So and so is dead. Camedané. 66"
A house. QuanochaP. {H. Ganochia.]
They call their beans. Sahé. [On. Ossahéta.] *
The earthen pot. Undaccon.]* [M. Ondach.]
They call a town. Canada. (MM. Kanata.]

Note that their chief

is named Donna-

cona and when

they wish to call

him chief they say Agouhanna.]* [On, Hagoana.]
When they wish to

insult anyone they

call him agojuda

which means bad

and treacherous. Agojuda.
Ugly. Aggousay 4, {H. Ocauté.]
Walk along. Quedaqué. [H. Hahattey.]

Whence come you? Canada undagneny.
for undagneuy.]

Give that to some- Taquenonde. [H. Tanonte.]
one.

Keep that for me. Sodanadegamesgamy.

Where has he gone? Quanehoesnon. (H. Anahouénon.]

Shut the door. Asnodyan. {H. Senhoton.]

Go and fetch some Sagithemmé. é
water.

Go and fetch some- Achidascoué.]* {H. Chatitaquiey.]
one.

They call the plant Quyecta’. [H. Ayentaque.]

which they use in

their pipes during

the winter.

There are large rats MHoatthe.

in their country,

the size of rabbits,

which smell of

musk and are call-

ed.
[Herbe commune. Common plant. Hanneda.]* [M. Ohnehda.]?
™ C has, Odaian and P, Odazan. "C has, Aguyase.
° P has, Azista. P P has, Canocha.
4C has, Aggousey. *C has, Quiecta.

1 Cf. Waugh, op. cit., 110 where the Cayuga form is given as sahe‘da,’
2 Mr. Waugh tells me that this is the Mohawk for evergreen, the Onondaga

form being unénda.

66"

246

When a person is so
old that he can no

Quant une personne est
si viel, qu'il ne peult

THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

plus chemyner, ilz longer walk they

l’appellent. call him. Agondesta. [H. Agondachia.]
Mon pére. My father. Addhaty’. {H. Aihtaha.]
Ma mére. My mother. Adhanahoé.
Mon frére. My brother. Adhadguyn *. [H. Ataquen.]
Ma seur. My sister. Adassene"™. (H. Sataquen.]
Mon cousin. My cousin. Hegay.
Mon nepveu. My nephew. Yuadin. | {H. Hiuoitan.]
Ma femme. My wife. Ysaa.
Mon enffent. My child. Aguo [or Agno.]
Grand. Big. Estahezy.
Petit. Small. Estahagao’.
Gros. Large. Hougauda *,
Gresle. Thin. Houcquehin*.
Quant ilz veullent faire When they wish to

quelque exclamation make an exclama-

ilz dient. tion they say. Aggondée.
[Le soir. The evening. Angau.
La nuyt. The night. Anhena.
Le jour. The day. Adegahon.

ENSUIVENT LES NOMS DES VILLES SUBGECTES AU SEIGNEUR
DONNACONA.

HERE FOLLOW THE NAMES OF THE TOWNS SUBJECT TO CHIEF DONNACONA

Ajoasté. Thegadechoallé.

Thoagahen. Tella.

Sitadin. Thequenondahy [or Thequenoudahy.]
Stadaconé. Stagoattem.

Deganonda. Agouchonda.

Thegnignoudé [or Theguignondé.] Ochela.]*

Nota que leur seigneur, nommé Donnacona, a esté 4 vne terre, ot ilz sont vne lune a aller
avecques leurs barques, despuis Canada jusques a ladicte terre, en laquelle il y croist force cannelle

et girofleY.

Note that their chief named Donnacona has been to a country distant from Canada by canoe
one moon, in which land grow much cinnamon and clover.

Ilz appellent ladicte canelle
Le giroffle

Clover

®P has, Addathy.

t P has, Addagnin.

UP has, Adhoasseue.

Y Chas, Estahagoua or Estahagona.
WC has, Hougneuda.

*C has, Hocquehin.

They call this cinnamon Adotathny*,

Canonotha.

YP has: ‘‘ Ceulx de Canada disent qu’il fault vne lune a nauiger depuis

Hochelaga, iusques 4 vne terre ou se prend la canelle & le giroffle;” C gives:
“ Nota qu'il fault vne lune 4 naviguer avecques leurs barques despuis Hochelaga
pour aller a la terre ot se prent ladicte canelle et girofle.”

7P has, Adhotathny; C, Adothathny.

CARTIER’S THIRD VOYAGE
1541

The text here given is that first published in The
Third and last Volume of the Voyages, Navigations, -
Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation, etc.
Collected by Richard Hakluyt, Preacher, and sometimes
student of Christ-Church in Oxford, pp. 232-237,
London, 1600.

The words in square brackets are merely explanatory.

CARTIER’S THIRD VOYAGE, 1541.

THE THIRD VOYAGE OF DISCOVERY MADE BY
CaPTAINE JAQUES CARTIER, 15401. vNTO THE
COUNTREYS OF CANADA, HOCHELAGA, AND
SAGUENAY.

King Francis the first having heard the report of Captaine
Cartier his Pilot generall in his two former Voyages of discovery,
as well by writing as by word of mouth, touching that which hee
had found and seene in the Westerne partes discovered by him
in the parts of Canada and Hochelaga, and having also seene and
talked with the people, which the sayd Cartier had brought out
of those Countreys, whereof one was king of Canada, whose name
was Donnacona and others: which after that they had bene a
long time in France and Britaine? were baptized at their owne
desire and request®, and died in the sayd countrey of Britaine’.
And albeit his Maiestie was advertized by the sayd Cartier of
the death and decease of all the people which were brought over
by him (which were tenne in number) saving one little girle about
tenne yeeres old*, yet he resolved to send the sayd Cartier his Pilot
thither againe, with John Francis de la Roche’, Knight, Lord of
Roberval®, whome hee appointed his Lieutenant and Governour
in the Countreys of Canada and Hochelaga’, and the sayd Cartier
Captaine generall and leader of the shippes®, that they might

1 The true date is 1541. Vid. p. 264 note 1. Easter fell that year on 17
April.

2 Brittany. Cf. p. 179 supra note 20.

3 Vid. Collection de manuscrits relatifs a la Nouvelle France, I, 29-30.
Quebec, 1883 in 4°. 4 Vid. pp. 132, 143 and 191-192 supra.

5 His name was Jean Francois de La Roque, seigneur de Roberval.

® A small village near the forest of Compiégne in the department of the
Oise.

7 Roberval’s commission dated January 15, 1541 (N. St.) will be found
n Harrisse, Notes sur la Nouvelle France, 243-253 and also in Collection de
manuscrits relatifs a la Nouvelle France, 1, 30-36.

8 Cartier’s commission dated October 17, 1540 will be found in Grant’s
Lescarbot, 11, 182-187 and in Michelant et Ramé, Voyage de Jacques Cartier
au Canada en 1534, 2®me partie, 12-17, Paris, 1865.

249

250 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

discover more then was done before in the former voyages, and
attaine (if it were possible) unto the knowledge of the Countrey
of Saguenay ', whereof the people brought by Cartier, as is declared,
made mention unto the King, that there were great riches, and very
good countreys. And the King caused a certaine summe of money
to be delivered” to furnish out the sayd voyage with five shippes:
which thing was performed by the sayd Monsieur Roberval and
Cartier. After that they had agreed together to rigge the sayd
five ships at Saint Malo in Britaine*, where the two former
voyages had beene prepared and set forth. And the said Monsieur
Roberval sent Cartier thither for the same purpose. And after
that Cartier had caused the said five ships to bee built and furnish-
ed and set in good order, Monsieur Roberval came downe to
S. Malo and found the ships fallen downe to the roade, with their
yards acrosse full ready to depart and set saile, staying for nothing
else but the comming of the Generall, and the payment of the
furniture’. And because Monsieur Roberval the kings lieutenant
had not as yet his artillery, powder and munitions and other things
necessary come downe, which he had provided for the voyage,
in the Countreys of Champaigne® and Normandie®; and because
the said things were very necessary, and that hee was loth to
depart without them, he determined to depart from S. Malo to
Roan‘, and to prepare a ship or two at Honfleur®, whither he
thought his things were come: And that the said Cartier shoulde
depart with the five shippes which he had furnished, and should
goe before. Considering also that the said Ca[r]tier had received
letters from the king, whereby hee did expresly charge him to
depart and set sayle immediatly upon the sight and receit there-
of, on payne of incurring his displeasure, and to lay all the fault

1“ Which is beyond y® saults,” adds Hakluyt in a marginal note wherein
he merely repeats the statement made farther on in this name Relation (p. 256).
Vid. also pp. 170, 200 et seq.

2 Cf. Michelant et Ramé, op. cit. (1865), 2®™e partie, 25: “avoir esté

ordonné .. . quarante-cinq mil livres tournois pour emploier et convertir aux
choses necessaires pour telle espedition,” etc.
3 Brittany.

4In the sense of the goods furnished.

5 The old province between Troyes and Reims.

® The old province of which Rouen was the capital.
7 Rouen, the capital of Normandy.

8 At the mouth of the Seine opposite Havre.

THE THIRD VOYAGE 1541 251

on him’. And after the conclusion of these things, and the said

Monsieur Roberval had taken muster and view of the gentlemen,
souldiers, and mariners which were retained and chosen for the
performance of the sayd voyage, hee gave unto Captaine Cartier
full authoritie to depart and goe before, and to governe all things
as if he had been there in person: and himselfe departed to Hon-
fleur to make his farther preparation. After these things thus
dispatched, the winde comming faire, the foresayd five ships set
sayle together well furnished and victualled for two yeare, the 23.
of May, 15407. And we sailed so long with contrary winds and
continuall torments, which fell out by reason of our late departure,
that wee were on the sea with our sayd five ships full three moneths
before wee could arrive at the Port and Haven of Canada, without
ever having in all that time 30. houres of good wind to serve us
to keepe our right course: so that our five shippes through those
stormes lost company one of another, all save two that kept to-
gether, to wit that wherein the Captaine' was, and the other where-
in went the Vicount of Beaupre’, untill at length at the ende of
one moneth wee met all together at the Haven of Carpont* in
Newfoundland. But the length of time which we were in passing
betweene Britayne® and Newfoundland was the cause that we
stood in great neede of water, because of the cattell, as well Goates,
Hogges, as other beastes which we caried for breede in the Coun-
trey, which wee were constrained to water with Sider and other
drinke. Now therefore because we were the space of three mo-
neths in sayling on the sea, and staying in Newfoundland, wayting
for Monsieur Roberval, and taking in of fresh water and other
things necessary, wee arrived not before the Haven of Saincte
Croix in Canada ®, (where in the former voyage we had remayned
eight moneths) untill the 23. day of August’. In which place

1 Cartier.

2 The real date is 1541. The mistake doubtless arose from the year being
reckoned from Easter to Easter.

3 Probably Guyon des Granches, sieur de Beauprest or Beaupré and
brother of Cartier’s wife Catherine des Granches. Vid. Jotion des Longrais,
op. cit., 12.

4 Grand-Kirpon between Kirpon island and Newfoundland. Vid. p. 10
supra.

5 Brittany.

6 The river St. Charles. Vid. pp. 123-124 supra.

71541,

252 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

the people of the Countrey came to our shippes, making shew
of ioy for our arrivall, and namely he came thither which had
the rule and government of the Countrey of Canada, named
Agona?, which was appointed king there by Donacona, when in
the former voyage we carried him [Donnacona] into France?:
And hee? came to the Captaines ship with 6. or 7. boates*, and with
many women and children. And after the sayd Agona had
inquired of the Captaine where Donacona and the rest were, the
Captaine answered him, That Donacona was dead in France, and
that his body rested in the earth, and that the rest stayed there
as great Lords, and were maried, and would not returne backe
into their Countrey: the said Agona made no shewe of anger at
all these speeches: and I thinke he tooke it so well because he
remained Lord and Governour of the countrey by the death of
the said Donacona. After which conference the said Agona tooke
a piece of tanned leather of a yellow skin edged about with Esno-
guy® (which is their riches and the thing which they esteeme most
precious, as wee esteeme gold) which was upon his head in stead
of a crowne, and he put the same on the head of our Captaine,
and tooke from his wrists two bracelets of Esnoguy, and put them
upon the Captaines armes, colling® him about the necke and
shewing unto him great signes of ioy: which was all dissimulation,
as afterward it wel appeared. The captaine [Cartier] tooke his
[Agona’s] said crowne of leather and put it againe upon his [Agona’s]
head, and gave him and his wives certaine smal presents, signify-
ing unto him, that he had brought certaine new things, which
afterward he would bestow upon him: for which the sayd Agona
thanked the Captaine. And after that he [Cartier] had made
him [Agona] and his company eat and drinke, they departed and
returned to the shore with their boates. After which things the
sayd Captaine [Cartier] went with two of his boates up the river,
beyond Canada’ and the Port of Saincte Croix,® to view a Haven

1 Vid. pp. 220 et seq. supra.

* Vid. p. 227 supra.

3 Agona.

4 Canoes.

> Wampum. Vid. p. 158 supra.

® Hugging.

7 Vid. p. 103 supra note 69.

8 The river St. Charles. Vid. pp. 123-124 supra.

THE THIRD VOYAGE 1541 253

and a small river, which is about 4. leagues higher’: which he
found better and more commoditous to ride in and lay his ships,
then the former”. And therefore he returned and caused all his
ships to be brought before the sayd river’, and at a lowe water
he caused his Ordinance to bee planted to place his ships in more
saftie, which he meant to keepe and stay in the Countrey which
were three: which hee did the day following and the rest * remayn-
ed in the roade in the middest of the river® (In which place® the
victuals and other furniture were discharged, which they had
brought) from the 26. of August untill the second of September,
what time they departed to returne for S. Malo, in which ships
he sent backe Mace Jolloberte’, his brother in lawe, and Steven
Noel ®, his Nephew, skilfull and excellent pilots, with letters unto
the king, and to advertise him what had bene done and found:
and how Monsieur de Roberval was not yet come, and that hee

feared that by occasion of contrary winds and tempests he was

driven backe againe into France’.

1 The river of cape Rouge which enters the St. Lawrence from the north
at a point nine miles above Quebec.

2 The river St. Charles where they had passed the winter of 1535-1536.

3 Cape Rouge river.

4 The sense of this passage seems to be that at low water he had the cannon
taken out of three vessels and planted on shore while the vessels were moved
into the Cape Rouge river. The other two vessels, which subsequently returned
to France, were called the Saint-Brieuc and the Georges. Vid, Archivo General
de Simancas, Estado., leg. 373, fol. 42.

5 St. Lawrence.

6 At the river of cape Rouge.

7 Macé Jalobert. Vid. pp. 93-94 supra note 18.

8 Estienne Nouel, the second child of Jehanne Cartier and Jan Nouel,
born August 21, 1510.

® Cartier himself had encountered such exceedingly bad weather that he
supposed Roberval, being nearer home, had turned back. These two vessels
reached St. Malo on October 3. Jalobert at once set off to inform Francis I
of Cartier’s safe arrival in the river and to learn what were the king’s wishes
about taking re-inforcements to Cartier early in the year 1542. Vid., the letter
of the Spanish spy written on November 12 from Nantes in Archivo General
de Simancas, Estado, leg. 373, fols. 40 and 42.

254 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

THE DESCRIPTION OF THE AFORESAID RIVER AND
Haven!.

The sayd River! is small, not past 50. pases broad, and shippes
drawing three fathoms water may enter in at a full sea: and at
a low water there is nothing but a chanell of a foote deepe or
thereabout. On both sides of the said River there are very good
and faire grounds, full of as faire and mightie trees as any be in
the world, and divers sorts, which are above tenne fathoms higher
then the rest, and there is one kind of tree above three fathoms
about, which they in the Countrey call Hanneda”, which hath the
most excellent vertue of all the trees of the world, whereof I will
make mention hereafter*®. More[o]ver there are great store of
Okes the most excellent that ever I saw in my life, which were
so laden with Mast‘ that they cracked againe: besides this there
are fairer Arables®, Cedars, Beeches, and other trees, then grow
in France: and hard unto this wood on the South side the ground
is all covered with Vines, which we found laden with grapes as
blacke as Mulberies, but they be not so kind ® as those of France
because the Vines bee not tilled, and because they grow of their
owne accord. Morelo]ver there are many white Thornes, which
beare leaves as bigge as oken leaves, and fruit like unto Medlers”.
To bee short, it is as good a Countrey to plow and mannure as
a man should find or desire. We sowed seedes here of our Coun-
trey, as Cabages, Naveaus®, Lettises and others, which grew and
sprong up out of the ground in eight dayes. The mouth of the
river® is toward the South, and it windeth Northward like unto
a snake: and at the. mouth of it toward the East there is a high
and steepe cliff!°, where we made a way in maner of a payre of
staires, and aloft we made a Fort to keepe™ the nether Fort and the
ships, and all things that might passe as well by the great” as by
this small river’®. Moreover a man may behold a great extension
of ground apt for tillage, straite and handsome and somewhat

1 The river of cape Rouge. *The hemlock. Vid. p. 213 supra.

If the author did so, that portion of his narrative has not been preserved.
* Acorns. 5 Maples, in French érables. _ © Mild or sweet.

7 Medilar, the fruit of the mespilus, a genus of large, ornamental fruit trees.
8“ Or small Turneps,” as stated on p. 255. * Of Cape Rouge.
10 This high promontory is cape Rouge, so called from the reddish argilla-

ccous lime-stone of which it is almost wholly composed. Cf. Heriot, op. cit., 98.

11Defend. 12 The St. Lawrence. 18 Of Cape Rouge.

THE THIRD VOYAGE 1541 255

enclining toward the South, as easie to be brought to tillage as I
would desire, and very well replenished with faire Okes and other
trees of great beauty, no thicker then the Forrests of France.
Here wee set twenty men to worke, which in one day had laboured
about an acre and an halfe of the said ground, and sowed it part
with Naveaus or small Turneps, which at the ende of eight dayes,
as I said before, sprang out of the earth. And upon that high
cliffe wee found a faire fountaine very neere the sayd Fort: adioyn-
ing whereunto we found good store of stones, which we esteemed
to be Diamants!. On the other side of the said mountaine and
at the foote thereof, which is towards the great River? is all along
a goodly Myne of the best yron in the world’, and it reacheth
even hard unto our Fort, and the sand which we tread on is perfect
refined Myne, ready to be put into the fornace. And on the
waters side we found certaine leaves of fine gold as thicke as a
mans nayle. And Westward of the said River‘ there are, as hath
bene sayd, many faire trees; and toward the water a goodly Medow
full of as faire and goodly grasse as. ever I sawe in any Medowe
in France; and betweene the sayd Medow and the Wood are
great store of Vines: and beyond the said Vines the land groweth
full of Hempe which groweth of it selfe, which is as good as possibly
may be seene, and as strong. And at the ende of the sayd Medow
within an hundred pases there is a rising ground, which is of a
kind of slate stone blacke and thicke, wherein are veines of mynerall
matter, which shewe like gold and silver: and throughout all that
stone there are great graines of the sayd Myne. And in some
places we have found stones like Diamants, the most faire, pollished
and excellently cut that it is possible fora man tosee. When the
Sunne shineth upon them, they glister as it were sparkles of fire.

1 Doubtless the lime-stone of cape Rouge. Cf. Champlain’s Works, I,
129-130: “Il y a, le long de la coste dudit Quebec, des diamans dans des rochers
d’ardoise qui sont meilleurs que ceux d’Alangon:” and Thevet, Cosmog.
univ., II, 1015: ‘‘ Davantage s’y trouuent des pierres, tant en plat pays que aux
montaignes, lesquelles sont si belles, & bien taillees par la seule nature, que les
premiers qui les trouuerent, pensoient desia, comme ils m’ont dit, estre riches,
croyans que ce fussent de vrays Diamens, desquels elles ont la couleur & figure,
mais estans de pardega, ils se virent trompez; d’ot est venu le Proverbe, Voila
vn Diament de Canada.”

2 St. Lawrence.

3Some bits of the lime-stone of cape Rouge look slightly like iron-ore
when first broken off.

* Of cape Rouge.

256 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

How AFTER THE DEPARTURE OF THE TWO
SHIPPES WHICH WERE SENT BACKE INTO BRIT-
TAINE!, AND THAT THE FORT WAS BEGUN TO BE ~*
BUILDED, THE CAPTAINE PREPARED TWO BOATES

TO GOE UP THE GREAT RIVER” TO DISCOVER THE
PASSAGE OF THE THREE SAULTS OR FALLES OF
THE RIVER.

The sayd Captaine having dispatched two ships to returne
to carry newes, according as hee had in charge from the king®,
and that the Fort was begun to be builded, for preservation of
their victuals and other things, determined with the Vicount of
Beaupre’, and other Gentlemen, Masters and Pilots chosen for
counsayle, to make a voyage with two boates furnished with men
and victuals to goe as farre as Hochelaga’, of purpose to view and
understand the fashion of the Saults of water, which are to be
passed to.goe to Saguenay °, that hee [Cartier] might be the readier
in the spring to passe farther, and in the Winter time to make
all things needefull in a readinesse for their businesse. The fore-
said boates being made ready, the Captaine and Martine de
Painpont’, with other Gentlemen and the remnant of the Mariners
departed from the sayd place of Charlesburg Royal® the seventh
day of September in the yeere aforesayd 1540°. And the Vicount
of Beaupre* stayed behind for the garding and governement of all
things in the Fort. And as they went up the river!°, the Captaine
went to see the Lord of Hochelay!?, which dwelleth betweene

1 Brittany.

*St. Lawrence. This was the passage to the kingdom of Saguenay. Vid.
p. 170 supra.

3 Francis I. Cf. p. 253 note 9.

4 Cf. p. 251 note 3.

5 Cf. p. 152 et seq. supra.

® The mysterious kingdom of the Saguenay. Cf. pp. 170 et seg. and pp.
200 et seq.

7 Paimpont a village in the forest of the same name not far from Rennes
in the Department of Ille-et-Vilaine. :

8 The fort was doubtless so called after Charles Duke of Orleans, the second
surviving son of Francis I. Vid. p. 232 supra note 67. The Le Vasseur map
has Fort Henri Charles, thus giving the names of both sons.

94541,

10 St, Lawrence.
1! An Indian village in the neighbourhood of the present Portneuf, thirty-
two miles from Quebec. Vid. pp. 142 and 196 supra.

THE THIRD VOYAGE 1541 257

Canada! and Hochelaga: which in the former voyage had given
unto the said Captaine a little girle, and had oftentimes enformed
him of the treasons which Taignoagny and Domagaya (whom the
Captaine in his former voyage had caried into France) would have
wrought against him”. In regard of which his curtesie the said
Captaine would not passe by without visiting of him, and to let
him understand that the Captaine thought himselfe beholding
unto him, hee gave unto him two yong boyes, and left them with
him to learne their language, and bestowed upon him a cloake
of Paris red, which cloake was set with yealow and white buttons
of Tinne, and small belles. And withall hee gave him two Basins
of Laton*, and certaine hachets and knives: whereat the sayde
Lord seemed highly to reioyce, and thanked the Captaine. This
done, the Captaine and his company departed from that place:
And wee sailed with so prosperous a wind, that we arrived the
eleventh day of the moneth [of September 1541] at the first Sault
of water*, which is two leagues distant from the Towne of Tuto-
naguy*®. And after wee were arrived there, wee determined to
goe and passe as farre up as it was possible with one of the boates,
and that the other should stay there till it returned: and wee double
manned her to rowe up against the course or streame of the said
Sault. And after wee had passed some part of the way from our
other boate, wee found badde ground and great rockes, and so
great a current, that wee could not possibly passe any further
with our Boate®. And the Captaine’ resolved to goe by land to
see the nature and fashion of the Sault. And after that we were
come on shore, wee founde hard by the water side a way and
beaten path going toward the sayde Sauites, by which wee tooke

1 The region about the mouth of the St. Charles. Vid. p. 103 supra, note 69.

2 Vid. supra pp. 142-143 and 188.

3 Latten, a kind of bronze used in the middle ages for making basins, candle-
sticks, etc.

4 The rapid of St. Mary.

® This is the first appearance of this name which resembles the Huron
word, Tionontaté, ““ people byond the mountains.” It seems to have been a new
Huron-Iroquois village somewhere near the site of the old Hochelaga. See plate
XIV, and Journal of American Folk-Lore, VII, No. 24, p. 6. Boston, 1894.
Cf. also P. D. Clarke, op. cit., 1-2; Schoolcraft, op. cit., 91-94; The Jesuit
Relations, XXII, 212-14; Lescarbot, op. cit., 1609, pp. 700 and 865; and
especially Faillon, op. cit., I, note XVIII, 524-533.

6 The Lachine rapid. Cf. p. 169 supra, note 85.

7 Cartier.

48493—17

258 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

our way. And on the sayd way, and soone after we found an
habitation of people which made us great cheere, and entertained
us very friendly. And after that he [Cartier] had signified unto
them, that wee were going toward the Saults, and that wee desired
to goe to Saguenay, foure yong men went along with us to shewe
us the way, and they brought us so farre that wee came to another
village or habitation of good people, which dwell over against
the second Sault”, which came and brought us of their victuals,
as Pottage and Fish, and offered us of the same. After that the
Captaine had enquired of them as well by signes as wordes, how
many more Saulis wee had to passe to goe to Saguenay, and what
distance and way it was thither, this people shewed us and gave
us to understand, that wee were at the second Sault, and that there
was but one more to passe’, that the River* was not navigable to
goe to Saguenay, and that the sayd Sault® was but a third part
farther then we had travailed, shewing us the same with certaine
little stickes, which they layd upon the ground in a certaine dis-
tance, and afterwarde layde other small branches betweene both,
representing the Saulis. And by the sayde marke, if their saying
be true, it can be but sixe leagues by land to passe the sayd Saulis.

HERE AFTER FOLLOWETH THE FIGURE OF THE THREE SAULTS .

After that we had bene advertised by the sayde people, of
the things abovementioned, both because the day was farre
spent, and we had neither drunke nor eaten the same day, we
concluded to returne unto our boats, and we came thither’, where
we found great store of people to the number of 400 persons or
thereabout, which seemed to give us very good entertainment
and to reioyce of our comming: And therefore our Captaine gave
eche of them certaine small trifles, as combs, brooches of tynne and

copper, and other smal toyes, and unto the chiefe men every one

1 The kingdom of the Saguenay. Vid. p. 200 supra. .

* The Lachine rapid. ;

3 Since according to the second Relation (p. 200) the best route to the
kingdom of the Saguenay was up the Ottawa river, this would be the Long Sault
with the Carillon.

4 Ottawa.

> The Long Sault.

® It is unfortunate that Hakluvt did not give a reproduction of this drawing.

7 Back to the foot of the St. Mary rapid where the boats had been left.

THE THIRD VOYAGE 1541 259

his litle hatchet & hooke!, whereat they made certaine cries and
ceremonies of ioy. But a man must not trust them for all their
faire ceremonies and signes of ioy, for if they had thought they
had bene too strong for us, then would they have done their best
to have killed us, as we understood afterward. This being done,
we returned with our boats, and passed by the dwelling of the
Lord of Hochelay, with whom the Captaine had left the two youths
as hee came up the river, thinking to have found him: But hee
coulde find no body save one of his sonnes, who tolde the Captaine
that hee? was gone to Maisouna’, as our boyes* also told us,
saying, that it was two dayes since he departed. But in truth
hee was gone to Canada® to conclude with Agona®, what they
should doe against us. And when we were arrived at our Fort’,
wee understoode by our people, that the Savages of the Countrey
came not any more about our Fort as they were accustomed, to
bring us fish, and that they were in a wonderful doubt and feare
of us. Wherefore our Captaine [Cartier], having bene advertised
by some of our men which had bene at Stadacona® to visite them,
that there were a wonderfull number of the Countrey people
assembled together, caused all things in our fortresse to bee set
in good order: etc.

THE REST IS WANTING®,

Underneath the aforesaid unperfite relation that which
followeth is written in a letter sent to M. John Growte”
student in Paris from Jaques Noel of S. Malo, the grand
nephew of Jaques Cartier "’.

1 A kind of sickle. 2 The Indian chief of Hochelay.
3 This name does not occur elsewhere.
4 The French boys left by Cartier on the way up. Vid. p. 257.
5 The region about the mouth of the St. Charles. Vid. p. 103, note 69.
6 Vid. p. 252 supra.
7 Charlesbourg Royal at the mouth of the river of Cape Rouge. Vid. p.
256 supra.
8 This place was therefore still in existence. Vid. p. 124 supra, note 67.
®° This text will also be found in the reprints of Hakluyt’s, Principall
Navigations, III, 286-290, London 1810; XIII, 146-154, Edinburgh, 1889; and
VIII, 263-272, Glasgow, 1904.
10 Probably Jean Grout, sieur de La Ruaudaye, a well-known St. Malo
family. Cf. Jotion des Longrais, op. cit., 144.
11 He was the son of Estienne Nouel mentioned above (p. 253) and was born
February 5, 1551.

48493—173

260 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

I can write nothing else unto you of any thing that I can
recover of the writings of Captaine Jaques Cartier my uncle
disceased!, although I have made search in all places that I could
possibly in this Towne”: saving of a certaine booke made in
maner of a sea Chart, which was drawne by the hand of my said
uncle, which is in the possession of master Cremeur*: which booke
is passing well marked and drawne for all the River of Canada‘,
whereof I am well assured, because I my selfe have knowledge
thereof as farre as to the Saulis, where I have bene: The height
of which Saults is in 44. degrees®. I found in the sayd Chart
beyond the place where the River is divided in twaine in the midst
of both the branches of the said river somewhat neerest that arme
which runneth toward the Northwest®, these words following
written in the hand of Jaques Cartier.

By the people of Canada and Hochelaga it was said, That here
1s the land of Saguenay, which 1s rich and wealthy in precious stones.

And about an hundred leagues under the same I found written
these two lines following in the said Carde enclining toward the
Southwest. Here in this Countrey are Cinamon and Cloves, which
they call in their language Canodeta’.

Touching the effect of my booke whereof I spake unto you,
it is made after the maner of a sea Chart, which I have delivered
to my two sonnes Michael and John, which at this present are in
Canada. If at their returne, which will be God willing about
Magdalene tyde®, they have learned any new thing worthy the
writing, I will not faile to advertise you thereof.

Your loving Friend,
Jaques Noel?®.

1 Cartier died on the first of September, 1557. Joiion des Longrais, op
cit., 106-7. The statement in the text would lead one to infer that Cartier
looked upon himself as the author of these Relations. Cf. Faillon, op. cit.,
I, note XVII, 523-4, and Introduction, pp. XII-XIII.

2St. Malo.

8 Jan Jocet, sieur de Cremeur, then Constable of St. Malo. Vid., Joiion
des Longrais, op. cit., 147, note 2.

“The St. Lawrence. Cf. p. 108, note 91. ° The Lachine rapid lies in 45° 25’.

® The Ottawa, which enters the St. Lawrence just above the Lachine rapid.

7 Cf. pp. 203 and 246 supra.

8 July 22; but the year in which the letter was written is not given.

° Vid. p. 259, note 11. This text will also be found in the various reprints
of Hakluyt, vol. III, 290-291, London, 1810; vol. XIII, 155-156, Edinburgh,
1889; and VIII, 272-273 Glasgow, 1904.

ROBERVAL’S VOYAGE, 1542-1543

The text here given is that first published in The
Third and last Volume of the Voyages, Navigations,
Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation, etc.,
collected by Richard Hakluyt, pp. 240-242 London,
1600.

ROBERVAL’S VOYAGE, 1542-1543

Tue VoyaGE or JoHN FRANCIS DE LA Rocus!, KNIGHT,
Lorp or RoBERVAL’ TO THE COUNTRIES OF CANADA’,
SaGuENAI’, AND HocHELAGA’, WITH THREE TALL SHIPS,
AND TWO HUNDRED PERSONS, BOTH MEN, WOMEN, AND
CHILDREN, BEGUN IN APRIL, 1542. IN WHICH PARTS HE RE-
MAYNED THE SAME SUMMER, AND ALL THE NEXT WINTER.

Sir John Francis de la Roche, knight, lord of Roberval, ap-
poynted by the king® as his Lieutenant general in the countreis
of Canada, Saguenay, and Hochelaga, furnished 3 tall Ships,
chiefly at the kings cost’: And having in his fleete 200. persons,
aswel men as women, accompanied with divers gentlemen of qualitie,
as namely with Monsieur Saine-terre his lieutenant ®, |’Espiney
his Ensigne®, captain Guinecourt, Monsieur Noirefontaine?®,
Dieu lamont, Frote!!, la Brosse!?, Francis de Mire, la Salle??,
and Roieze and John Alfonse of Xanctoigne!* an excellent pilot,

1 Jean Francois de La Roque. 2 Vid. p. 249, notes 5 and 6.

3 Vid. p. 103 supra, note 69. 4 Vid. p. 170 supra, note 92.

5 Vid. pp. 148 supra et seg. °FrancisI. Cf. p. 249 supra, notes 7 and 8.

7 Cf. p. 250, note 2.

8 Paul d’Aussillon, seigneur de Sauveterre in the Department of Tarn,
near Castres. Vid Biblioth. Nat., Piéces orig., 147; and Harrisse Notes, etc.,
254-258 and 272-77.

® Perhaps Nicolas de Lespinay, seigneur de Neufville sur le Wault. There
was another branch at La Fraye not far from Roberval. Vid. Biblioth. Nat.,
Piéces originales, vol. 1697, Nos. 5 and 6.

10 Probably one of the children of Jean de Noirefontaine, seigneur du Buis-
son et du Vouciennes, two places near Chalons-sur-Marne. Vid. Biblioth. Nat.,
Dossiers Bleus 496, n° 12846.

11 Probably a son of Jacques de Frotté, President of the Parliament of
Paris, whose wife’s mother was a La Brosse.

12 Perhaps a son of Pierre de La Brosse. Vid. Biblioth. Nat., Cabinet
d’Hozier 68, n° 1760.

13 Probably Jean de La Salle, “homme d’armes de la compagnie dont avoit
charge et conduite Monsieur le Baron de Curton,’’ and who by a commission
dated February 16, 1542 (N. St.) was ordered to muster this company at Tré-
guier not far from St. Malo. Vid. Biblioth. Nat., Carrés d’Hozier 569, fol. 263.

14 Jean Alfonse of Saintonge. Vid. Biggar, op. cit., 222-226.

263

264 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

-set sayle from Rochel the 16. of April 15421. The same day about
noone we came athwart of Chefe de boys”, where we were enforced
to stay the night following. On Munday the seventeenth of the
sayde Moneth wee departed from Chefe de boys. The winde
served us notably for a time: but within fewe days it came quite
contrary, which hindered our iourney for a long space: For wee
were suddenly enforced to turne backe, and to seeke Harborough
in Belle Isle, on the coast of Bretaigne*, where wee stayed so
long*, and had such contrary weather by the way®, that wee
could not reach Newfound lande, untill the seventh of June. The
eight of this Moneth wee entred into the Rode of Saint John,
where wee founde seventeene Shippes of fishers®. While wee
made somewhat long abode heere, Jaques Cartier and his com-
pany returning from Canada, whither hee was sent with five
sayles the yeere before’, arrived in the very same Harbour. Who,
after hee had done his duetie to our Generall, tolde him that hee
had brought certaine Diamonts, and a quantitie of Golde ore,
which was found in the Countrey. Which ore the Sunday next
ensuing® was tryed in a Furnace, and found to be good.
Furthermore, hee® enformed the Generall1® that hee® could
not with his small company withstand the Savages, which went
about dayly to annoy him??: and that this was the cause of his

1La Rochelle on the west coast of France. The date of 1542 shows that
the year 1540 given in Cartier’s third Relation (p. 249 supra) should be 1541,
since they met in the next year 1542 in the harbour of St. John’s. They left
on a Sunday.

2 Chef de Baie, the point of the mainland at the north-west corner of the
bay of La Rochelle. Cf. Lescarbot, op. cit., 1609, p. 558: “ & A Chef-de-bois
qui sont les endroits ot les navires se mettent a l’abri des vents.”

® Belle Isle on the coast of Brittany off the mouth of the Loire, is
nine miles and a quarter long by five miles wide at its broadest part. The two
main harbours lying on the west coast are Port Sauzons and Le Palais.

4 We are not told when they finally set sail.

> This is on the voyage across the Atlantic.

° From the time of the voyages of the Cabots and of the Corte-Reals in
1498 and in 1501-3, St. John’s had became a great centre for the cod-fishing
trade. Vid. the Revue Hispanique, X, 534 et seq.

7 That is 1541 as mentioned above pp. 249 et seq.

8 Probably Sunday, June 18.

® Cartier.

10 Roberval who was his superior. Cartier had merely been appointed the
Master-pilot of the expedition. Vid. p. 249 supra, notes 7 and 8.
11 Cf, p. 259 supra.

ROBERVAL’S VOYAGE, 1542-1543 265

returne into France. Neverthelesse, hee and his company com-
mended the Countrey to bee very rich and fruitfull. But when
our Generall being furnished with sufficient forces, commaunded
him to goe backe againe with him, hee [Cartier] and his company,
mooved as it seemeth with ambition, because they would have
all the glory of the discoverie of those partes themselves, stole
privily away the next night from us, and without taking their
leaves, departed home for Bretaigne!.

Wee spent the greatest part of June in this Harbour of Saint
John, partly in furnishing our selves with fresh water, whereof
wee stoode in very great neede by the way”, and partly in com-
posing and taking up * of a quarell betweene some of our Countrey-
men, and certaine Portugals*. At length, about the last of the
aforesayde Moneth®, wee departed hence, and entred into the
Grand Baye®, and passed by the Isle of Ascension’: and finally
arrived foure leagues Westward of the Isle of Orleans®. In this
place wee found a convenient Harbour for our shipping’, where
wee cast anchor, went a shoare with our people, and chose out
a convenient place to fortifie our selves in, fitte to commaund the
mayne River!®, and of strong situation against all invasion of
enemies. Thus towarde the ende of July, wee brought our vic-
tuals and other munitions and provisions on shore, and began to
travaile in fortifying of our selves??.

1 Brittany. This dukedom had only been formally annexed to France in 1532.

2 That is they had run short of fresh water on the voyage out.

3 Settling and putting an end to.

4 Portuguese fishermen no doubt formed a portion of the
shippes of fishers’’ mentioned above p. 264.

5 June, 1542.

® The gulf of St. Lawrence inside the strait of Belle Isle. Cf. p. 76 supra.

7 Anticosti, which Cartier had named the “‘ island of Assumption,” (p. 104
supra). Alfonse, who was with Roberval, also calls it Ascension. Appendix
II, p. 286 infra.

8So named by Cartier. Vid. p. 126 and 232 supra. Roberval doubtless
took possession of the buildings erected by Cartier at Cape Rouge.

® The river of Cape Rouge.

“* seventeene

10 The St. Lawrence. This shows they were at the mouth of a tributary. .
is *

”

of that river and the one ‘‘ foure leagues Westward of the Isle of Orleans
the river of Cape Rouge.

11 They had probably to do little more than repair Cartier’s buildings,

which had consisted (Cf. p. 254) of a fort on the top of Cape Rouge and of a
“nether fort’ below. The absence of all mention of these in this Relation is
significant.

266 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

OF THE ForT OF FRANCE-ROY, AND THAT WHICH
WAS DONE THERE.

Having described the beginning, the middest, and the ende of
the Voyage made by Monsieur Roberval in the Countreyes of
Canada, Hochelaga, Saguenay, and other Countreyes in the West
partes: He sayled so farre, (as it is declared in other bookes) that
hee arrived in the sayde Countrey, accompanyed with two hundred
persons, souldiers, mariners, and common people, with all furni-
ture! necessary for a Fleete. The sayde Generall? at his first
arrivall built? a fayre Fort, neere and somewhat Westward above
Canada‘, which is very beautifull to beholde, and of great force,
situated upon an high mountaine®, wherein there were two courtes
of buyldings, a great Towre, and another of fortie or fiftie foote
long: wherein there were divers Chambers, an Hall, a Kitchine,
houses of office®, Sellers high and lowe, and neere unto it were
an Oven’ and Milles, and a stoove to warme men in, and a Well
before the house. And the buylding was situated upon the great
River of Canada, called France prime by Monsieur Roberval ®.
There was also at the foote of the mountaine another lodging,
part whereof was a great Towre of two stories high, two courtes
of good buylding, where at the first all our victuals, and what-
soever was brought with us was sent to be kept*®: and neere unto
that Towre there is another small river!®. In these two places
above and beneath, all the meaner sort was lodged.

1 Stores.

? Roberval.

’ This seems unlikely, unless Cartier’s buildings had been destroyed at
his departure.

4 Quebec and the mouth of the St. Charles. Vid. p. 103 supra, note 69,

5 Cape Rouge.

6“ A name given” says Worcester, Dictionary, s.v., ‘to the pantry,
scullery, wash-house, store-rooms, and necessary out-houses, conveniences and
subordinate buildings of a detached dwelling-house.”

7 Cf. Ferland, op. cit., I, 44, note 1: ‘ Des excavations récentes [1861], prés
de l’embouchure de la riviére du Cap-Rouge, ont fait découvrir, 4 huit ou neuf
pieds audessous de la surface du sol, un four A chaux encore rempli de pierres
calcaires, 4 demi brilées.”’

8 The St. Lawrence. Cf. p. 108 supra, note 91.

’ This is tantamount to admitting that on their arrival they installed them-
selves in Cartier’s old ‘‘ nether fort.”

10 The river of Cape Rouge.

ROBERVAL’S VOYAGE, 1542-1543 267

And in the Moneth of August, and in the beginning of Sept-
ember every man was occupied in such woorke as eche one was
able to doe. But the fourteenth of September, our aforesayde
Generall, sent backe into France two Shippes which had brought
his furniture?, and he appoynted for Admirall Monsieur de Saine-
terre, and the other captaine was Monsieur Guine-court, to carie
newes unto the King, and to come backe againe unto him ®* the yeere
next ensuing *, furnished with victuals and other things, as it should
please the King: and also to bring newes out of France how the
King accepted certaine Diamants which were sent him®, and were
found in this countrey.

After these two Shippes were departed, consideration was
had how they should doe, and how they might passe out the
Winter in this place. First they tooke a view of the victuals, and
it was found that they fell out short®: and they were scantled’
so, that in eche messe® they had but two loaves weighing a pound
a piece, and halfe a pound of biefe. They ate Bacon at dinner
with halfe a pound of butter: and Biefe at supper, and about two
handfuls of Beanes without butter.

On the Wednesday, Friday, and Saturday they did eate dry
Cod, and sometimes they did eate it greene? at dinner with butter,
and they ate of Porposes and beanes at supper.

About that time the Savages brought us great store of
Aloses!°, which is a fish somewhat redde like a Salmon, to get
knives and other small trifles for them !?

In the ende many of our people fell sicke of a certaine disease!”
in their legges, reynes!*, and stomacke, so that they seemed to bee
deprived of all their lymmes, and there dyed thereof about fiftie.

Note that the yce began to breake up in April!*.

1 Stores. 2 Vid. p. 263 note 8. * Roberval. 41543.
5 This is Roberval’s euphemistic way of explaining Cartier’s precipitate
return in the manner mentioned above p. 265.
® This was doubtless partly due to the three months lost on the voyage out.
7 Broken up into small portions.
8 That is in the mess below in the building on the river of Cape Rouge and
in the one on the cliff above.
® That is uncured. 10 The common shad. 11 The aloses.
12 Doubtless the scurvy which had also attacked Cartier’s men in 1535-1536.
Vid. pp. 204 et seg. supra.
18 The loins. 141543, That is the ice in the St. Lawrence. Cf. p. 217 supra.

268 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

Monsieur Roberval used very good iustice, and punished
every man according to his offence. One whose name was Michael
Gaillon, was hanged for his theft. John of Nantes’ was layde in
yrons, and kept prisoner for his offence, and others also were put
in yrons, and divers were whipped, as well men as women: by
which meanes they lived in quiet.

THE MANERS OF THE SAVAGES.

To declare unto you the state of the Savages, they are people
of a goodly stature, and well made, they are very white”, but they
are all naked: and if they were apparelled as the French are, they
would bee as white and as fayre: but they paynt themselves for
feare of heat and sunne burning’.

In stead of apparell, they weare skinnes upon them like
mantles; and they have a small payre of breeches, wherewith
they cover their privities, as well men as women. They have
hosen and shooes of lether excellently made*. And they have
no shirts: neither cover they their heads, but their hayre is trussed
up above the crowne of their heads, and palyted or broyded®.
Touching their victuals, they eate good meate, but all unsalted,
but they drye it, and afterward they broyle it, aswell fish as
flesh. They have no certaine dwelling place, and they goe from
place to place, as they thinke they may best finde foode®, as
Aloses’ in one place, and other fish, Salmons, Sturgions, Mullets,
Surmullets*®, Barz®, Carpes, Eeles, Pinperneaux!®, and other fresh
water fish, and store of Porposes. They feede also of Stagges,
wilde Bores, Bugles", Porkespynes”, and store of other wilde
beastes. And there is as great store of Fowle as they can desire.

1A large town at the mouth of the Loire.
* The real colour of the Indian is a reddish-brown.
3 Cf. Peter Jones, op. cit., 63.
4 Vid. p. 181 supra. On the Indian moccasin, vid. Morgan, op. cit., II,
12, and ibid. I, 252 et seq. for the other articles of apparel.
5 Vid. p. 61 supra.
® Vid. pp. 23 and 62 supra.
7 The common chad. Cf. p. 267 supra.
8 The red mullet.
® The maigre.
10 Perhaps water pimpernel, a species of water plant.
11 This was no doubt the moose,
12 Porcupines.

ROBERVAL’S VOYAGE, 1542-1543 269

Touching their bread, they make very good: and it is of
great myll: and they live very well; for they take care for nothing
else.

They drinke Seale oyle, but this is at their great feasts.

They have a King in every Countrey, and are wonderfull
obedient unto him?: and they doe him honour according unto
their maner and fashion. And when they travayle from place to
place, they cary all their goods with them in their boates?.

The weomen nurse their children with the breast, and they
sit continually, and are wrapped about the bellies with skinnes
of furre. .

THE VOYAGE OF MONSIEUR ROBERVAL FROM
HIS ForRT IN CANADA UNTO SAGUENAY, THE
FIFTH OF JUNE, 1543.

Monsieur Roberval the kings Lieutenant generall in the
Countries of Canada, Saguenay, and Hochelaga, departed toward
the said province of Saguenay* on the Tuesday the 5. day of
June 1543. after supper: and he with all his furniture* was
imbarked to make the sayd voyage. But upon a certaine occasion
they lay in the Rode over against the place before mentioned ?:
but on the Wednesday ® about sixe of the clocke in the morning
they set sayle, and sayled against the streame’: in which voyage
their whole furniture® was of eight barks®, aswell great as small,
and to the number of threescore and ten persons, with the afore-
sayd Generall?°, ~

1 The Indian chief’s lack of authority was notorious.

? The birchbark canoes.

3 Vid. p. 170 supra, note 92.

4 Stores.

5 The fort of France-Roy at the mouth of the river of Cape Rouge.

6 June 6, the following day.

7 They consequently went up the St. Lawrence, not down it to the Saguenay
river. The choice of the name Roberval for the village on Lake St. John has no
foundation in history.

8 Flotilla.

® Long-boats which could be worked with oars or sails.

10 Roberval.

270 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

The Generall left behinde him in the aforesayde place and
Fort thirtie persons to remayne there untill his returne from
Saguenay, which hee appoynted to bee the first of July’, or else
they should returne into France. And hee left there behinde him
but two Barkes to cary the sayde thirtie persons, and the furni-
ture which was there, while hee stayed still in the Countrey’.

And for effectuating hereof, he left as his Lieutenant a gentle-
man named Monsieur de Royeze, to whom he gave commission,
and charged all men to obey him, and to be at the commandement
of the sayd lietitenant.

The victuals which were left for their mayntenance untill
the sayd first day of July, were received by the sayd
Lieutenant Royeze.

On Thursday the 14. of June Monsieur de 1l’Espiney, la
Brosse, Monsieur Frete*, Monsieur Longeval*, and others, returned
from the Generall, from the voyage of Saguenay ®.

And note that eight men and one Barke were drowned and
lost, among whom was Monsieur de Noirefontaine®, and one named
la Vasseur of Constance’.

On Tuesday, the 19. of June aforesayd, there came from the
Generall, Monsieur de Villeneufve, Talebot, and three others,
which brought sixescore pounds weight of their corne, and letters
to stay yet untill Magdalentyde, which is the 22. day of July.

The rest of this voyage is wanting °.

1 This shows that the kingdom of Saguenay was thought to lie not far
from the mouth of the Ottawa since Roberval expected to reach it, to affect its
conquest and to return all in the short space of three weeks.

* That is passed the winter in the kingdom of Saguenay.

3 On p. 263 supra he is called Frote.

4In 1519 a Robert de Longueval, sieur de Thenelles in the Oise, married
the daughter of a Catherine de La Roque, wife of Robert de Hangard. Vid.
Biblioth. Nat., Cabinet d’Hozier 215, n° 5593.

> They may have left Roberval at the rapid of Lachine. Cf. the inscription
at that point on plate XIV, p. 224: “iusques icy a esté Mons" de Roberval.”

6 Vid. p. 263 supra note 10.

7 More probably Coutance in the Department of the Manche.

8 This text will also be found in the reprint of Hakluyt’s Principall Navt-
gations, III, 294-296, London 1810; in Goldsmid’s reprint XIII, 163-168,
Edinburgh, 1889; and in that issued in Glasgow in 1904, vol. VIII, 283-289.

APPENDICES

APPENDIX I.

Tue! VOYAGE OF MASTER HorRE? AND DIVERS
OTHER GENTLEMEN, TO NEWFOUND LAND, AND |
CAPE BRETON, IN THE YEERE 1536, AND IN THE
28. YEERE OF KING HENRY THE EIGHT ?®.

One Master Hore of London, a man of goodly stature and
of great courage, and given to the studie of Cosmographie, in the
28. yeere of king Henry the 8. and in the yeere of our Lord 1536,
encouraged divers gentlemen and others, being assisted by the
kings favour and good countenance, to accompany him in a voyage
of discoverie upon the Northwest partes of America: wherein his
perswasions tooke such effect, that within short space many
gentlemen of the innes of court, and of [the] Chauncerie, and divers
other[s] of good worship, desirous to see the strange things of the
world, very willingly entered into the action with him, some of
whose names were as followeth: M. Wickes* a gentleman of the
West countrey of five hundred markes® by the yeere living.
Master Tucke a gentleman of Kent, M. Tuckfield, M. Thomas
Buts the sonne of sir William Buts knight, of Norfolke, which is
yet alive, and from whose mouth I wrote most of this relation =

1From R. Hakluyt, Principall Navigations, 517-519, London, 1589. The
words in square brackets are found only in the edition of 1600, vol. III, 129-131.

2 This may have been Richard Hore afterwards captain of the Valentyne
who is mentioned in the Letters and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII,
XIII, pt. I, p. 49, No. 144; p. 336 N°® 910-911; p. 492 N° 1316; and in pt.
Ilep. 135; N° 347; p..253,,N ° 660.

3 That is between April 22. 1536 and April 21 1537.

4 The edition of 1600 has ‘‘ Weekes.”’

>The mark was an old English coin worth 13s. 4d. He was therefore a
wealthy man; for his income would now be about £2500.

6 The edition of 1600 has ‘‘ which was lately living.’’ Sir William Butts
whose portrait is in the National Portrait Gallery, was Court Physician to Henry
VIII and one of the characters in Shakespeare’s .Henry VIII,act. V scene II
He is described by a contemporary as ‘‘ vir gravis, eximia literarum congnitione
singulari judicii, summa experientia et prudenti consilii doctor.”” Vid. Diction
ary of National Biography, VIII, 103-104; and Letters and Papers of Henry
VIII, XI, p. 83, N° 202 (1); ibid, XIII, pt. I p. 232, N° 626; p. 248, N° 646 (69);
and pt. II, p. 456, N° 1070.

273
48493—18

274 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

Master Hardie, Master Biron, Master Carter, Master Wright,
Master Rastall Serieant Rastals brother', Master Ridley, and
divers other, which all were in the admirall called the Trinitie, a
ship of seven score tunnes, wherein M. Hore himselfe was imbark-
ed. In the other shippe whose name was the Minion, went a
very learned and vertuous gentleman, one Master Armigil Wade,
[Afterwards Clerke of the Counsailes of king Henry the 8 and king
Edward the sixth ?], father to the worshipfull master William Wade,
now clerke of the privie counsell®, Master Oliver Dawbeney
merchant of London, M. Joy afterward gentleman of the kings
chappel, with divers other of good account. The whole number
that went in the two tall shippes aforesayd, to wit, the Trinitie
and the Minion, were about six score persons, whereof 30. were
gentlemen, which all were mustered in warlike maner at Gravesend,
and after the receiving of the sacrament, they embarked them-
selves in the end of Aprill, 1536.

From the time of their setting out from Gravesende, they
were very long at sea, to witte, above two meneths, and never
touched any lande untill they came to part of the West Indies
about Cape Breton, shaping their course thence Northeastwards,
untill they came to the Island of Penguin*, which is very full of
rockes and stones, whereon they went and founde it full of great
foules white and gray, as bigge as geese, and they sawe infinite
nombers of their egges. They drave a great nomber of the foules
into their boates upon their sailes, and tooke up many of their
egges, the foule[s] they flead and their skinnes were very like hony

1 The father of these two was John Rastell, the lawyer and printer, whose
Pastyme of the People appeared in 1530. He married Sir Thomas More’s sister
Elizabeth, who was thus the mother of the sons mentioned above. John Rastell
was the author of the moral play entitled, A New Interlude and a Mery of the
Nature of the IIII Elements, 1519, which is one of the earliest English produc-
tions in which mention is made of the New World. William Rastell, the other
son, was made serjeant-at-law on October 16, 1555.

2 In all probability Armagil Waad or Wade of Magdalen College, Oxford,
and of the Middle Temple. In 1540 he was made Clerk of the Council at Calais,
and in 1547, third Clerk of the Privy Council in Lorden. Vid. Dictionary of
National Biography, LVIII, 400-1.

3 This was Sir William Waad the eldest son of Armagil by his second wife.
Vid. Dictionary of National Biography, LVIII, 401-3.

“Since according to a marginal note this island‘ ttandeth about the lati-
tude of 50 degrees,” it was evidently our Funk island in 49° 45’29”. Vid.
pp. 6 et seq. supra.

APPENDIX I ots

combes full of holes being flead off: they dressed and eate them,
and found them to be very good and nourishing meate. They
saw also store of beares both blacke and white, of whome they
killed some, and tooke them for no badde foode!.

M. Oliver Dawbeny, which (as it is before mentioned) was in
this voyage, and in the Minion tolde M. Richard Hakluyt of the
middle Temple” these things following: to wit, That after their
arrivall in Newfound land, and having bene there certaine dayes
at ancre, and not having yet seene any of the naturall people of
the Countrey, the same Dawbeny walking one day on the hatches,
spied a boate with Savages of those partes*, rowing downe the’
bay * towarde them, to gase upon the shippe and our people, and
taking viewe of their comming aloofe, hee called to such as were
under [the] hatches, and willed them to come up if they would
see the naturall people of the Countrey, that they had so long
and so much desired to see: Whereupon they came up and tooke
viewe of the Savages rowing toward them and their shippe, and
upon the viewe they manned out a shipboote to meete them and
to take them. But they spying our shipboote making towards
them, returned with maine force and fled into,an Island that laye
up in the bay or river there, and our men pursued them into the
Island, and the Savages fledde and escaped: but our men founde
a fire, and the side of a beare on a woodden spit left at the same
by the Savages that were fledde.

There in the same place they founde a boote of leather garnish-
ed on the utter® side of the calfe with certaine brave trailes®,
as it were of raw silke, and also founde a certaine great warme
mitten: And these carried with them, they returned to their
shippe, not finding the Savages, nor seeing any thing else besides
the soyle, and the things growing in the same, which chiefly were
store of firre and pine trees.

And further, the said M. Dawbeny told him’, that lying
there they grewe into great want of victuals, and that there they
found small reliefe, more then that they had from the nest of an

1 Vid. p. 9 supra.
2“ My cosin,” says Hakluyt in the Epistle Dedicatorie fol. 2.
3 The Beothucks. Vid., J. P. Howley, The Beothucks, 10, Cambridge 1915.
4 The name of this bay or harbour is nowhere indicated.
>The edition of 1600 has “ outward.’
§ Thin strips.
7 Richard Hakluyt, “ my cosin.”” Vid. note
48493—18}

276 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

Osprey, that brought hourely to her yong great plentie of divers
sorts of fishes. But such was the famine that increased amongst
them from day to day, that they were forced to seeke to relieve
themselves of rawe herbes and rootes that they sought on the
maine!: but the famine increasing, and the reliefe of herbes being
to little purpose to satisfie their insatiable hunger, in the fieldes
and deserts here and there, the fellowe killed his mate while hee
stouped to take up a roote for his reliefe, and cutting out pieces
of his body whome hee had murthered, broyled the same on the
coles and greedily devoured them.

By this meane the company decreased, and the officers knewe
not what was become of them; And it fortuned that one of the
company driven with hunger to seeke abroade for reliefe, found out
in the fields the savour of broyled flesh, and fell out with one for
that hee would suffer him and his felowes to sterve, enjoying
plentie as he thought: And this matter growing to cruel speaches,
he that had the broyled meate, burst out into these wordes: If
thou wouldest needes knowe, the broyled meate that I had was a
piece of such a mans buttocke. The report of this brought to the
ship, the Captaine found what became of those that were missing,
and was perswaded that some of them were neither devoured with
wilde beastes, nor yet destroyed with” the Savages: And hereupon
he stood up and made a notable Oration, containing, How much
these dealings offended the Almightie, and vouched the Scriptures
from first to last, what God had in cases of distresse done for them
that called upon him, and told them that the power of the Almightie
was then nolesse, theninal former time it had bene. And added, that
if it had not pleased God to have holpen them in that distresse, that
yet it had bene better to have perished in body, and to have lived
everlastingly, then to have relieved for a poore time their mortal
bodies, and to bee condemned everlastingly both body and soule
to the unquenchable fire of hel[l]. And thus having ended to that
effect, he began to exhort to repentance, and besought all the com-
pany to pray, that it might please God to looke upon their miserable
present state, and for his owne mercie to relieve the same. [The
famine increasing, and the inconvenience of the men that were
missing being found, they agreed amongst themselves rather then
all should perish, to cast lots who should be killed:] And such was

1 The main shore of Newfoundland,
2B
y.

APPENDIX I O77

the mercie of God, that the same night there arrived a French
shippe in that port, well furnished with vittaile, and such was the
policie of the English, that they became masters of the same’,
and changing ships, and vitayling them, they set saile to come into
England.

In their iourney”? they were so farre Northwards, that they
sawe mightie Islands of yce in the sommer season, on which were
haukes and other foules to rest themselves being wearie of flying
over farre from the maine. They sawe also certaine great white
foules with redde billes and redde legs, somewhat bigger then
Herons, which they supposed to be storkes. They arrived at S.
Ives in Cornewall about the ende of October. From thence they
departed unto a certaine Castle belonging to sir John Luttrell,
where M. Thomas Buts, and M. Rastall, and other Gentlemen of
the voyage were very friendly intertained: after that they came
to the Earle of Bathe at Bathe, and thence to Bristoll, and so to
London. M. Buts was so changed in the voyage with hunger and
miserie, that sir William his father and my Lady his mother,
knewe him not to be their sonne, untill they found a secret marke
which was a wart upon one of his knees, as hee tolde me Richard
Hakluyt of Oxford himselfe, to whome I rode 200. miles onely
to learne the whole trueth of this voyage from his owne mouth,
as being the onely man nowe alive, that was in this discoverie.

Certaine moneths after, those Frenchmen came into England,
and made complaint to king Henry the 8: the king causing the
matter to be examined, and finding the great distresse of his
subiects, and the causes of the dealing so with the French, was so
mooved with pitie, that hee punished not his subiects, but of his
owne purse made full and royall recompense unto the French.

In this distresse of famine, the English did somewhat relieve
their vitall spirits, by drinking at the springs the fresh water out
of certaine wooden cups, out of which they had drunke their Aqua
composita, before. *

1The marginal note says they “ surprised ’’ her.

2 Homewards.

3 This text will also be found in the reprints of Hakluyt’s Principall
Navigations, III, 200-202, London, 1810; XII 294-298, Edinburgh, 1889; VIII
3-7, Glasgow, 1904.

Fol. 175¥

APPENDIX II.

AN EXTRACT FROM THE Cosmographie OF JEAN
ALFONSE, COMPLETED 24 May, 1544}.

Puis que nous avons parlé de la partie meridionnalle et de la
partie occidentalle [de l’Amérique] ensemble, et de la mer Paciffique,
depuys l’isle de Fer, par laquelle nous faisons la ligne dyametralle’,
c’est raison que nous parlions de la partie septentrionnalle, qui est
la Terre Neufve, et de la mer de la Nouvelle France, dicte Canada,
ensemble de la Franciscane® et de la Fleuride jusques a |’vitime
du Figuier*, de la partie de septentrion. En commanceant de
Visle de Fer, ladicte isle de Fer est par les vingt six degrez et demy
de la haulteur du polle artique, et est norouest et suest avec le
cap de Ratz’, et y a en la route six cens lieues. Et entre les deux

! This work which is MS. francais N° 676 of the Bibliothéque Nationale has
already been published by M. Georges Musset of La Rochelle under the title,
La Cosmographie avec l’espére et régime du soleil et du nord par Jean Fonteneau
dit Alfonse de Saintonge, Capiiaine-pilote de Frangois 1%, publiée et annotée
par Georges Musset, Paris (Leroux) 1904. The above extract (pp. 475-503) has

_been collated afresh with the MS. Several readings will thus be found to differ

from those in M. Musset’s edition, and one or two omissions are now inserted.
This extract has also been collated with the English text printed in Hakluyt’s
Principall Navigations, 11, 237-240, whereby several phrases not found in the
French text have also been added.

2 Cf. Musset’s edition of the Cosmographie, 115: ‘‘ Ladicte isle de Fer
est la plus occidentalle isle des Canaries, et par dessus elle passe la ligne dyamé-
tralle. Vous debvez scavoir que en la sphére y a douze lignes, qui vont de polle
a polle; et ladicte dyamétralle est celle qui regarde les polles le plus droict,
laquelle, avec la ligne esquynocialle, partent le monde en quatre parties en figure
de quadrens,”’ etc.; and also p. 127. Vid. also p. 47 supra note 17.

3 Vid. p. 3 supra note b.

4 Cf. Cosmographie, Musset’s edition, 467: ‘‘ Le cap du Figuyer est a
vingt degrez et demy de la haulteur du polle artique; et est ledict cap du Figuier
en la terre de |’Ucatan.’’ It was probably cape Catoche, the north-eastern
extremity of Yucatan peninsula in 21° 30’, which was so named after cap du
Figuier, which marks the boundary between France and Spain in the Bay of
Biscay.

® Cape Race, the south-eastern extremity of Newfoundland. Vid. p. 239
supra.

278

APPENDIX II 279

sont les isles de Madere! et les isles des Essores”, et aultres isles,
qui sont a la mer du cap de Ratz, desquelles parlerons par cy aprés.
Cap de Ratz est a quarente et sept degrez de la haulteur du polle
artique; et est ledict cap de Ratz | terre haulte, en bonne maniére ’.
La coste est dangereuse. Et premiérement commanceroas a
parler dudict cap de Ratz en ensuyvant la coste du septentrion
jusques 4 la Nouvelle France et jusques a la riviére de Canada‘.
Et cecy faict, retournerons audict cap de Ratz, en ensuyvant la
coste de la Franciscane et de la Fleuride jusques 4 l’vltime du
Figuier du cousté du septentrion. Cap de Ratz et cap d’Espoir®
sont nordest et surouest, et y a en la route dix-sept lieues. Et
entre les deux est la baye dicte Rogneuse® et la baye de 1’Islet’,
et plusieurs aultres bayes® et les tsles d’Espoir®. Et a la mer de
la baye de Rogneuse, environ vne lieue et demye en la mer,'y a vng
mauvais rochier!°, qui semble A vng basteau. Cap d’Espoir est
par les quarente et sept degrez et deux tiers de la haulteur du polle

1 Madeira.
2? The Azores. Cf. Musset’s edition, 134: ‘Et sont en la moictié du
chemin de Portugal et de la Terre Neufve. Et de ceste cy [isle des Corbeaux]

jusques au cap de Ratz n’y a que trois cens cinquante lieues; et sont norouest °
jusq

et suest avec le cap de Ratz.”
3 Cape Race in 46° 39’ 24” is described by Maxwell (op. cit., 38) as having
“a barren appearance . . . and taced by cliffs, from 100 to 200 feet high, formed
of slate in nearly vertical strata. The land rises gradually, and between 10 and
12 miles to the north-east is a rocky range 710 feet high.” Vid., also the sketch
in Cloué op. cit., I, p. 30, N° 1.
4The St. Lawrence. Vid. supra p. 108 note 91.
5 Cape Spear three miles and a quarter south of St. John’s harbour. The
distance from cape Race to cape Spear is sixty-five miles.
6 Renewse harbour ten miles north of cape Race. Vid. p. 240 supra.
7In all probability Aquafort harbour a few miles north of Renewse. It
has an island called Spurwink island which is forty feet high and lies at the
south side of the entrance. Cf. Maxwell, op. cit., 430: ‘ Aquafort harbour .. . is
little more than 2 cables wide at the entrance and extends 2} miles in a north-
west direction between high steep hills. The anchorage is good, and vessels
may lie in perfect safety in 9 fathoms water, over mud... The land is fertile
and well wooded; salmon and trout abound in the two rivers which run into
it and water can be obtained easily.”
8 These are Ferryland and Fermeuse harbours, Caplin bay, Broyle harbour,
Mobile and Vitless bays and finally Bay of Bulls just south of cape Spear.
° These are Spear, Fox, Pebble and Great islands off Toad Cove.
10 Renewse rocks about two miles from Renewse head. According to Max-
well (op. cit., 432) they ‘‘ are always from 6 to 10 feet above water.”

176°

176%

280 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

artique!. Cap d’Espoir et l’isle de Bacaillau” sont nort et su,
et prenent vng quart de nordest et surouest, et y a en la route
quinze lieues. Et y a, entre les deux, la baye de sainct Jehan’®, et
aultres plusieurs bayes*; entre lesquelles y en a vne, laquelle
attraverse toute la Terre Neufve, jusques a la coste de l’est et
ouest, et faict du cap de Ratz vne isle®. Ceste coste est terre
haulte®, sans aulcun prouffict, excepté le pescherye. L’isle de
Bacaillau est par les quarente et huyt degrez de la haulteur du

polle artique, et n’est sinon vne roche sans aulcunes | herbes ny

terres prouffictables, et est platte par le dessus’. Et A la terre

de l’isle de Bacaillau, auprés d’elle, y a vne aultre petite isle®; et
entre ceste petite isle et la terre y a bon passaige. Bacaillau et
l’islet des Aponas® sont nord et su, et prenent vng quart de nordest
et surouest; et y a en la route trente et cing lieues. Et entre les
deux, en la grand terre’, y a plusieurs bayes, grandes", et isles” et

1 Cape Spear lies in 47° 31’ 11”.

2 Now Baccalieu island about forty miles north of cape Spear.

3St. John’s, the capital of Newfoundland. ‘ The harbour,’’ says Maxwell
(op. cit., 419), ‘although small, is convenient and secure, having deep water
and excellent holding ground.”

4 Quiddy Viddy, Torbay and Conception bay with its numerous inlets.

5 This bay is so represented on Alfonse’s map, reproduced in Harrisse,
op. cit., 225 and at p. 476 of Musset’s edition. Both writers identify it with
Conception bay, and this is correct according to the text. Trinity bay
however which lies at the north end of Baccalieu island, runs inland ina W.S. W.
direction for fifty miles, and is only separated from Placentia bay, which like-
wise runs inland from the south coast, by the narrow isthmus of Avalon, three
miles in width. This narrow neck of land alone prevents the presqu’ile of
Avalon from being an island as Alfonse thought it was. The bay referred to in
the text is evidently therefore Trinity bay. Cf. Jukes, op. cit., I, 75.

6 The coast from Conception bay to St. John’s is according to Maxwell
(op. cit., 418), ‘‘ steep cliff.”

7 Baccalieu island lighthouse stands in 48° 8’ 51”. The island, which is
three miles long by three-quarters of a mile wide, lies just off the end of the long
peninsula separating Conception and Trinity bays. J

8 This island is indicated on the charts but its name is not given. The
passage is about two miles wide. Vid., Jukes, loc. cit.

® Funk island. Vid. p. 6 supra.

10 Newfoundland itself.

11 These are Trinity bay which is fifteen miles wide at its mouth, Catalina
harbour mentioned by Cartier (p. 5 supra), Bonavista bay which is thirty-six
and a half miles wide and forty-five miles deep, and finally Sir Charles Hamilton
sound just north of cape Bonavista.

‘2 Trinity bay has a number of islands in it and Bonavista bay and Sir
Charles Hamilton sound are full of them.

APPENDIX II 281

rochiers', en tout dangereux, qui entrent bien long en la mer, plus
que les isles, principallement le travers des isles de Feu”, et du

cap de Bonne Veue*®. Le cap de Bonne Veue est terre basse, et

est entre deux grandz fleuves*. L’isle des Aponas est vne petite

roche platte, et a la terre d’elle y a deux aultres petites isles de

roche platte, auprés d’elle(s)®>, Et y a d’elles a la terre quinze

lieues®. Lisle des Aponas est par les cinquante degrez et demy

de la haulteur du polle artique’. L’isle des Aponas et les Belles

isles® sont norouest et suest, et prennent vng quart de nord et su,
et y a de l’vne a I’aultre trénte et deux lieues. Et entre les deux,
en la terre, y a plusieurs bayes’, et la coste est dangereuse’”. Les
Belles isles sont par les cinquante vng degrez et deux tiers de la
haulteur du polle artique". Les Belles isles et le Carpon™ sont
nord norouest et su suest; et y a de l’vn a l’aultre douze lieues”.
Et entre les deux est la baye de la Cramaillére!* et le cap Rouge”,

1 Cape Bonavista is surrounded by rocks and reefs to a distance of six
miles, and cape Freels to a distance of eight miles.

2 Fogo island and those forming the north side of Sir Charles Hamilton sound.

3 Cape Bonavista. Vid. p. 4 supra note 4.

* Cape Bonavista lies at the extremity of the peninsula separating Trinity
and Bonavista bays.

5 Vid. p. 6 supra note 1 and Cf. Maxwell, op. cit., 1°* edition, 1878, p. 199:
““ Two islets lie off the north-west point of Funk island, at the distance of 6 and
3 cables.”

6 Cf. p. 8 supra. ,

7 Funk island lies in 49° 45’ 29”.

8 Groais island and Belle-Isle south. Vid. p. 12 supra.

® Among the principal are Notre-Dame and Confusion bays, bay Verte,
White and Canada bays.

10 On account of the rocks off Fogo island.

11 Vid. p. 12 supra note 7.

12 Kirpon island, which is three and a half miles long by a mile and a half
broad and forms the north-eastern extremity of Newfoundland. Cf. p. 10
supra.

13 Tn the English translation of this part of the Cosmographie published in
Hakluyt (op. cit., III, 237-240), the distance is given, as ‘‘ ten leagues.”

14 Now Havre de la Crémaillére in 51° 20’. Cf. Maxwell, op. cit., 374 edition,
1897, p. 239: ‘‘ The entrance is nearly 2 cables wide... it thence extends in
a northerly direction, one mile long and half a mile wide, affording good anchor-
age in 10 fathoms water, over mud and sand.”

15 Cf, Maxwell, op. cit., 254: ‘‘ Cape Rouge harbour, formed by the above
mentioned [Cape Rouge and Conche] peninsulas and the mainland, is divided
into Biche arm and Southwest bay... Biche arm contains perfectly secure
anchorage easy of access with any wind.” It lies directly opposite Groais
island. Vid p. 11.

Lie

282 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

et aultres bayes!. Le Carpon est par les cinquante deux degrez
et vng sixain de la haulteur du polle artique”. Et davant le
Carpon, du cousté de l’est, y a deux petitz isletz platz*®. Le
Carpon est vne isle, et a deux entrées*. Et du cousté du norouest
du Carpon y a deux ou trois petites isles, et vne roche platte®.

Et quant vous sortirez du cousté devers le norouest, il fault que
vous la laissez du cousté d’estribort, qu’est la main dextre®. Le
Carpon et l’isle de la Grand baye’ sont nord nordest et su sur-
ouest; et y a de l’vng a l’aultre sept lieues. Et entre les deux la
mer est saine, sans nul dangé, se de’ glaces®. Belle isle est au
meilleu de la Grand baye, et est par les cinquante deux degrez et
demy de la haulteur du polle artique®. Et au bout, du cousté
devers le nord norouest, 4 vne demye lieue de ladicte isle, y a vng

1 These are Croc harbour, Hare bay which is five miles wide and eighteen
deep, St. Mein, Great Bréhat and St. Lunaire bays, (this latter being one of the
finest harbours in Newfoundland) and finally Griguet harbour just south of
Petit-Kirpon.

? Hakluyt’s text gives ‘‘ 52 degrees.” Kirpon island extends from 51° 35’
to 51° 39’,

>The White islands which are now three in number and lie two and a
quarter miles from the outer point of Petit-Kirpon. Cf. Maxwell, op. cit., 232.

4 Vid. pp. 12-13 supra.

5 The Sacred islands mentioned above (p. 13 note 2) and Foirou island
which lies two and a third miles N.W. by W. of cape Bauld. The latter is
described by Maxwell (op. cit., 540) as ‘‘ a low round rock 100 yards in diameter.”’

® Hakluyt’s text has: ‘‘ halfe a league from the Isle, over against Carpont
toward the East there is a small flat Island, and on the side toward the North-
east there is a flat rocke. And when thou commest out of the harborough of
Carpont thou must leave this rocke on the starreboord side, and also on the
larboord side there are two or three small Isles: and when thou commest out on
the Northeast side, ranging along the shore toward the West about two pikes
length in the midway there is a shold which lieth on thy starboord side.’”” The
‘“small flat island’ is evidently Vincent island opposite the southern = of
Jacques-Cartier island, while the “ flat rocks”’ is a shoal close by. The ‘ two
or three small Isles’’ are Grand Mulou shoal, ile Verte and Maria reefs a
south-east of Little Sacred Island. The ‘‘ shold” is point Duménil shoal.
Vid. pp. 11-13 supra.

7 Belle-Isle north lying thirteen and a half miles north of cape Bauld, the
northern extremity of Kirpon island. The distance is counted in the text from
Grand-Kirpon. Hakluyt’s version has, ‘‘ Carpont and Bell Isle from the Grand
Bay are Northeast and Southwest, and the distance from Bell Isle to the Grand
Bay is 7 leagues.”’ Vid. p. 76 supra note 9.

8 Se has here the sense of sinon. Cf. pp. 13-14 supra.

® Belle Isle north, in the middle of the Atlantic entrance to the strait of
Belle Isle, extends from 51° 53’ to 52° 1”,

APPENDIX II 283

maulvais rochier'. De Belle isle de la Grand Baye? aux fernes®

de la mer glacée, d’od sortent les glaces qui viennent aa Terre
Neufve, (et) y a de l’vn a l’aultre soixante et dix lieues; et la coste
gist nordest et surouest, et est coste dangereuse de rochiers, et y
courent fort les eaues*. Ceste mer glacée est doulce la pluspart;
et est entre ceste terre’ et la terre du Laboureur®, et va jusques
soubz le polle artique. Bournant A la Grand baye’, je dictz que
Belle isle de la Grand baye® et les isles de Blanc Sablon® sont
l’est nordest et ouest surouest; et y a en la route trente lieues.
Et entre les deux, du cousté du nord, est la baye de Chasteau’’,

1 North-East ledge distant a mile and a quarter from the north-east point
of the island. Hakluyt’s text has: ‘‘ The midst of the Grand Bay is in 52
degrees and a halfe, and on the Northside thereof there is a rocke.”’

2 Belle-Isle north.

3M. Musset read, fesnes. The word meant is evidently fermes, in the sense
of ‘barriers ’’ or “‘ limits.”

*From Chateau bay to Spotted island in 53° 30’ the Labrador coast runs
almost due north. At the point mentioned it turns towards the north-west.
The compass variation here is now about 38° W. Cf. Maxwell, op. cit., 17: ‘‘ The
cold ice-bearing current from the Artic seas, passing to the southward, along the
coast of Labrador, at rates varying from 10 to 36 miles a day . . . is very much
influenced near the coast by the winds, reaching its maximum rate after those
from the northward.”

® Our Labrador which at that time was considered as forming part of the
Terres Neufves. Vid. p. 3 supra note 1 and also Alfonse’s map in Harrisse, op.
cit., 225 and at p. 476 of Musset’s edition; also Kohl, op. cit., maps N °® VI,
VIII, IX, X and XVI; and plates II, VIII, XII and XIV, supra.

® Our Greenland which was called Tierra del Labrador possibly by the Cabots
in 1498. Vid. the Revue Hispanique, X, 534 et seq.

7 The portion of the Gulf of St. Lawrence just inside strait of Belle Isle,
Vid. p. 76 note 9.

5 Belle-Isle north at the entrance to the strait of Belle Isle. Hakluyt’s
text has, “‘ Bell Isle in the mouth of the Grand Bay.”’

® Hakluyt’s text has, ‘‘ which are within the Grand Bay, neere unto the
North shore.’’ These are Wood and Greenly islands opposite Blanc Sablon
Vid. p. 16 supra.

10 ChAteau bay mentioned at p. 14 supra. Hakluyt’s text has inserted before
this sentence: ‘‘ The Grand Bay at the entrance is but 7 leagues broad from land
to land untill it come over against the Bay des Chasteaux: and ‘from thence
forward it hath not past 5 leagues in breadth. And against Blanc Sablon it is
8 leagues broad from land to land.” Cf. Maxwell, op. cit., 565: ‘‘ The eastern
entrance of the strait of Belle-isle, between York point and cape Bauld, is 26

miles wide... At cape Norman... the opposite coast of Labrador is distant
only 15 miles; but the narrowest part ...is at Amour point in Forteau bay,
where it is only 93 miles wide. The western entrance... between Greenly

island and Férolle point is nearly 21 miles wide.”

284 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

et la baye des Bytes’. Du cousté du nord, devers la Grand baye,
la coste est saine, sans nul danger; et celle devers le su de la Terre
Neufve est dangereuse; et pour ce, il fault ranger 4 la costé du
nord”. Et bien avant en la Grand.baye, du cousté de la Terre
Neufve, 4 vng tiers ou presque au meilleu de la Grand baye, y a
vng maulvais rochier dangereux*. Le cousté devers la Terre '
Neufve est terre basse et pierreuse, sans prouffict; et la terre du
nord est haulte en bonne maniére*. Les isles de Blanc Sablon
sont par les cinquante et vng degrez et deux tiers de la haulteur
du polle artique®. Les isles de Blanc Sablon et le meilleu de
l'isle de l’Ascension ® sont l’est nordest et ouest surouest; et y a en
la route quatre-vingtz lieues. Les isles de Blanc Sablon, et les
isles de la Damoiselle’ sont l’est et ouest, et prennent vng quart de
nordest et surouest; et y a des isles de Blanc Sablon és isles de la
Demoiselle trente et six lieues. Les isles de la Demoiselle sont

a cinquante degrez et trois quartz de la haluteur du polle artique ®. |

1 Hakluyt’s text has ‘‘ haven of Butes”’ which is the same as in Cartier,
p. 14 supra. Martin de Hoyarsabal, op. cit., 109, gives Boytus.

2 Cf. Maxwell, op. cit., 29: “‘ The Labrador shore, being more free of danger,
should be kept on board in preference to that of Newfoundland.”

3 This must be Green island which is the only one on the Newfoundland
side of the strait beyond cape Norman. It is three-quarters of a mile from
shore and Maxwell (0. cit., 531) says it ‘‘is narrow and low ... and can be seen
from a distance of 10 miles in clear weather.’’ Cf. p. 14 supra note 6. Hak-
luyt’s text has: ‘‘ and saile thou by the North coast, and leave two partes of
the Grand Bay toward the South; because there is a rocke which runneth 2
or 3 leagues into the sea. And when thou art come athwart the haven of Butes,
tun along the North shore about one league or an halfe off, for the coast is without
all danger.”’ By this ‘‘ rocke,” Bay shoal is evidently meant which lies two and
a half miles S. by W. from the east point of Wreck bay. The charts give five
fathoms on it. From the ‘haven of Buttes” or Black bay, which is nine
and a half miles beyond Wreck bay, onward the coast is quite clear.

4 Hakluyt’s text has: “ And the land on the South shore is all low land
along the sea coast. The North shore is reasonable high land.” This descrip-
tion is correct.

5 Wood and Greenly islands lie in 51° 23’ and 51° 25’.
® Anticosti island. Cartier (p. 104 supra) named it, tle de l’Assumption.

7 Great Mecatina, Treble Hill, Flat and Murr islands. Cartier (p. 97
supra) named these éles Sainte-Marthe.

8 Great Mecatina island extends from 50° 44’ 2” to 50° 48’.

APPENDIX II 2 280

Et y a vng bon port’, et fault entrer au long d’vng hault cap’,
qui est en l’isle devers le nordest, et 4 la longueur d’vne picque
et demye, pour raison d’vn rochier qui vous demourera du cousté
de babort; et irez bouter l’ancre en vingt*® brasses le travers
d’vne petite ance. Et de l’entrée dudict cap* jusques 14 of vous
mectrez ladicte ancre, n’y a point passé la longueur de deux cables.
Et si vous voullez sortir par le cousté de l’ouest®, approucherez
de lV’isle du cousté de thiébort, et donnerez ruing a l’isle de babort,
ala sortie®. Et quant vous serez dehors, environ la longueur d’vn
cable, il vous fault approucher au long des isles de babort, pour
raison d’vne basse couverte’, qui vous demourera du cousté de
thiébort. Et irez ainsi au su surouest jusques ad ce que vous
voyés vng brisant d’vne roche®, qui est environ demye lieue en la
mer desdictes isles, et la fault laisser du cousté qui est la-main
gaulche. Et des isles de la Damoiselle jusques 4 la Terre Neufve

n’y a point passé plus hault que de trente et six lieues de largeur

de mer, parce que la Terre Neufve, au dedans de ceste mer®, se

court nord nordest et su surouest. Entre les isles de la Damoi-
selle et les isles de Blanc Sablon, y a maintes aultres isles et de

lTsland harbour at Great Mecatina island. Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I,
167-168: ‘‘ Island harbour is a cove one mile deep, and about 2 cables wide
between Bluff head, the high north-east point of Great Mecattina island and the
Boule. This harbour is sheltered from easterly winds by a cluster of small
islets and rocks lying off its mouth, and leaving a safe passage on either side of
them. If the south passage is used, keep Bluff head aboard.”

2 Bluff head.

3 Hakluyt’s text has, ‘10 fathome.” Cf. Bayfield, loc cit.: ‘‘ The anchor-
age is near the head of the cove, in from 14 to 20 fathoms.”

4 Hakluyt’s text has, “and from the great headland,” i.e. Bluff head.

5 That is by the passage between Great Mecatina island and the mainland.

® Cf. Bayfield, Joc cit.: ‘‘ And if the north passage is used, pass between
the cluster just mentioned, and a small rock by itself, lying... one cable from
the shore of Great Mecattina island.”

7 Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 167: ‘‘ The Boule is a high and round islet, nearly
joined to the north point of Great Mecattina island. ‘There is a small rock above
water close off it...,; and at the distance of about half a mile in the same
direction, a patch of rocks with about 4 fathoms least water.’’ Alfonse says
to hug the Boule and the rock in order to avoid the patch.

8 Murr islets and rocks. Vid. p. 97 supra and cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I,
170: ‘‘ The northern of Murr islets... is 24 miles from Outer rocks; and there
is a clear and deep channel between, the depth of water exceeding 80 fathoms.”

® Hakluyt’s text has: ‘‘ because that Newfoundland even unto Cape Briton
runneth,” etc. The distance across to Rich point in Newfoundland is about
fifty-five miles.

177°

178°

286 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

bons portz’. Et en ceste coste se trouvent faulcons et oyseaulx
de proye, et poulles, qui se tiennent és boys, qui resemblent a
faisans”. Les isles de la Damoiselle et le cap de Thiennot® sont

nordest et surouest, et prenent vn quart de l’est et ouest; et ya

des isles de la Damoiselle au cap de Thiennot vingt lieues*. Et

entre les deux y a sept ou huyt isles®; et y a aulcuns dangiers de
rochiers, qui sont plus en la mer que lesdictes isles®. Le cap de
Thiennot est a cinquante degrez de la haulteur du polle artique’;
et en droict ce cap est la plus large de ceste mer, et peult avoir

d’icy au bout de la Terre Neufve, qui faict l’entrée du cap a

Breton, (y a) soixante et dix lieues®. Le cap de Thiennot a en|

la mer cing ou six lieues, (y a) vne isle perdue dangereuse; et est
la plus grand part de ladicte isle descouverte®. Et est dange-
reuse pour navires, et fault passer par le dehors d’elle. Le cap

de Thiennot et le meilleu de l’isle de l’Ascension sont l’est nordest

et ouest surouest; et y a en la traversée vingt et quatre lieues’®.

Le meilleu de l’isle de l’Ascension est 4 quarente neuf degrez et
demy de la haulteur du polle artique!!. Ladicte isle est assise
norouest et suest. Et le bout du norouest est a cinquante degrez
de la haulteur du polle artique”, et est l’est et ouest avec le cap

1 Vid. pp. 16-23 and 95-96 supra.

* Hakluyt’s text has: ‘‘and on this coast there are faulcons & haukes,
and certaine foules which seeme to be feasants.”’

’ This name was given by Cartier (pp. 77 and 99 supra) to Natashkwan
point. Jean Alfonse identifies it here with cape Whittle which Cartier called
cap Saint-Germain (p. 98 supra). Further on however (note 10 infra) Alfonse
does use the name in reference to Natashkwan point so that he considers these
two capes as one and the same though they are nearly sixty-two miles apart.

' 4 Hakluyt’s text has ‘‘ 18 leagues,” Cape Whittle is sixty miles from Great
Mecatina island.

° Such as Bald, Little Mecatina, Harrington, Boat and Wapitagun islands.
Vid. pp. 96-98 supra.
® Such as the Murr rocks, Black and St. Mary reefs, South Makers ledge,
etc. ;

7 Hakluyt’s text has ‘50 degrees and 4’. Cape Whittle lies in 50° 10’ 36”
and Natashkwan point in 50° 5’.

8“ Which is the greatest bredth of this sea,” is added in Hakluyt’s text.
The distance from cape Whittle in longitude 60° 7’ to St. Paul's island in Cabot
strait in longitude 60° 8’ 20” is about 178 miles.

* South Makers ledge mentioned above p- 98 note 42.

11 This latitude is correct.

12 Anticosti lies N.W. } N. and S.E. 3 5. West point stands in 49° 52’ 12”.

APPENDIX II 287

de Thiennot, et prent vng quart de norouest et suest; et y a en
la route trente et quatre lieues. Le cap de Thiennot? et la poincte
de l’isle de l’Ascension, du cousté devers le suest, sont nordest et
surouest, et prenent vng quart de nord et su; et y a en la route
trente et quatre lieues”. Le bout du suest de l’isle de l’Ascension
est a quarente et huyt degrez et vng quart de la haulteur du polle
artique®. Et a ladicte isle environ trente lieues de longitude, et
dix ou douze lieues de latitude*. Et du bout du norouest de
l’isle 4 la terre ferme du cousté du nord, n’y a point passé sept
lieues de largeur de mer®. La terre du nord est haulte, et y a plu-
sieurs isles au long la coste®. Et est l’'isle de l’Ascention vne
‘isle platte, toute couverte d’arbres jusques au bort de la mer’,
assise sur roches blanches et albastres®; et y a de toutes sortes
d’arbres comme celles de France. Et y a en la terre forces bestes
saulvaiges comme hours, porcs espiz’, cerf, bicheset dains, et oyseaulx
de toutes sortes, et forces poulles saulvaiges, lesquelles se tiennent

és boys. Et y a au long de la coste plusieurs petites riviéres.

1 Natashkwan point.

* Hakluyt’s text gives ‘30 leagues.’ The distance from Natashkwan
point to East cape on Anticosti is about fifty-eight miles.

*Hakluyt’s text gives ‘‘48. degrees and a halfe.” Heath point lies in
49° 5’ 5” and East cape in 49° 8’ 30”.

4 Hakluyt’s text gives, ‘“‘ about 25. leagues long and 4. or 5. leagues broad.” ’

Anticosti is 122 miles long and thirty wide at the broadest point.

5 Vid. p. 72 note 16.

6 The Mingan islands. Vid. p. 72 supra.

7 Cf. Wyet’s voyage in Hakluyt, op. cit., III, 194: ‘‘ We went also seven
of us on shore and found there exceeding fayre great woods of tall firre trees ’;
and J. U. Gregory, En racontant, cited by Huard, op. cit., 223: ‘‘ Cette partie
[nord] de l’ile fournit d’excellentes foréts de pins, d’épinettes, de frénes, de bou-
leaux blancs, mais aucun de ces arbres cependant n’atteint une grosseur assez
considérable pour étre d’une utilité générale; on ne peut en faire tout au plus
que des mAts de goélettes de 50 tonneaux ”’; and ibid., p. 241.

8 Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 56: ‘‘ The North coast is bold... Picturesque

headlands... end in magnificient cliffs of limestone, which are externally so
nearly white as to resemble chalk.”
’ ® Hakluyt’s text has only, ‘‘ beares, Luserns, Porkespicks.” Cf. Gregory
in Huard, loc. cit.: ‘‘ Les seuls animaux que l’on rencontre dans ces parages sont
Yours noir, la loutre, la martre, le renard roux, argenté et noir’; and 1bid.:
‘On rencontre partout des marais et des lagunes, oi séjournent des quantités
innombrables d’oiseaux aquatiques, tels que les outardes, les canards, les plon-
geons,” etc.; and ibid. pp. 241-242.

178

288 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

bonnes a faire mouldre moulins; et est fort bonne eaue’. Et si
est la terre bien belle et platte, de maniére que je n’ay point veu
en toute l’isle montaigne si haulte que l’on n’y peust bien mener
vne charrette”. Le*® cap de I’isle de l’Ascension du cousté du
norouest et le cap des montz Nostre Dame‘ sont nordest et sur-
ouest, et y a de l’vn a I’aultre vingt lieues. Et est ledict cap 4
quarente et neuf degrez de la haulteur du polle artique, et est
ledict cap haulte montaigne’. Le bout de l’Ascension devers le
norouest et le cap de Onguedo® sont nord nordest et su surouest,
et y a de l’vn a l’aultre trente et cinq lieues. Et est ledict cap
a quarente huyt degrez de la haulteur du polle artique. Le cap

de Onguedo et le bout de l’isle de l’Ascension 7 sont l’est et ouest;

et y ade l’vn a l’aultre quinze lieues®. Et y a au bout du cap de

1There are four streams emptying into the Gulf on the north coast and
thirteen onthe south. Vid. Huard, op. cit., 239-240 and p. 242: ‘‘Les nombreuses
riviéres de l’ile permettraient d’établir facilement des scieries en bien des endroits.
Et l’énorme force motrice fournie par des cascades comme celle de la riviére
Vauréal (200 pieds), de la riviére de la Chute (75 pieds), et des quatre sauts
successifs (d’une hauteur totale de 99 pieds) de la riviére au Saumon, pourrait étre
utilisée de bien des maniéres.’”’ These three streams are on the north coast.

2 Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 56: ‘‘ Anticosti is nowhere higher than 700 feet
above the sea. Its south coast is low and shelving ... There is, however, a
range of highlands in rear of South-west point, and extending for some miles
both north-westward and south-eastward of it. The north coast, for 70 or 80
miles westward of East cape, is bold, precipitous, and of considerable elevation...
The remainder of the north coast is low.”

3 Hakluyt’s text has inserted before this: ‘‘ And from the Southeast end of
the Isle of Ascension unto the entrance of Cape Briton is but 50. leagues.”
Heath point is about 133 miles from cape Ray.

4 Hakluyt’s text has inserted here: ‘‘ which is on the maine land towards
the South ’’; and it also gives the distance as ‘‘ 15. leagues,” The cape is pro-
bably Fame point on the Gaspé shore, the compass variation now being 28°
W. Vid. p. 105 supra. Notre-Dame mountains are given on the Mercator,
Ortelius and Belleforest maps.

> Fame point lies in 49° 7’ and the coast in rear of it is 1,000 feet high.

® Cape Gaspé forming the north side of the entrance to Gaspé bay in lat.
48° 45'2". Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 74: “‘ Cape Gaspé is a remarkable headland
of limestone.” On the map at fol. 178 of the MS. the word is written Onguedoc
while Hakluyt’s text gives ‘‘ Ognedoc.”

7 Hakluyt’s text has the “‘ end of the Isle of Ascension toward the South-
east.”

8 Cartier (p. 68 supra) gave the distance from cape Gaspé to Anticosti as
“about 20 leagues.” South-West point is about forty-four miles from cape Gaspé but
the distance to South point isseventy-eight miles. Hakluyt’s text omits all mention
of cape Onguedo and gives the distance as being from Fame point to South point.

APPENDIX II 289

Onguedo vne islet, lequel est de roche blanche’. Et du cousté
devers le norouest est toute fallaise blanche”; et du cousté devers
le surouest, contre la baye de Onguedo’, la terre est toute cou-
verte d’arbres, jusques au bort de l’eaue. La baye de Onguedo
gist nord norouest et su suest, et est vne bonne baye*. Et pour
entrer en icelle, se fault ranger du cousté de la terre du nord, a
cause d’vne poincte basse’, qui est devers le surouest; et quant
vous serez au dedans d’elle, venez querir la bande du su, et laissez
la poincte Doulgée® du cousté de babort, environ la longueur de
deux cables et bouterez l’ancre en l’ance, quinze brases, devers le
surouest’. Au dedans de cette baye y a deux riviéres, l’vne qui
va au nord et l’aultre qui va a l’ouest surouest; | et entre les deux
y a une haulte montaigne®. La baye a 4 son entrée trois lieues
de largeur jusques auprés de la poincte basse; et a bien cinq ou
six lieues de longitude®. La baye des Molues!® est 4 quarente et

1 Flower-pot rock. Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 74: ‘‘ Flower-pot rock lies close
off the south-east extremity of the cape [Gaspé] and is no longer the remarkable
object it was at the time of the survey of this bay, having since that time yielded
to the force of the waves.’’ I have not been able to see the first edition of Bay-
field.

2 Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 74: ‘Cape Gaspé is a remarkable headland of
limestone, having on its north-east side a magnificient range of cliffs which rise
from the sea to a height of 692 feet.”’

3 Gaspé bay. Vid. p. 59 supra, note 8 and p. 60, note 9. Hakluyt’s text
has “‘ Ognedoc.”’

4 Hakluyt’s text adds: “‘and it isa good Harbour.’”’ This is Gaspé harbour.

5Sandy Beach point. Hakluyt’s text adds, ‘‘at the entrance thereof ’”’
ie. of the harbour. Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 77: ‘‘ Sandy beach point extends
northward, and forms Gaspé harbour . . . It is a low and narrow point of sand,
convex to seaward, on which side the water deepens gradually ...; on the
inside it is as bold as a wall. Thus this spit becomes a natural breakwater,
upon which the heavy swell which often rolls into the bay can produce no effect,
expending its strength in the shoal water before reaching the bank.”

6 M. de La Ronciére has been good enough to point out this word in Afanse’s
Voyages avantureux, fol. 66% of the edition of 1559. It may possibly be a corrup-
tion of orgeau meaning tiller, but nothing positive can be made of it. Cf. Mus-
set’s edition, p. 336. Arnold bluff is probably meant.

7 Vid. p. 60 supra, note 9.

8 North-West arm or Dartmouth river and South-West arm or Gaspé basin
are separated by Arnold bluff.

® Gaspé bay is seven miles and a quarter wide at its mouth, and sixteen
miles long from cape Gaspé to Sandy Beach point.

10 Now Mal bay just below Gaspé bay in 48° 32’ and 48° 37’. Hakluyt’s
text, which omits all mention of Gaspé bay, has here: ‘‘ The bay of Molues or
Gaspay is in 48. degrees,” etc. Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 73: ‘‘ Mal Bay is 53

48493—19

179°

290 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

huyt degrez de la haulteur du polle artique; et la coste gist nord
et su, et prent vng quart de nordest et surouest jusques a la baye
de Challeur’. La baye de Challeur est 4 quarente sept degrez
et a quarente sept et demy de la haulteur du polle artique; et a
de longitude trente ou trente et cing lieues, et de latitude huyt
ou neuf lieues?. Et entre les deux y a trois isles, vne grande et
deux petites*. Et depuys la baye de Challeur jusques 4 passer
les montz Nostre Dame sont toutes terres haultes, bien bonnes;
et sont toutes couvertes d’arbres de diverses sortes, jusques au
bort de la mer*. En ceste coste et a l’isle de l’Ascension y a
grand pescherie de molue et de plusieurs aultres poissons beaucoup
plus que a la Terre Neufve; et si est ledict poisson bien meilleur
que celluy de ladicte Terre Neufve®. Le cap de Onguedo et les
Sept isles®, qui sont du cousté du nord, sont nord norouest et su
suest; et y a dudict cap ausdictes isles trente et cing lieues. Les
Sept isles et le bout de Il’isle de l’Ascension du cousté du norouest

sont l’est suest et ouest norouest; et y a de l’vn a l’aultre vingt

et trois lieues’. Le bout de V'isle de l’Ascension et isle de

Raquelay® sont l’est et ouest, et prenent vng quart de nordest

miles wide, by 4 miles deep, and entirely open to the south-east. On its south-
west side... there are magnificient cliffs 666 feet in perpendicular height above
the sea... There is anchorage all round the shores of Mal bay, but as a heavy
sea and thick fog often precede a south-east gale and render it difficult for a
vessel to beat out, it cannot be recommended.”

1 Chaleur bay. Vid. p. 48 supra.

* Chaleur bay which extends from 47° 40’ to 48° 26’ is twenty-five miles
wide at its mouth and seventy-five miles long.

3 These are Bonaventure island, Percé rock and Flat island. This sentence
is omitted in M. Musset’s edition.

* The high cliffs in Mal bay have been already mentioned (note 10 supra).
Of the coast from cape Gaspé to Fame point and beyond, Bayfield (op. cit., I,
81) says: ‘‘ The mountains everywhere approach the shore which is steep and
rocky, displaying cliffs, often of great height, and without beach.”

® Hakluyt’s text has inserted after this: ‘‘ And here is great store of river
foule, as Malards, wild Geese, and others: And here are all sorts of trees, Rose
trees, Raspesses [? raspberries], Filbird trees, Apple trees, Peare trees, and it is
hotter here in Sommer then in France.”

6 Seven islands so named by Cartier. Vid. pp. 108, 111 and 193 supra.

7 Hakluyt’s text has, ‘24. leagues.” The distance from West point on
Anticosti to the Seven islands is about seventy-four miles.

8 Bic island, 153 miles below Quebec. Hakluyt’s text gives Raquelle, but
Mercator’s map has also Raquelay which has here the sense of “ refuge.”” Cartier
named them or rather Old Bic harbour, “the islets of St. John.” Vid. pp.
112-113 supra.

APPENDIX II 291

et surouest. Les Sept isles et le cap des montz Nostre Dame?
sont nord et su; et y a de l’vn a l’aultre vingt et cinq lieues”.

Les Sept isles sont 4 cinquante degrez et demy de la haulteur du

polle artique*. Les Sept isles et la poincte Dougée* sont nordest

et surouest; et y a de l’vn a l’aultre quinze lieues. Et y a entre
les deux, deux petites isles®. La poincte Dougée et les montz
Nostre Dame, qui sont en la terre du su, sont l’vn avec I’aultre
nord et | su; et y a de l’vng Aa l’aultre dix lieues®; et cecy est la
largeur de ceste mer. La poincte Dougée et la riviére de Cane!
sont l’est et ouest, et y a de l’vn a l’aultre douze lieues. Et toutes
ces terres depuys |’Ascension sont terres sans prouffict, fort froides
et pierreuses. Et aux vallées d’icelles terres y a arbres de toutes

sortes, comme en France, et aulcuns portent fruictz comme noix,

noisilles, grouselles, frazes et framboises, comme en France®.

La poincte Dougée est 4 quarente neuf degrez et vng quart de la

haulteur du polle artique®. Et la riviére de Cane est A quarente

et neuf degrez de ladicte haulteur du polle artique’’. La riviére
de Cane et l’isle de Raquelay" sont nordest et surouest, et y a de
l’vn a l’aultre douze lieues. L’isle de Raquelay est 4 quarente
huyt degrez et demy de la haulteur du polle artique’. En ceste

1 Fame point.

? Hakluyt’s text has inserted here, “and this is the breadth of this Sea,
and from thence upward it beginneth to waxe narrower and narrower.’”’ The
distance from Seven islands to cape Ste. Anne is fifty-six miles.

3 The Seven islands are in 50° 8’.

4 Pointe des Monts where the river St. Lawrence may be said to begin.
Hakluyt’s text gives ‘‘ poynt of Ongear.”’

®> These would be Great Cawee and Egg islands which are fourteen miles
apart. Hakluyt’s text has: ‘‘certaine small islands’’ which would include
the May islets, Little Cawee and the Crooked islands which all lie along this
coast.

® The distance from pointe des Monts to cape Chatte opposite is twenty-
eight miles. The mountains behind cape Chatte are called Ste. Anne moun-
tains.

7 Outarde river some thirty-five miles west of pointe des Monts. Hakluyt’s
text has ‘‘ Caen.”

8 Hakluyt’s text has merely: ‘‘ And all the coast from the Isle of Ascension
hither is very good ground, wherein growe all sortes of trees that are in France
and some fruits.”

® Pointe des Monts lighthouse stands in 49° 19’ 35”,

10 The mouth of Outarde river is in 49°.
11 Bic island.
12 Bic island lies in 48° 25’. Hakluyt’s text has, ‘48. degrees and 3.”

48493—193

179V

180°

292 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

riviére de Cane y a forces praiois'. Et icy la mer n’a point passé
huyt lieues de latitude. L’isle de Raquelay est vne isle fort
basse”, et est ladicte isle auprés de la terre du su, prés d’vn cap
hault, lequel se nomme le cap de Marbre®; et est ledict cap tout
ague par dessus*. Entre Raquelay et le cap de Marbre peuvent
passer navires®. Et n’y a point d[e l’Jisle(s) 4 la terre du su plus
hault d’vne lieue®; et y a de ladicte isle a la terre du nord environ
quatre lieues. L’isle de Raquelay et l’entrée du Saguenay sont
l’est et ouest, et prenent vng quart de nordest et surouest; et y a
de I’vn A l’aultre quatorze lieues’. L’isle de Raquelay et l’isle
de la Guerre® sont l’est nordest et ouest surouest; et y a en la
route douze lieues. Et entre les deux y a deux petites isles au long
la terre du nord, plus prouchaines de Raquelay que du Saguenay ®.
L’entrée du Saguenay est entre haultes montaignes. La poincte
du Saguenay est vne roche blanche”, et est l’entrée dudict Saguenay
a quarente et huyt degrez et vng | tiers de degré de la haulteur
du polle articque™, et ladicte entrée n’a point plus de largeur que
vng quart de lieue’. Et est ladicte entrée dangereuse devers le
surouest’®. Et au dedans de l’entrée environ deux ou trois lieues

- commence 4a eslargir, et semble que ce soit vng bras de mer, pour

raison de quoy j’estime que ceste mer va a la mer Paciffique ou

1 Meadows. Hakluyt’s text has: “In this river of Caen there is great
store of fish.”

* Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 93-94: ‘ Bic island ... is about 3 miles long...
and one mile broad .. . It is thickly wooded, uninhabited, and its height does
not exceed 150 feet above the sea.”

3 Cape Arignole, beside which is the Highland of Bic that rises to a height
of 1,236 feet.

4 Ague is the same as aigu, pointed. Hakluyt’s text has here: ‘‘ There is
no danger there at all.”

® Bic channel has nowhere less than seven fathoms.

° Hakluyt’s text gives us the true reading: “‘ And there is not from the
Isle to the South shore above one league.” Bic island lies two miles and a
quarter from cape Arignole.

7 Vid. p. 113 supra.

8 Basque island. Cf. pp. 177-178 supra.

* Esquamine islets ou Iles Escoumains. Cf. Bayfield, op. ct. 1-253.

10“ Saguenay cliffs ’ says Bayfield, op. cit., I, 271-272 are “ high clay cliffs,
and the hills covered with sand at this point are easily recognized,”

1! The mouth of the Saguenay lies in 48° 8’ 32”.

'? Bayfield, op. cit. I, 330: ‘The entrance channel... is three-quarters
of a mile wide.”

13 Vid. pp. 115 and 234 supra.

APPENDIX II 293

bien a la mer du Cattay. Et faict vng grand courant, lequel faict
vng terrible ratz'. Et icy le fleuve, de la terre du nord et de la
terre du su, n’a point plus hault de quatre lieues de largeur; et
est fort dangereux entre l’vn et l’aultre, parce qu’il y a des bans
et roches”. Lisle de Raquelay et l’isle des Liévres* sont nordest
et surouest et prenent vng quart de l’est et ouest; et y a de l’vn
a l’aultre dix-huyt lieues. L’entrée du Saguenay et l'isle des
Liévres sont nord nordest et su surouest; et y a de l’vn a l’aultre
cing lieues. L’entrée du Saguenay et l’isle de la Guerre’ sont
nord norouest et su suest; et y a de l’vn a I’aultre trois lieues.
Lisle | des Liepvres est 4 quarente et huict degrez et vng sixiesme
de la haulteur du polle artique®. Et depuys les montz Nostre
Dame jusques 4 Canada et 4 Ochelaga®, toute la terre du su est
toute belle terre, platte et belle campaigne, toute couverte d’arbres
jusques au bort dela mer. Et est la terre du cousté du nord plus
haulte que celle du su; et en d’aulcuns lieux y a de haultes montai-
gnes. Et dessoubz, la terre est toute glacée, environ vne brasse’.
Et depuys l’isle des Liepvres jusques 4 |’isle d’Orléans, le fleuve
n’a point passé de largeur quatre ou cinq lieues. Entre l’isle des
Liepvres et la haulte terre du nord, n’y a point plus d’vne lieue et
demye de largeur de mer; et est proffund environ bien cent brasses
ou plus, au meilleu de ladicte mer. En l’est de l’isle des Liepvres
et en l’est suest, y a deux ou trois petites isles et rochiers®. Et
depuys lesdictes isles jusques 4 l’isle d’Orléans *® ne sont que rochiers
et bans de sable, avec forces isles; mesmement du cousté devers

1Cf. Littré, Dictionnaire de la langue frangaise, IV, Paris, 1875, p. 1494:
“Raz. Nom donné a deux courants trés violents dans un passage trés étroit.’’

2 Vid. pp. 115 et seq. supra.

3 Hare island. Vid. p. 234 supra.

4 Basque island. Hakluyt’s text has ‘ Isle of Raquelle ’’ by mistake.

5 Hare island lies in 47°50’.. Hakluyt has: ‘‘48. degrees and 7g of a
degree.”

§ Hakluyt spells it: ‘‘ Hochelaga.”

7 The frost in winter penetrates to a very considerable depth. This
remark must have been made by one who had wintered in the country; for in
France the ground rarely freezes and then only to a slight depth and for a short
period.

8 The long reef and the rocks at the north-east end of Hare island, and Red
islet opposite the mouth of the Saguenay.

9 Hakluyt’s text has: ‘‘Isle Des Coudres or of Filbeardes,” but this is
incorrect. The shoals and islands referred to are those between Coudres and
Orleans islands. Vid. p. 119 supra.

180%

181°

294 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

le su, jusques aux deux tiers du fleuve, ce ne sont que rochiers.
Et du cousté devers le nord, la mer est belle et bien proffunde.
L’isle des Liévres et l’isle des Couldres sont l’est nordest et ouest
surouest; et y a de l’vn a l’aultre douze lieues. Et pour éviter
les dangiers, fault tousjours ranger la haulte terre du nord, parce
que de I’aultre cousté ne sont que rochiers et bans. Et fault
passer du cousté du nord de l’isle des Couldres; et n’y a point plus
d’vn quart de lieue de largeur, et fault aller par le meilleu. Et le
plus seur est la passer de haulte mer, ou de basse mer du tout; parce
que la mer y court fort et y a de grandz dangiers de rochiers, pour
raison de quoy, il vous fault avoir ancres qui soyent bonnes et
bon cables’. L’isle des Couldres est vne petite isle d’vne lieue ou
environ de latitude, et demye lieue de largeur. Et est ladicte
isle toute couverte d’arbres”. Et est le chenal assés large devers
le su; mais ce ne sont que bans de sables dangereux, en sorte que
les navires n’y peuvent passer®. Lisle des Couldres est 4 quarente
sept degrez et trois quartz de la haulteur du polle artique*. Lisle
des Couldres et l’isle d’Orléans sont nordest et surouest; et y a de
l’vn a laultre dix lieues. Et fault tousjours venir au long de la
haulte terre du nord, environ vng quart de lieue, parce que par le
melleu du fleuve ne sont que bans et rochiers, comme dict est.
Et quant vous serez le travers d’vn hault cap, lequel est rond®,
vous traverserez du cousté du su, au su surouest et au quart du su,
et irez par cinq, six et sept brasses®. Et icy se commence l’eaue
doulce de France Prime, et se achéve l’eaue sallée?. Et quant
vous serez le travers de la poincte de l’isle d’Orléans, o& commence

1 Vid. p. 232 supra. Hakluyt has merely: ‘‘ And you must sayle in the
middest of the channel: and in the middest runneth the best passage either
at an hie or a low water.”

2 Vid. p. 118 supra and Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., 1, 318: “Coudres island is
surmounted by wooded hills.”

3 This is the passage known as South Traverse. Vid., Bayfield, op. cit.,
[, 286.

“ Coudres island lies in 47° 23’.

5 Cape Tourmente.

° Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I, 321: “ Eastern Narrows of North Traverse . . . lie
13 miles south from cape Tourmente ... The passage is only 13 cables wide,
with depths greater than 3 fathoms.

"Hakluyt’s text has: ‘and there the river of Canada beginneth to bee
fresh, and the salt water endeth.”” The water does indeed first become fresh
here at Grosse isle, the quarantine station. The river was called France Prime
in honour of Francis I.

APPENDIX II 295

a estre l’eaue doulce, et achéve l’eaue sallée, vous irez par le meilleu
de la riviére, et laisserez l’isle du cousté de thiébort, qui est la
main droicte. Et icy la riviére n’a point passé vng quart de lieue
de latitude; néantmoins elle a vingt ou trente brasses de proffund !.
Et devers le cousté du su, y a vne bande d’isles, toutes couvertes
d’arbres jusques au bort de la mer, et se achévent lesdictes isles
le travers de la poincte de l’isle d’Orléans”. Et la poincte de l’isle
d’Orléans du cousté du nordest est 4 quarente sept degrez et vng
tiers de la haulteur du polle artique*. Et l’isle d’Orléans est vne
belle isle toute couverte d’arbres jusques au bort de ladicte riviére
doulce. Et a ladicte isle de longitude environ cinq ou six lieues,
et de latitude vne lieue et demye*. Et du cousté du nord, y a vne
aultre riviére®, laquelle n’est pas si proffunde que celle qui est du
cousté du su, de laquelle dessus a esté faict mention. Toutesfoys
elle n’a point si peu de font qu’il n’y passe bien navire, | et se va
assembler ladicte riviére aulx deux boutz de Visle d’Orléans®.
Et du bout’ de l’isle d’Orléans jusques au lieu dict Canada, y a
vne lieue, et dudict Canada jusques au fort que a faict faire le
seigneur de Robertval, y a trois lieues®. Ladicte riviére est bien
belle, large et proffunde, comme dict est. Toutes ces terres sont
belles terres, et y a de toutes sortes d’arbres, comme il y a en
France; et sont terre froides, fort subgectes 4 neiges, et 4 mal de
jambes® 4 cause que la terre, par dessoubz, environ deux ou trois
piedz, est toute glacée!’. Et la terre qui est par le dessus n’est
que le fumier des feulles des arbres; et y a en d’aulcuns lieux
terre ferme et franche. Les gens sont belles gens, tant hommes

que femmes, et ont la parolle rude et grosse; et vivent és boys parce

1 The charts give thirty fathoms off point Lévis whence the distance across
to Quebec is only a quarter of a mile.

2 These are the islands about Grosse isle. Vid. p. 119 supra.

3 Pointe Argentenaye, the north-eastern extremity of Orleans island, lies
i Ay? 125",

4 Vid. pp. 119 et seq. supra.

5 The passage north of Orleans island. Vid. p. 120 supra, note 52.

6 Hakluyt’s text has inserted here: ‘‘ From the middest of the Isle unto
Canada the River runneth West; and from the place of Canada unto France-
Roy the river turneth West Southwest.’’ This correctly describes the change
in direction which takes place at Quebec. ;

7 Hakluyt’s text gives, ‘‘ West ende,”

8 Hakluyt’s text has, ‘‘and unto France-Roy 4 leagues.” Vid. p. 265 supra.

9The scurvy. Vid. p. 204 supra. ,

10 Cf. pp. 185 and 210-211 supra.

1817

182°

296 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

qu’ilz n’ont lieu certain; car ilz ne font que courir d’vne terre a
l’aultre’. Les femmes, quant elles sont jeunes, sont communes
A tous, jusques 4 certain temps, et en font escolles”. Et puys
quant elles viennent 4 soy marier sont chastes, qui est qu’elles
n’ont point de congnoissance d’aultres que de leurs maritz. Et
sont bonnes gens bien doulx, de maniére qu’ilz ne font mal a
personne, si on ne leur en faict. Et dudict fort 4 Ochelaga y a
quatre vingtz lieues®. Ledict fort de Canada est par les quarente
sept degrez et vng sixain de la haulteur du polle artique*. Et
Ochelaga est 4 quarente six degrez et demy de ladicte haultéur’®.
Ochelaga est terre beaucoup meilleure que celle de Canada, et sont
les habitans d’icelle plus raisonnables. Toutesfoys on ne sgait
que c’est qu’ilz croyent, ny quel dieu ilz adorent, tant les vng que
les aultres. En icelle terre se cueulle force milg, duquel ilz se
nourrissent avec le poisson qu’ilz prennent en la riviére et en la
mer; car ce sont grandz pescheurs de toutes sortes de poisson,
comme anguilles, loups marins, saulmons, alouses, marsoins,
grandz quasy comme ballaines®, et d’aultres plus petitz. Et y
a au sable, d’au long la riviére, des coquilles faictes comme perles
et comme pallords, qui se manjent 4 la Rochelle, qui sont bonnes,
et sont fort grands. Et en ces terres n’y a aultre chose que cristal
et setoin’, comme j’ay veu. Et quant vous serez au bout de
l’isle®, vous verrez vne grosse riviére, qui tumbe d’vne roche en
bas, quinze ou vingt brasses, et faict vng grand bruict®. Et est
Canada et le cap de Ratz de la Jart, qui est en Poictou, l’est et

ouest, et sont en vne mesme haulteur!’. Et toutes ces terres de

1 This statement shows that Roberval and Alfonse had to do only with the
Algonkins and Montagnais who had no fixed villages.

2 Cf. p. 182 supra.

3 The distance from Montreal to Quebec is 138 miles.

4 Quebec Citadel Observatory stands in 46° 48’ 23”. Hakluyt’s text gives,
further on: “ The Fort of France-roy stands in 47 degrees, and one sixt part
of a degree.”

5 Montreal Cathedral stands in 45° 30’ 24”,

6 Vid. pp. 117-118 supra,

7 Etain.

8 At the west end of Orleans island.

® Montmorency falls, which are 251 feet high.

10 Cf. Musset’s edition p. 153: ‘‘ De ladicte isle de Rey jusques a l’isle Dieu
y a seize lieues . . . Et entre les deux est la riviére de Jart, et la riviére d’Aulonne.
Et cecy est le pays de Poictou.” The river Jard enters the Atlantic a little
north of the Ile de Ré in lat. 46° 25’.

APPENDIX II 297

Canada par raison doibvent estre appellées la Nouvelle France,

parce qu’elles sont en vne mesme haulteur’. Et si elle estoit aussi

bien peuplée que France, mon advis est qu’elle seroit aussi attem-
pérée; mais la terre est tant couverte d’arbres, et y est la riviére
doulce, laquelle est plus naturellement froide que la mer, et est
ladicte riviére tant large et proffunde de maniére, en d’aulcuns
lieux d’elle, a bien demye lieue de large ou plus, qui cause que la
terre est si froide”, combien que le soleil, 4 son midy, est aussi hault
qu'il est A midy a la Rochelle. Et faict son midy quant le soleil
est au surouest et quart de su. Et icy l’estoille du nord, par le
compas, demeure au nord est et quart de nord*. Et quant a
la Rochelle est midy, 4 Canada n’est_que six heures de jour?.
Et d’icy A la mer Occéane, a la coste de la Franciscane®, n’y a
point passé cinquante lieues. Et 4a l’entrée de Norombégue y
peult avoir cent cinquante lieues. Et de Norombégue® a la
Fleuride y a environ trois cens lieues, et de la Fleuride’ 4 Ochelaga
y a quatre vingtz lieues. Et de Ochelaga a l’isle des Raisins®
y a trente lieues. Et pense que Norombégue vient entrer jusques
a la riviére de France Prime® et Ala mer du Saguenay. Et depuys

1 That is in the same latitude as France. Cf. Hakluyt’s text: ‘‘ The exten-
sion of all these islands, upon iust occasion is called New France. For it is as
good and as temperate as France, and in the same latitude.”

?Hakluyt’s text has: ‘‘ And the reason wherefore it is colder in the Winter
is, because the fresh River is naturally more colde then the Sea; and it is also
broad and deepe: and in some places it is halfe a league and above in breadth.
And also because the land is not tylled, nor full of people, and is all full of Woods,
which is the cause of colde, because there is not store of fire nor cattle.”

3 The compass variation at Quebec in 1894 was 17° 30’ W.

* The difference in time between Paris and New York is six hours and five
minutes. Hakluyt’s text has: ‘‘ And when at Rochel it is noone, it is but halfe
an houre past nine at France-Roy.”

® Hakluyt’s text has, ‘‘ the coast of New France.’’ The distance as the
crow flies from Quebec to the head of Penobscot bay on the coast of Maine is.
roughly 200 miles.

® Hakluyt’s text has, ‘‘ And from the entrance of Norumbega,”’ etc.

7 Hakluyt’s text has, “and from this place of France-Roy to Hochelaga,”
etc. but this statement has already been made at p. 296 supra. The distance
as the crow flies from Montreal to the head of Chesapeake bay, almost in the
same longitude, is roughly 500 miles.

8 Evidently one of the islands at the head of lake St. Peter. Vid. p. 144
supra. Hakluyt’s text has ‘‘ Isle of Rasus.”’

® Hakluyt’s text has, ‘‘ river of Canada.”

182

298 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

le fort de Canada? jusques hors la Grand baye”, il n’y a que
deux cens trente lieues; et la route n’est que l’est nordest et ouest

surouest, qui sont cinq degrez et vng tiers de degré* A quarente

six lieues et demye par degré par droicte haulteur*. Les terres

en tirant vers Ochelaga sont beaucoup meilleures et plus chauldes
que celles de Canada; et tient ceste terre de Ochelaga au Figuyer
et au Pérou, en laquelle abunde or et argent®. Veu aussi que ceulx
de la terre dient que en la ville nommée Cebola®, qui est par les
trente et cinq degrez de la haulteur du polle artique, les maisons
sont toutes couvertes d’or et d’argent, et sont serviz en vaisseaulx
d’or et d’argent. Ces terres tiennent 4 la Tartarie, et pense que
ce soit le bout de l’Azie selon la rondeur du monde’. Et pour ce,
il seroit bon avoir vng navire petit de soixante et dix tonneaulx
pour descouvrir la coste de la Fleuride®; car j’ay esté en vne baye
jusques a quarente et deux degrez entre Norombégue et la Fleuride,
mais n’ay pas veu du tout le fond, et ne scay s’il passe plus avant ®.
Et y a en toutes ces terres grand quantité d’arbres et de plusieurs
sortes, comme chaignes, fraignes, cédres, ciprez, hommeaulx,
arables, fayens, arbres de vye, qui portent médicine; ilz ont la
gosme blanche comme neige; pyns privés, desquelz on faict les

1 Hakluyt’s text gives, ‘‘ Fort of France-Roy.”

? The strait of Belle Isle. Vid. p. 76 supra, note 9.

3 Quebec Citadel Observatory stands in lat. 46° 48’ 23” and Belle-Isle
north lighthouse is 51° 53’ which makes a difference of 5° 4’ 37”.

4Hakluyt’s text has, “ and reckon 16 leagues and an halfe to a degree,”
whereby he has evidently understood degrees of longitude, of which according
to Alfonse ‘‘chascun degré est taxé a dix sept lieues et demye.’’ Musset’s
edition p. 81. The distance from one degree of latitude to another is sixty-nine
miles and a fraction.

° Hakluyt’s text has: ‘‘ And this is fitte for Figges and Peares. And I
thinke that golde and silver will be found here, according as the people of the
countrey say.”

® Cibola. Cf. Mr. G. P. Winship’s excellent paper, The Coronado Expedi-
tion 1540-1542 in the Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to
Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 329-613, Washington, 1896 where
the maps which give the name are also reproduced. Vid. also Victor Mindeleff,
A Study of Pueblo Architecture, Tusayan and Cibola, in the Eighth Annual Report
of the Bureau, 80 et seg., Washington, 1891.

7 Hakluyt’s text has: ‘ These landes lye over against Tartarie, and I doubt
not but that they stretch toward Asia, according to the roundnesse of the world.”

8 Hakluyt’s text has, “‘ the coast of New France on the backe side of Flo-
rida.”

® Probably Cape Cod or Boston bay.

APPENDIX II 299

matz de navires, trambles, boulz, lesquelz resemblent a cerisiers.
Et y a des cédres fort gros. Aussi y a forces noix et nusilles, et
y a esté trouvé prunes rouges de maniére de ces prunes que nous
appellons coubrejau. Aussi y a force poix de la nature de la terre!
et forces groiselles et fraizes. Aussi” y a forces bestes saulvaiges
comme cerfz, biches, porcs espitz, outardes, grues, oyes saulvaiges,
chocaes, tourtres, corbins, grolles aillés, et plusieurs aultres
oyseaulx | et bestes. Et y a de petitz serppens comme yl y a en
France et de la mesme sorte. Et dient les saulvaiges que y a des
lycornes. Et toute chose que l’on y séme n’est que deux ou trois
jours 4 venir sur terre. Le bled y croist si bien que j’ay compté
en vne espy de bled six vingtz grains, mesme grain que celluy de
France, lequel avoit faict semer Jacques Quartier. Et la terre est
si bonne que si vous le semez en mars, il sera mfr a la my aoust.
Les eaues y sont beaucoup meilleures® qu’elles ne sont en France.
Et mon advis est tel, que si la terre estoit labourée et plaine de
gens, qu'elle seroit aussi chaulde que la Rochelle. Et qui cause
qu'il y neige si souvent*, c’est que quant il pleut, la pluye se
convertist en neige®. Et n’y pleut sinon du vent vers oriant;
et devers occident n’y pleut point®. Et devers le vent de septen-
trion y a abundance de neiges, et y neige si fort en novembre,
decembre, janvier et febvrier que la neige monte bien environ-la
haulteur de six piedz. Il y a d’aussi belles forestz comme est au
monde possible de veoir. En ceste mer de Canada y a vng poisson
en fasson de balaine, quasi aussi grand, et est blanc comme neige,
et ala gueulle comme vng cheval’. Et y a aultres poissons lesquelz
aussi semblent a elléfans, et ont corne comme lesdictz elléfans, et
descendent en terre®. Et y a de petitz marsouyns, qui ne sont
point plus grandz que tonynes. Et y en a d’aultres aussi grandz
que petites ballaines lesquelz sont appellez chevaulx, et se gectent

1 Hakluyt’s text has: ‘‘ And very faire corne groweth there, and peason
grow on their owne accord.”

2 Hakluyt’s text has inserted before this: ‘‘ And there are goodly Forrests,
wherein men may hunt. And there are great store of Stagges,” etc.

3 Hakluyt’s text has, ‘‘ better and perfecter.”

4 Hakluyt’s text has, ‘“ oftener then in France.”

® The English version in Hakluyt ends here with the words: “ All things
above mentioned, are true. John Alphonse made this Voyage with Monsieur
Roberval.”

6 This is just the contrary to what happens in es

7 The beluga. Vid. p. 117 supra.

8 Walruses. Vid. pp. 34 and 110 supra.

183°

183V

300 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

en l’air a plus de dix brasses de hault. Et y a d’aultres poissons
que nous appellons esturjons.

Puis que nous avons parlé de la coste de la Terre Neufve
jusques au septentrion! et jusques & la terre du Laboureur?, et
de la mer de la Nouvelle France, appellée Canada, c’est raison de

parler du cap de Ratz, ensuyvant la | coste de la Franciscane

jusques A la Fleuride et l’ance du Figuier devers le septentrion’.

Le cap de Ratz, comme j’ay dict, est A quarente et sept degrez

moins dix mynutes de la haulteur du polle artique*. Ledict cap

et le port sainct Christofle® sont l’est et ouest, et prenent vng
quart de norouest et suest; et y a de l’vn a l’aultre neuf lieues.
Le cap de Chincete® est auprés de la pescherie sainct Christofle.

Le cap de saincte Marie’ et les isles de sainct Pierre® sont l’est

suest et ouest norouest; et y a en la traverse quarente et six lieues .

Et quant vous partirez du cap de Ratz sept ou huyt lieues en la

mer, irez &-ouest norouest quérir les isles de sainct Pierre, pour

raison que a l’entour du cap [sainte Marie] et au long la coste y a

des rochiers, qui boutent loing en la mer et sont dangereux’®. Et

du cap de Ratz jusques aux isles de sainct Pierre y a quarente
lieues'. Et si vous voullez aller par le destroict des Bretons”,
passerez bort 4 bort du Coulombier, de quelque cousté que vous
vouldrez. Ce Colombier est vng islet, et est dict Colombier
parce qu'il y a forces oyseaulx’’. Passerez entre les isles de sainct

1 Alfonse includes our Labrador in Terre Neufve.

? Our Greenland. 8 Cf. p. 278, note 4. 4 Cf. p. 279, note 3.

> Trepassey harbour. The MS. has Xfofle.

® Perhaps cape Pine the south-western extremity of Trepassey bay.

7 The southern extremity of the peninsula separating St. Mary’s and Pla-
centia bays.

8 St. Pierre and Miquelon islands. Vid. p. 239 supra.

® St. Pierre is about sixty-five miles from cape St. Mary. There is evidently
some confusion here with the distance from cape Race. Vid. note 11 infra.

‘9 Such as Freels rock-near cape Pine, Lance rock, Bull and Cow, St. Mary
Cay and False Cay off cape St. Mary and Cloué and Tylor rocks off the south-
western extremity of Placentia bay.

11 Cape Race is about 126 miles from St. Pierre.

12 Cabot strait.

13 Cf. Maxwell, op. cit., 120: ‘Great Colombier island, 485 feet above
high water, is bold, dark and steep and lies off the north-east end of St. Pierre”’;
and Jukes, of. cit., I, 93: “‘ Just north of St. Pierre, and separated from it by a
narrow channel is a small lofty island called Colombier. Its resemblance to a
dove-cot arises from the multitudes of puffins which breed there, and are always
flying about it in great flocks.”

APPENDIX II 301

Pierre et la terre des Dunes!. Et de 1a ferez la route au nord

norouest jusques environ vingt et cinq lieues, que vous trouverez
vne terre rouge”, et irez a l’ouest norouest le long de la coste
aultres vingt cing lieues. Et icy trouverez vne isle nommée l'isle
sainct Jehan, qui est au melleu du destroict, et plus prés de la terre
des Bretons que de la Terre Neufve*. Ceste entrée des Bretons
a douze lieues de latitude’; et est en la haulteur de quarente sept
degrez et demy de la haulteur du polle artique, et 4 quarente sept
moins vng quart la coste des Bretons®. De ceste isle de sainct
Jehan 4 l’isle de l’Ascension, qui est en la mer de Canada, |'y a
quarente lieues®; et la route est norouest et suest, et prent vng
quart de l’est et ouest. Ladicte isle de sainct Jehan et l’isle de
Bryon’ et l’isle des Oyseaulx® sont l’est et ouest, et y a en la
traverse quarente lieues. Ladicte isle de Bryon et ladicte isle des
Oyseaulx sont par les quarente sept degrez de la haulteur du polle
artique’. L’isle de Sable’, qui est au dedans de la mer de Canada,
et la baye des Liepvres” sont est nordest et ouest surouest, et y
a en la route quarente lieues. Ladicte isle de Sable est 4 quarente

1 Miquelon island the two parts of which are connected by ‘‘ The Dunes;”
“‘a fine sand beach,”’ says Jukes (op. cit., I, 94) ‘‘ connecting the two islands of
Great and Little Miquelon.”

2 Red island beside Wolf bay and just beyond the Ramea group of islands.
Cf. Maxwell, op. cit., 181: ‘‘ Red island ...so named from the colour of its
outer cliffs, is divided into two parts... the inner of a wooded cone 377 feet,
and the outer a flat-topped hill, with a white summit 326 feet above high water.”’
The line from here to St. Pierre which is about seventy-five miles away clears
all the islands along that part of the coast.

3St. Paul island thirteen miles from cape North. Cf. Maxwell, op. cit.,
228-229: ‘ St. Paul island, lying in Cabot strait, between the south-west extreme
of Newfoundland and the north extreme of Cape Breton island, is nearly 3
miles long by one mile broad... The island, which is... precipitous toward
the sea, has two parallel ranges of hills, that on the eastern coast being the
higher, and attaining an elevation of 500 feet.”’

4 The distance from St. Paul island to cape Ray is about forty-three miles.
The latitude is correct.

5 Cape North lies in 47° 2’,

8 Anticosti lies about 132 miles from St. Paul island.

7 Vid. pp. 34 and 235 supra.

8 The Bird rocks are only fifty-six miles N.N.W. from St. Paul island.
Vid. pp. 30-32 supra.

9 North Bird rock lies in 47° 50’ 57’’, and Brion island in about 47° 47’.

10 The Magdalens. Vid. pp. 236-237 supra.
11 Probably the western end of Northumberland strait. Miramichi bay is

not round. Vid. pp. 40-44 supra.

184°

184V

302 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

six degrez et demy de la haulteur du polle artique 1. et la baye des
Liepvres, qui est vne baye ronde, est 4 quarente cinq degrez et
trois quartz de ladicte haulteur?. Et d’icy tourne la coste du
septentrion nord nordest et su surouest environ quarente lieues
jusques 4 la baye de Onguedo®, qui est 4 quarente lieues de V’isle
de l’Ascension. Retournant au cap de Ratz, qui est en la mer
Occéane en la Terre Neufve, je dictz que le cap de Ratz et le cap
des Bretons‘, le plus dehors en la mer Occéane, qui est vne isle,
appellée aussi sainct Jehan 5 sont l’est nordest et ouest surouest;
et y a en la route quatre vingtz lieues®. Ledict cap 4 Breton de
la mer Occéane est par les quarente cing degrez de la haulteur du
polle artique’. Au suest du cap de Ratz y a deux isles perdues,
qui sont appellées les isles de sainct Jehan d’Estevan®; et sont
perdues a cause qu’elles estoyent de sable. Et y a quarente lieues
d’elles au cap de Ratz; et sont par les quarente cinq degrez ‘de la
haulteur | du polle articque; et sont fort dangereuses. A soixante

1 The Magdalens extend from 47° 12’ 30” to 47° 38’ 40”.

2 The west end of Northumberland strait is in 46° 30’.

3 Gaspé bay. Vid. p. 289 supra.

4Cape Breton. Cf. Bayfield, op. cit., I1, 302: ‘‘ Cape Breton, the extreme
eastern point of Cape Breton island, is low, rocky and covered with grassy
moors.”

5 Scatari island lying just to the north of cape Breton. Cf. Bayfield, op.
cit., II, 303: “‘ Scatari island, forming the extreme eastern dependency of Cape
Breton island, is in shape a triangle, the longest side of which faces the north,
and extends 5 miles; while a line at right angles to it, and terminating at Howe
point, the southern extremity of the island, gives an extreme breadth of 2 miles.
The natural features of this island are similar to those of the adjacent mainland,
the highest hill rising 190 feet above the sea.” It is given on Reinel’s map in
Kohl, op. cit., 177, N° IX.

6 The distance from Scatari island to cape Race is about 274 miles.

7 Cape Breton stands in 45° 57’.

8 Cf. the Islario general of Alonso de Santa Cruz in the Biblioteca nacional,
Madrid, MS. J. 92, fol. 297: ‘‘ Al medio dia desta tierra de los Bacallaos y de la
baya de Santa Maria por cinquenta leguas esta una isla llamada Juan Estevez
laqual se dixo assi por un piloto que la descubrié assi llamado, viniendo a pescar
aqui.” This extract is also printed in Harrisse, Découverte et évolution carto-
graphique de Terre-Neuve, 119. The island is given on the Freducci map
(Harrisse, op. cit., 81-82); on the Ribero and Viegas maps (Kohl, op. cit., N°®
XVI and XVIII*); on the Riccardiana map and the Harleian mappemonde
(Harrisse, op. cit., plates VI and XII); and on Mercator’s map of 1569 (Kohl,
op. cit., N° XXII). The Miller map N° 1 (Harrisse, op. cit., plate VII) alone
gives them as a group. The Desceliers mappemonde has y°® de Jhan Estienne.
Vid. plates I, VIII and XII pp. 1, 128 and 192.

APPENDIX II 303

et quinze lieues en la mer, au su du cap de Ratz, y a vne aultre
isle appellée saincte Croix!; et est par les quarente et wng degrez
de la haulteur du polle artique. Au su surouest dudict cap de
Ratz, a quatre vingtz lieues en la mer, y a aussi vne isle nommée
Bardan”, et est toute de sable; et est par les quarente deux degrez
de la haulteur du polle artique. Au suest du cap a Breton’, trente
lieues en la mer Occéane, y a vne aultre isle, qui est aussi toute de
sable*; et est norouest et suest avec l’aultre isle de Bardan®, et
y a de l’vyn a I!’aultre trente lieues. Et est par les quarente et
quatre degrez de la haulteur du polle artique®. Et au su dudict
cap de Ratz, cent cing lieues en la mer, y a vne aultre isle, qui
s’appelle le Héron; et est par les trente huyt degrez et demy de la
haulteur du polle articque. Et au su et quart de suest du cap a
Breton’, environ trois cens lieues, y a vne isle grande, appellée les
Sept Citez’, qui est vne grande isle. Et y a plusieurs gens qui
l’ont veue, comme aussi ay faict, et ce certiffie; mais je ne scay
qu'il y a dedans, car je n’ay descendu en terre. Et est par les
vingt huyt degrez et demy de la haulteur du polle artique. Tour-
nant a l’isle de sainct Jehan®, qui est dite cap 4 Breton’, le plus
dehors en la mer Occéane, qui est par les trente!? et cing degrez
de la haulteur du polle artique, je dictz que le cap de sainct Jehan,
dict cap A Breton, et le cap de la Franciscane™ sont nordest et
surouest, et prenent vng quart de l’est et ouest; et y a en la route
cent quarente lieues. Et icy faict vng cap appellé le cap de
Norombégue!. Cedict cap est par les quarente et vng degrez
de la haulteur du polle artique.” etc.

1 This island is given on the Reinel map (Kohl, op. cit., N° 1X and Harrisse,
op. cit., plate V) and again in the Riccardiana atlas (Harrisse, op. cit., plate VI).
It is mentioned also in the Letters patent to Fagundes issued on 13 March,
1521. Cf. E. A. de Bettencourt, Descobrimentos, guerras e conquistas dos Portu-
guezes em terras do ultramar nos seculos XV e XVI, p. 133, Lisboa, 1881-1882.

2St. Brandan’s island which figured on medieval maps. Cf. C. Raymond
Beazley, The Dawn of Modern Geography, 230-239, London, 1897: and P.
Gaffarel, Histoire de la découverte de l’Amérique, JI, 205-209. Paris, 1892.

3 Cape Breton mentioned above p. 302, note 4.

4 Sable island which lies eighty-five miles from the nearest part of Nova
Scotia. Cf. Dr. G. Patterson’s paper in Transactions of the Royal Society of
Canada, 1st series, XII, ii, 3-49.

5 St. Brandan’s island.

6 Sable island extends from 43° 58’ 57” to 43° 56’ 24”.

7 Another medievalisland. Cf. Gaffarel, op. cit.,I, 209-215. ®Scatariisland.

® Cape Breton. 10 This should be quarente as above p. 302.
11 Cape Cod. 12 Cape Malabar in 41° 30’.

APPENDIX III.

A BrieFE NoTE OF THE MOoRSSE AND THE USE
THEREOF.!

In the first voyage of Jaques Carthier, wherein he discovered
the Gulfe of S. Laurence and the said Isle of Ramea”, in the
yeere 1534...he met with these beasts*, as he witnesseth in
these words. About the said Island‘ are very great beasts as great
as oxen, which have two great teeth in their mouthes like unto Elephants
teeth, and live also in the sea. Wee saw one of them sleeping upon
the banke of the water, and thinking to take it, we went to it with our
boates, but so soone as he heard us, he cast himselfe into the sea.
Touching these beasts with Jaques Carthier saith to be as big as
Oxen and to have teeth in their mouthes like Elephants teeth :
True it is that they are called in latine Boves Marini, or Vacce
Marine, & in the Russian tongue Morsses, the hides whereof I
have seene as big as any Oxe hide, and being dressed I have yet
a piece of one thicker then any two Oxe or Buls hides in England.
The Leatherdressers take them to be excellent good to make light
targets against the arrowes of the Savages; and I hold them farre
better then the light leather targets which the Moores use in
Barbarie against arrowes and lances, whereof I have seen divers
in her Maiesties® stately Armorie in the towre of London. The
teeth of the sayd fishes, whereof I have seene a dryfat® full at
once, are a foote and some times more in length: & have been
sold in England to the combe & knife-makers, at 8 groats’ and 3
shillings the pound weight, whereas the best Ivory is sold for
halfe the money : the graine of the bone is somewhat more yellow
than the Ivorie. One M. Alexander Woodson of Bristoll my old
friend, an excellent Mathematician and skilful Phisition, shewed
me one of these beasts teeth which were brought from the Isle
of Ramea in the first prize, which was half a yard long or very litle
lesse; and assured mee that he had made tryall of it in ministring
medicine to his patients, and had found it as soveraigne against
poyson as any Unicornes horne.

1From Hakluyt’s Principall Navigations, II11, 191, London, 1600.
* The Magdalens. 3 Walruses. ‘Brion island. Vid. pp. 33-34 supra.
° Queen Elizabeth's. °%A packing-case. ’The groat was a four-penny piece.

304

APPENDIX Iv.!
To MAKE A GoopD FIRE-LANCE.

If you wish to make a good fire-lance take a very slight scant-
ling from three and a half to four feet in length and hollow it out
from one end to the other to the size of a tennis-ball. Then plane
the wood to the same thickness everywhere. Insert a wooden
plug about half-a-foot from one end and nail it with small nails.
Then bind your scantling everywhere with a small cord and to
the thickness of a palm at the end. Take next two parts of tar
and two parts of sulfur, and mix them with a little tallow or grease
and a little coarse powder, and with this smear your scantling.
Then take the following mixture, 12 lbs. of saltpetre, 6 lbs. of
sulfur, 6 of canon powder, 2 of powdered lead, a little broken glass,
2 of mercury (there is no necessity to use orpiment, sublimate
or arsenic, unless you wish; for they only serve to poison the
smoke). Beat each of these up by themselves and then mix them
together with some petroleum or oil of tartar and in default of
these with linseed oil. Next take some balls of thread of a size
to enter the hollow of your scantling and dip them into the mixture
to such an extent that they become easily inflammable. Then
begin to charge your scantling as follows. First take a handful
of coarse powder and place it at the bottom of your scantling.
Ram it but slightly. Next insert a ball and place it next the
powder. Then a little of the mixture itself on top of the ball and
ram it a little. Next another handful of powder as before and
another ball, and continue thus until the scantling is full, but the
amount of powder must be steadily increased so that the last
charge amounts to two handfulls. On top of your last ball place
about a finger’s length of the mixture and some coarse powder on
top to prime it. Next some resin with a bit of canvas over it to
keep the water off. At the other end where there is the plug,
insert a stick from seven to eight feet in length and nail it with
two or three small nails. To makeuseof it, take off the covering
over the mouth of it as far as the prime and light it. With it you
will be able to defend a breach or any narrow opening; for the

fire from a good lance is the most terrible there is next to artillery.
1Translated from MS. fr. 3890, fols. C 26%-C 27°, at the Bibliothéque
Nationale, Paris, entitled Livre de guerre, tant par mer que par terre, et l’opperation
des feu gorgoys et aultres... par moy Jehan Bytharne, cannonier du roy. The
above will be found among the notes at the end of the volume which was finished
June 5, 1543.
305

48493—20

APPENDIX V.

Extracts from the late Sir Daniel Wilson’s Paper :
Tue Huron-IRoguois oF CANADA.

“The palisaded Indian town of Hochelaga, one of the chief
urban centres of the Huron-Iroquois tribes in the older home of
the race, and a sample of the later Huron defences on the Georgian
Bay, stood, in the sixteenth century, at the foot of Mount Royal,
whence the city of Montreal takes its name; and some of the
typical skulls of its old occupants, as well as flint implements and
pottery from its site, are now preserved in the museum of M°Gill
University. The latter relics reveal no more than had long been
familiar in the remains which abound within the area of the
Iroquois confederacy, and elsewhere throughout the eastern states
of North America. Their earthenware vessels were decorated
with herring-bone and other incised patterns; and their tobacco-
pipes and the handles of their clay bowls were, at times, rudely
modelled into human and animal forms. Their implements of
flint and stone were equally rude. They had inherited no more
than the most infantile savage arts; and when those were at
length superseded, in some degree, by implements and weapons
of European manufacture, they prized the more effective weapon,
but manifested no desire for mastering the arts to which it was
due. To all appearance, through unnumbered centuries, the tide
of human life has ebbed and flowed in the valley of the St. Law-
rence as unprogressively as on the great steppes of Asia. Such
footprints as the wanderers have left on the sands of time tell
only of the unchanging recurrence of generations of men as years
and centuries came and passed away. Illustrations of native art
are now very familiar to us. The ancient flint-pits have been
explored; and the flint-cores and rough-hewn nodules recovered.
The implements of war and the chase were the work of the Indian
brave. His spears and arrowheads, his knives, chisels, celts and
hammers, in flint and stone, abound. Fish-hooks, lances or
spears, awls, bodkins, and other implements of bone and deer’s
horn, are little less common. The highest efforts of artistic skill
were expended on the carving of his stone pipe, and fashioning
the pipe-stem. The pottery, the work of female hands, is usually

306

APPENDIX V 307

in the simplest stage of coarse, hand-made, fictile ware. The
patterns, incised on the soft clay, are the conventional reproduc-
tions of the grass or straw plaiting; or, at times, the actual impres-
sions of the cordage or wicker-work by which the larger clay
vessels were held in shape, to be dried in the sun before they were
imperfectly burned in the primitive kiln. But the potter also
indulged her fancy at times in modelling artistic devices of men
and animals, as the handles of the smaller ware, or the forms in
which the clay tobacco-pipe was wrought. Nevertheless the
Northern continent lingered to the last in its primitive stage of
neolithic art; and its most northern were its rudest tribes, until
we pass within the Arctic circle, and come in contact with the
ingenious handiwork of the Eskimo. Southward beyond the
great lakes, and especially within the area of the Mound-Builders,
a manifest improvement is noticeable. Alike in their stone
carvings and their modelling in clay, the more artistic design and
better finish of industrious settled communities are apparent.
Still further to the south, the diversified ingenuity of fancy, espe-
cially in the pottery, is suggestive of an influence derived from
Mexican and Peruvian art. The carved work of some western
tribes was also of a higher character. But taking such work at
its best, it cannot compare in skill or practical utility, with the
industrial arts of Europe’s neolothic age. This region has been
visited and explored by Europeans for fully three centuries and a
half, during a large portion of which time they have been perma-
nent settlers. Its soil has been turned up over areas of such wide
extent that the results may be accepted, with little hesitation,
as illustrations of the arts and social life subsequent to the occu-
pation of the continent by its earliest aboriginal races. But we
look in vain for evidence of an extinct native civilization. How-
ever, far back the presence of Man in the new world may be
traced, throughout the Northern continent at least, he seems
never to have attained to any higher stage than what is indicated
by such evidences of settled occupation as were shown in the
palisaded Indian town of Hochelaga.” .....

‘“Who were the people found by Cartier in 1535, seemingly
long settled and prosperous, occupying the fortified towns of
Stadaconé and Hochelaga, and lower points on the St. Lawrence?
The question is not without a special interest to Canadians.
According to the native Wyandot historian, they were Wyandots

48493—203

308 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

or Hurons and Senecas. That they were Huron-Iroquois, at any
rate, and not Algonkins, is readily determined. We owe to
Cartier two brief vocabularies of their language, which, though
obscured probably in their original transcription, and corrupted
by false transliterations in their transference to the press, leave
no doubt that the people spoke a Huron-Iroquois dialect. To
which of the divisions it belonged is not so obvious. The lan-
guages, in the various dialects, differ only slightly in most of
the words which Cartier gives. Sometimes they agree with
Huron, and sometimes with Iroquois equivalents. The name of
Hochelaga, “‘ at the beaver-dam,” is Huron, and the agreement
as a whole preponderates in favor of a Huron rather than an
Iroquois dialect. But there was probably less difference between
the two then, than at the more recent dates of their comparison.
In dealing with this important branch of philological evidence,
I owe to the kindness of my friend, Mr. Horatio Hale, a compara-
tive analysis of the vocabulary supplied by Cartier, embodying
the results of long and careful study. He has familiarized him-
self with the Huron language by personal intercourse with members
of the little band of civilized Wyandots, settled on their reserve
at Anderdon, in Western Ontario. The language thus preserved
by them, after long separation from other members of the widely
scattered race, probably presents the nearest approximation to
the original forms of the native tongue, as spoken on the island
of Montreal and the lower St. Lawrence. In the following compa-
rative table the Wyandot equivalents to the words furnished in
Cartier’s lists are placed along side of them, so as to admit of easy
comparison. The resemblances which are discernible to the
experienced philologist may not strike the general reader with
the like force of conviction. Allowance has to be made for
varieties of dialect among the old occupants of the lower valley
of the St. Lawrence, and also for the changes wrought on the
Huron language in the lapse of three and a half centuries, not
simply by time, but also as the result of intercourse and inter-
mixture with other peoples’. The habit of recruiting their

1 Cf. Sagard, Dictionnaire de la langue huronne (Paris, 1632), p. 9: ‘ Nos
Hurons, & generallement toutes les autres Nations, ont la mesme instabilité
de langage, & changent tellement leurs mots, qu’A succession de temps l’ancien
Huron est presque tout autre que celuy du present, & change encore, selon que
i’ay peu coniecturer & apprendre en leur parlant.” Editor’s note.

APPENDIX V 309

numbers by the adoption of prisoners and broken tribes could
not fail to exercise some influence on the common tongue. The k
or hard g of Cartier is, in the Wyandot, frequently softened to a y;
and on the other hand, the is strengthened by a d sound, as in
Cartier’s pregnant term Canada, the old Hochelaga word for a
town, which has become in the Wyandot Yandata; and so in other
instances. When the spelling of Cartier’s words varies in different
places or editions of his narrative, the various forms are here given.
In writing the Wyandot words the consonants are used with their
English sounds, except that the j is to be pronounced as in French
(English z in “‘ azure’’), and 7 has the sound of the French nasal n.
The vowels have the same sounds as in Italian and German.

Some of the Wyandot words placed in the following lists
alongside of those furnished by Cartier are not, as will be seen
transformations of the old forms, but synonyms, or equivalents
now in use. Others, however, show the changes which have taken
place, under the novel circumstances which have affected the
scattered Huron fugitives in the interval of upwards of three
centuries. This is particularly noticeable in the numerals, where
the greater number of the modern words are imperfect abbre-
viations of the original forms. This process of phonetic change
and decay is more fully illustrated in subsequent tables of Huron-
Iroquois numerals.

A COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY OF WORDS IN THE ‘‘ LANGUAGE OF HOCHELAGA AND CANADA,”
AS GIVEN By CARTIER, AND THE CORRESPONDING WORDS IN THE LANGUAGE OF THE WYANDOT
(OR WENDAT) INDIANS RESIDING ON THE RESERVE IN THE TOWNSHIP OF ANDERDON, NEAR
AMHERSTBURG, ONTARIO: By Mr. HORATIO HALE.

CARTIER. WYANDOT.
ONG AT fs.as se cae heats RERAUA, SCCALA fg orcit crc:k oie iprete'e soe, 0 oro! skat.
PREG catty as weed eee tigntieny, CIQNEM, .isccd cee eetis tendi.
PRT OE pie cra arses cre eas AS ANAS ORC 5c 9 a1 ili a gtevetlervro(elarasao shefik.
BOM iisicte's cic.c18 peat aie honnacon, honnaceon...........+.... dak, or ndak.
PiVess ccidieuis = eaaest OUD crab iareioh 2 Gtitelsle aie alely .c%s pn. tauenets wish.
DIRS cess canis csi eis aslace ASUAAIES IUIAICs 1 <1ctefe/ele vs vie elore lew re. 210 waji, or waya.
Seveti.c vevcnenic ete NVA SEMI A este axa adhe oisvaxe vere orev alae tsutaré.
HONG cw eitaeen tact AUAERUE, AGIGUE kid levee ween d os ateré.
INTIS Fs scele: aici ele he atonal BISACLEULOMG 61a. dare ahs igie Wt etal o:3"a elie oiSia le sl'a7s entrofi.
RGM ores eee g Ft ites te ASCE ere Ie sisi ys TaiaiaisOO Ne aes ahséfi, or asafi.
PE AE Se enter see ae PRs [ae meen Cres oe tire aka th! share ol ge. eee a! a0a0 lola, pras tenditawahsefi.
ATEN Reser ancl crea aoar erie roca ve fie ool anvice"o Pars, 0 sare "“siluye%alalB lo "aioe o's'ere shenkiwihsefi.
PSN RUG (ce care eterna eae aoe, Sure ace ave EM de wins wale, wei ale skatamendjawe.
REVIT PAULINE set a ai ce cao choad p90 es oi"a “i lalioce, al Het aey ea “aes “ors safigwat.

Head goss paaceseeeew aggourzy, aggoursy, agonaze, aggonzi.' ayeskutafi (my h.)

310 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

A COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY OF WORDS, ETC.—Continued.

CARTIER. WYANDOT.

/
Forehead <oii5 ose cae 5.0] HOCRUICMYASCOMLA. saiciews aes G svetree arse 2 yeyefitsa (my f.)
NEVES cirri diet seatdinla hegata, heigata, igata........6... ..| yahkwefida.
FLOWS ete accieiresrecestia eiovene HOMERS you <ctlk ue aiew tide oe op eae yehofita, yaofita (my e.)
Mota sara tine sare cere CECA 42. Oive Sheva ta glace wi aeignn geaeios ee were yeskareut (my m.)
Teeth..... vette takai erate tec EBD OUM GAY i oipraeiaaiels eos 018d srauesstavanereuehe .| yeskofishya (my t.)
SLONGUC TA tek et eee ne OSaChe, ESUACHE. Hariceieieja «01h eleisiw ss wae yendashya (my t.)
ROB vincests ave aoe Se ROSOUASCON a. dent ies ares acaneve a amele ete Bie yeyofishya, yeyofiske (my f.)
EV GiP eee Heceiesesternese AGANISCON, ALOMISCON sh 2.4 «slur alse ayerushia (my h.)
GATT st texan etal) Oharavasets alayascon..... atdbseepenecayShone esa cagttetn de yeya’sya, hajasha.
Belly ec: wide e wots eschehenda....ccccse0c8e. se We wean yesemefita (my b.)
LG GiSiisisiverdecsietel ee elena els agouguenehonde..............++00- yenofita (my 1.)
WOO Gere: Seek etev el emeronerGucne onchidascen, ochedasco............. yashita (my f.)
PAGE Sei vehi aaa os aignoascon, agnascon............... yorasa.
NNO CES ah cen rawrns octecs BBCHOGA So atau oie aaale be oleae Maes yegyayi, hafigfa.
INaiist sapere ae eae tae AEAPASCOM gaia temas. nolo eae ee é’ta, yeéhta (my n.)
WED irre e terete testes USUAL, Pair cee ehoeNel s GME atooa aiehals McTaus tume (homo), hagyahafi (vir.)
WOMAN syecincter betas ALTIESTS, \ALTUCEES i: <)cr </e ais eavapenn mes utehkye, utéhkrefi.
BOY ce oe PeeieGuneews DCGEPESEA Is U6 ce dare Lercnanpeeeloe vere mefitsefitia.
Giri paseo tesa ALNYACMESTA |. /teictewarcrsn earae ewe ....| yawitsinoha.
Tiare Seite et aeictia baracets OXIDASE Ae Mer tens cape wid ok ans Seats shiaha.
DHOESS ices tees eee PHA ACCA aw crass teen sialtiaiete sau eus ater rashyu.
Cornxe.esee roe OBEY << chore char etee eldralasal exe’ susie aayrahers eevee onefiha.
Water...... shes wheats IMC as eheeyeres ia a inp atchs upaaker estore ore tsafidusti, or tskadusti.
Miles bigies cescapetaesstiees GUAHOWASCOM se) the cde wuea on Se i lodiey ais owahtra.
Fighnecert's.< Seratere ysis QUGOM Ss scsoaee LOS tatu ore Hehe ee yefitsofi.
Sqtierel moc cence CALS P META Ge Ae oa ee huhtayi.
SIAR Oris c/oietiveisrealattenace undeguezy (couleuvre)............. tyugentsi (snake).
Woodie oats areca CORAA Sr sia, ieee Gobo eearenieen eee utahta (wood), yarofita (tree).
Weal cae tts as alabiwarean gc Osa, hon wa Yc. ce rae ae undrahta.
Rene sty avates a he 0) altace aigohedal ster a tice sole. fuctacans ted were wanefishra.
FIAUCH EGA acvelaisierere as ars addogne, as0gne... vo. wn cues onoe tuyé.
BO Wantaeectes sve baivaie evetans ALEMA, ANGUCE cc Pci cakimieiha aime ae enda.
AltOWitinje’scies c mer fates quahetam....... asm, tose alin ed ela ois Ras o’onda,
DDC Or ierratcratavece ra eaters aionnesta (stag), asquenondo (doe)..| skanofitofi (deer).
SHE aise ste tie aceyae a SOUbh ainda. cle rerche nual niem rn eee ade tafiyofiyaha.
IDO Besa canister oe BPAVOsaac ead: Seater eats ae een ae yafiyend!,
To-morrow........... AChHIGE., iis daincnais eae Eee TO ashitak.
Flea elbs tic inecan ets seat PUUetbianhs osha aches Aa ee ea Ne yarofiya.
Matti craisaeteacciee ow LAME, Gy arertrars bilcneene Re ere Been ondét (earth), omefitsa (world).
SOUL ae gay slslae ett net YOY ie vrs aMleNoa vers vicina eke el ene cranes yandishra,.
DVL OOM Hele aisissaucisee ea nests AGHOMIEIG NA, fy anc saleinals cnc esses ROE wasufitey1-yandishra (night-sun).
SEATS cicins cise evat sust|| SIUC NON IMG ay. whalers ein eiet saree tishyofi.
IVVEEIGE Sc ate le isie' eo koete ae cahoha, cahena, cahona.............. yaora, jukwas.
SEAN attic are at seeiduel ae AgOgasy, AFOUGASY....... cece eeee ufitare, tarijfiye.
Toland )..i.2 5 asaw.cioutetuee CONCHA ar cae Wtcaacon te Salen Cee yawenda. S
Mountains. si csia aie oe OBER tain eoaeicles OMe cme ee ononta, onontija.
Leb yin tan seteen ats POBMERCAN c urysfeieisss) sueyorel auth ois rare udishra.
SLOW is cisisye: Parear las as) a dif; CRM antares Satta se DROIT Peer CnaAN. & tN eRe eres difiyefita, difiyehta.
Cold inst tte ence CRUDRU Wcwbouns paren euere gaat een ture.
WATI Ws sarsterche nee odazan edaphic. uate ae tarihaati.
EUG clara Sauietcea sone AZISbAIASISEGsi)s J viamive ete caKele ea tant tsista, tshista.
House......... suet tenant CANOCHAT A ai,.:5 Ava eamorin Mee uate iE yanofisha,
PLOW ilove toatetsierore os ‘oin]| OANA O aha antes at saunter Se ote clear ae yandata.
My: father acts cles addathy.s cb ies. a aebrata: Ome a Ne eC haista, haistafi.

APPENDIX V 311

A COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY OF WORDS, ETC.—Concluded.

CARTIER. WYANDOT.
Miy mother........<0s«. adanahoe, adhanaoe...............- anéafi, an#’efi.
My: brother.....0 6.008 SUD EEMTIASD sous Saciaie4o) afay evar piteks oie: als bers he’yéafi,
My sisters s0..<.deccece§ adhoasseue, addasene............... eye’afi.
Beard) sac niee ase vere IG LONE Ocrercioneites Tovsuases tare tyes tua unieete uskwafirafi
To sing re absis vale Sau. EBERCNOACA. sh sence vie IN bs aevsds tewariwakwe.
ERO MALIR Erevan ero a-arsien le GABEZEMAA Sates onto oee o ois k dined ielehe kyeskwatandi.
To dance....... ie ot fe GHER GOOCH. ce.cerae pieteess criierety wusieiehe biews yendrawa.
My friend ........ 6.0. BRMIASO Sere red x iois beleive orefstieeie 6 Buasenave ny&ter6 (friend).
RUS ee ies eit eed ThOGOAGHAGY,, wiece diate arate see ee a lore ae yetake, tiarahtat.
Chistt ocd need AV OUMAIIA salen avs eure sre wea wasrere a ae Sis hayuwanefis.
INGER ES ecto w aie die erisreiet AUNSMA Te aicigth's: vieisesel diester sreiels ioreinine ee wasufiteye.
DAV ee eee ales beeen AGEV ANON egccseescieien Setesie athe tek meteye, mentahfofi.
PUMeteC wis ete ie! a terse > BHNEAG A. csccctyys sie eels artas «3B eresusteyele handehta,

When Champlain followed Cartier into the St. Lawrence
after an interval of sixty-eight years, the well-fortified towns
had disappeared, along with their builders, and the few occupants
of ephemeral birch-bark wigwams belonged to another race. Had
he been curious to learn the facts of an event, then so recent, there
could have been no difficulty in recovering the history of the
exodus of the Hochelagans. But it had no interest for the French
adventurers of that day; and the idea most generally favoured
by recent writers ascribes the expulsion of the Wyandots, or
Hurons, from their ancient home in eastern Canada, to the Algon-
kins'. This, as already shown, is irreconcilable with the fact
that Champlain found them, in the beginning of the seventeenth
century, in friendly alliance with the latter against their common
_ foe, the Iroquois. If, however, the Wyandot tradition of the
expulsion of the Hurons from the island of Montreal by the Senecas
be accepted as an historical fact, it is in no degree inconsistent
with the circumstances subsequently reported by Champlain;
but rather serves to account for some of them, if it is assumed
that the Senecas were, in their turn, driven out by the Algonkins,
and then finally withdrew beyond the St. Lawrence.

But there is another kind of evidence bearing on the question
of the affinities of the people first met with by Cartier in 1535,
which also has its value here. I have carefully compared the
skulls found on the ancient site of Hochelaga, and now preserved

1 Vid. p. 161 supra note 63.

312 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

in the Museum of M¢Gill University, with some of the most
characteristic Huron skulls in Laval University, and find that the
two correspond closely. Again, the description of the palisaded
towns of the Hurons on the Georgian Bay very accurately repro-
duces that which Cartier gives of Hochelaga’. Ephemeral as
such fortifications necessarily were, the construction of a rampart
formed of a triple row of trunks of trees, surmounted with galleries,
from whence to hurl stones and other missiles on their assailants,
was a formidable undertaking for builders provided with no better
tools than stone hatchets; and with no other means of transport
than their united labour supplied”. But the design had the
advantage of furnishing a self-supporting wall, and so of saving
the greater labour of digging a trench, with such inadequate tools,

in soil penetrated everywhere with the roots of forest trees. It
was the Huron-Iroquois system of military engineering, in which
they contrasted favorably with the Algonkins, among whom the
absence of such evidence of settled habits as those secure defences
supplied, was characteristic of these ruder nomads... The
pottery and implements found on the site of Hochelaga are also
of the same character as many examples recovered from the Huron

ossuaries®.”’

1 Vid. p. 155 supra note 48.

* Cf. Brent Van Curler’s Journal in the Annual Report of the Amer. Hist.
Assoc. for 1895, p. 90: ‘‘ This castle has been surrounded by three rows of
palisades . . . Six or seven pieces were so thick that it was quite a wonder that
savages should be able to do that.’’ Editor’s note.

3 From Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada for the
Year 1884, II, ii, 72-81.

APPENDIX VI.

A! LETTER WRITTEN TO M. Joun GrowTE?”
STUDENT IN PARIS, BY JAQUES NOEL oF S. MALO,
THE NEPHEW OF JAQUES CARTIER® TOUCHING
THE AFORESAID DISCOVERY *.

Master Growie,

Your brother in law Giles Walter® shewed me this morning
a Mappe printed at Paris®, dedicated to one M. Hakluyt an
English Gentleman: wherein all the West Indies, the kingdome
of New Mexico, and the Countreys of Canada, Hochelaga and
Saguenay are contained. I hold that the River of Canada?
which is described in that Mappe is not marked as it is in my
booke, which is agreeable to the booke of Jaques Cartier®; and
that the sayd Chart doth not marke or set downe The great Lake e
which is above the Saulis, according as the Savages have adver-
tised us, which dwell at the sayd Saults. In the foresayd Chart
which you sent me hither’, the Great Lake is placed too much
toward the North. The Saults or falles of the River stand in 44.
degrees of latitude”: it is not so hard a matter to passe them,
as it is thought: The water falleth not downe from any high place,
it is nothing else but that in the middest of the River there is

1From Hakluyt Principall Navigations, III. 236, London, 1600.

2 Vid. p. 259 supra note 10. E

3 Vid. p. 259 supra note 11.

* The third Voyage of Cartier given above pp. 149-259.

5 Probably Guillaume Gaultier, sieur de Lambestil, who had married
Francoise Grout the sister of Jean Grout, sieur de La Ruaudaye. Vid. Jotion
des Longrais, op. cit., 144.

® This was Francis Gaulle’s map which accompanied the edition of Peter
Martyr’s De orbe novo decades VIII, brought out by Richard Hakluyt at Paris
in 1587. It is reproduced in the Glasgow reprint of Hakluyt’s Principall
Navigations, volume VIII, p. 272, 1904.

7The St. Lawrence. Vid. p. 108 supra note 91.

8 Vid. p. 260 supra.

®Lake Huron. Vid. p. 202 supra.

10 To St. Malo.

11Jn this map of 1587 Lake Huron extends from 60° northwards under the
name of Mare dulce. As a result of this communication Hakluyt brought it
down to 40° in his map of 1599.

12 The latitude of the Lachine rapid is 45° 25’.

313

314 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

bad ground. It were best to build boates above the Sauwlis ;
and it is easie to march or travell by land to the end of the three
Saults' : it is not above five leagues iourney. I have bene upon
the toppe of a mountaine”, which is at the foot of the Saults, where
I have seene the said River beyond the sayd Saultes, which shewed
unto us to be broader then it was where we passed it®. The people
of the Countrey advertised us, that there are ten dayes iourney
from the Saults unto this Great Lake*. We know not how many
leagues they make to a dayes iourney. At this present I cannot
write unto you more at large, because the messenger can stay no
longer. Here therefore for the present I will ende, saluting you
with my hearty commendations, praying God to give you your
hearts desire. From S. Malo in haste this 19 day of June. 1587.
Your loving Friend,
Jaques Noel.

Cosin, I pray you doe me so much pleasure as to send mee a
booke of the discovery of New Mexico’, and one of those new
Mappes of the West Indies dedicated to M. Hakluyt the English
Gentleman, which you sent to your brother in law Giles Walter ®.
I will not faile to informe my selfe, if there be any meane to find
out those descriptions which Captain Cartier made after his two
last voyages’ into Canada’.

1 Probably the Lachine, Carillon and Long Sault rapids. Vid p. 169 supra.

2? Mount Royal. Vid. p. 168 supra.

3 This broad expansion of the St. Lawrence above the rapid of Lachine
is called lake St. Louis.

“Lake Huron. Cf. Champlain Céwvres, IV, 19 et seg. and Sagard, Grand
voyage etc. 60 et seq.

5 This was probably Martin Fumée’s translation of Gomara’s Historia de
las Indias, of which the fifth edition containing for the first time the Conquista
de Méjico appeared in 1584 under the title Histoire generalle des indes occiden-
tales, et terres neuues, qui iusques a present ont esté descouuertes, Augmentee en
ceste cinquiesme edition de la description de la nouuelle Espagne, & de la grande
ville de Mexicque autrement nommee Tenuctilan, Composee en Espagnol par
Frangois Lopez de Gomara, & traduite en Frangois par le S. de Genillé Mart.
Fumée Paris, MDLXXXIIII in 8°.

5 Cf. p. 313 supra note 5.

7 Evidently the voyages of 1541 and 1543. Cf. Biggar, The Early Trading
Companies of New France, 219.

8 Reprinted in the various subsequent editions of Hakluyt’s Principall
Navigations, vol. III, 290, London, 1810; vol. 13, 154-155, Edinburgh, 1889;
vol. VIII, 272-273. Glasgow, 1904.

ERRATA: |
For Trocadigash read Tracadigash
“ Pospebiac - ‘‘ Paspebiac
Perce -.- “ Percé

. t ey" Lse the Z) ce Sua

i huste this 19 day

pessent Teil oo ude, mr ye
pt 4 ing Geel | oe ve ou

APPENDIX VII. }

MAGNETIC VARIATION IN CARTIER’S TIME.

By W. F. GANONG.

The fact that the compass does not everywhere point true
north was undoubtedly known to Cartier, as to other navigators
after the time of Columbus, though the matter was still too little
understood to exert appreciable effect on navigation or cartog-
raphy. Inspection of the various maps based upon Cartier’s
lost originals shows that on all of them the Gulf of St. Lawrence
is drawn to the magnetic meridian, following exactly the
compass as Cartier saw it, this topography being then revolved
from left to right to make the magnetic meridian coincide with
the true meridian to which the maps as a whole are drawn. Such.
appears indeed to have been the general practice down to the time
of Champlain, whose small map of 1613, illuminatingly explained
in his text, appears to represent the earliest map of any part of
Canada, and so far as we have observed, of America, whereon the
magnetic and true meridians appear in their correct relation.

Naturally, under the circumstances, Cartier’s narrative gives
no hint of the amount of the magnetic variation .at that time, but
the method of construction of the aforementioned maps permits
some determination of it, with, however, limitations in accuracy
imposed by the great imperfections of the map. To this end we
may select certain lines, the longer the better, as permitting the
errors of single observations to balance one another, and better
yet if between places fixed by latitude observations, and measure
the angle of deviation thereof from the true meridian on that map,
as compared with the angle between corresponding lines on a
modern chart, the difference in the angle yielding the deviation
from true meridian on the original map. This method applied
to the Jean Roze map of 1542',—the one which seems best to
reflect Cartier’s own map of his first voyage,—gives for five such

1 Vid. E.T. Hamy, Jean Roze, hydrographe dieppois, etc., in Bulletin de
géographie historique et descriptive, année 1889, pp. 87-96. Paris, 1890.

315

316 THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

major lines 10°, 16°, 14°, 12°, and 14°, the mean of which is some-
what above 13°. Since Cartier’s later voyages may be supposed
to have improved the later maps, we naturally make the same
measurements on the map which seems best to reflect the results
of all of the Cartier voyages without other appreciable admixture,
viz. the Desceliers of 1546; and the results are respectively 14°,
12°, 18°, 12°, 13°, with a mean just under 14°. So far as such
data are concerned they would show that the magnetic variation
at the time of Cartier’s voyages was, for the central part of the
Gulf of St. Lawrence, about 13.30°, where it is now about 28°.

When we seek to check this result by comparison with later
observations, we meet with an almost complete absence of data for
about two centuries; for Champlain gave no data for the Gulf
region, and the published maps after his time were all set to the
true meridian without mention of variation. Accuracy came with
the surveys of Holland in 1765 and later, as embodied in the
DesBarres Charts in the Atlantic Neptune, which give about 19°
for the same general region. Since then the data are ample for
determining the changes of cycle, as very clearly set forth in
Lieut.-Colonel Sabine’s Contributions to Terrestial Magnetism, in
the Philosophical Transactions, CXXXIX, 173-234, 1849, and in
the later Admiralty charts.

INDEX

Achelacy or Hochelay (Portneuf): 142,
143, 197, 256; chief of, presents child-
ren to Cartier, 143; warns against
Donnacona, 188; revisited, and two
boys and numerous presents left
with, 256-257.

Adhothuys: see whales, white.

Adirondacks, the: 168.

Admiralty charts: 316.

Agojuda (‘evil folk’): 171.

Agouhanna: a title with the meaning
of ‘chief’, 121, 163, 228.

Agouhanna of Hochelaga: 164-5.

Agouhanna of Stadacona: Cartier re-
quested to seize, 220, 223; successor
of Donnacona, 252; reception of
Cartier by, 252.

Agona; contraction of Agouhanna, q.v.

Ajoaste, village of: 196.

Ajounesta: 216.

Alfonse, Jean: the Cosmographie of,
XII, 278-303; Roberval’s pilot, 263.

Algonkins, the: 308, 312; expulsion of
Hurons by, 311; of Senecas, 311.

‘All Isles ’ (Eskimo island, etc.): 19.

Almonds: 203.

Aloses (shad): 267, 296.

Alphonse, Jean: see Alfonse, Jean.

America: northwest parts of, 273.

Anderdon (Ontario): 308.

Animals: 8, 9, 34, 103, 109-110, 117,
118, 147, 158-159, 186, 193, 198, 199,
267, 268, 275, 299, 304.

Annedda (the hemlock): Indian scurvy
remedy, 213, 254.

Antarctic zone, the: 87.

Anticosti (‘Ascension’ or ‘Assumption’
island): 111, 193, 284, 286, 287, 288,
290, 301, 302; approaches to, 68;
south coast of, 69; north coast of,
71-73; known to be an island, 103;
discovery of passage south of, 235;
Roberval passes, 265.

Aponas: see Apponats.

Apple island (St. Lawrence river): 114.

317

Apponats (great auks): 7, 33.

Apponats, tle des (Funk island): 280.

Arables (maples): see trees.

Arctic zone, the: 87.

Arignole, cape: see Marbre, cap de:

Aristotle: 87.

Artillery: discharged to please Indians,
135;

Ascension island: see Anticosti.

Ash: see trees.

Asia: 298.

Asquenondo: 216.

Assumption island: see Anticosti.

Atlantic Nepiune, the: 316.

Auks: see apponats, tinkers.

Avezac, M.d’: X, XI.

Azores, the: 278.

Bacaillau, tle de: 280.

Bacchus’s island: see Orleans, island of.

Bardan island (St. Brandan’s island):
303. ;

Barn mountains (Nfld.): 25, 78.

Barnaby island: 113.

Basqueisland: see ile de la Guerre.

Baxter, Jz.P ox

Bay of Islands: see St. Julian’s Bay.

Beans: 158, 183, 267.

Bear Head: see Royal, cape.

Bears: polar, 8, 9, 275; black, 34, 275.

Beast with two legs: 198.

Beaugrand-Champagne, M. Aristide:
XCEL.

Beaupré, Viscount: 251, 256.

Beaver: 159, 198, 233.

Beeches: see trees.

Belle Isle (Brittany): 264.

Belle Isle, strait of (‘bay of Castles’ or
‘the Grand bay’): XII, 9, 18, 46,
79, 265, 282, 283, 284, 298; direct-
ions for entrance to, 13-14; French
fishing vessels in, 77; Cartier’s ren-
dezvous on the second voyage, 95;
dangerous coasts of, 98-99; Alfonse’s
sailing directions for, 284.

318

Belle Isles, the (Nfld.): 12, 281, 282.

Beluga, the: see whales, white.

Bibliotheque Nationale, the:
XII. ;

Bird island (Greenly island): 16.

Birds: 7, 8, 16, 19, 32, 33, 43, 95, 144,
145, 198, 268, 277, 286, 299.

Birds, isle of (Funk island): 6, 94, 95,
274.

Bird rocks, the: 30-33, 301; see also
Gannet islands.

Biron, Mr: 274.

Black bay: see Hillocks, harbour of:

Blackbirds: 145, 198.

Blackland point: 45.

Blanc Sablon: 15, 16, 22, 284; soil at,
22; Cartier takes his departure from,
79; reaches, on second voyage, 95.

Boves Marini: see walrus.

Bonne Esperance harbour: see Brest,
harbour of.

Bradore bay: see Islets harbour.

Bread, Indian: 62, 157, 191, 269.

Breams: 199.

Brest, harbour of (Bonne Esperance
harbour): 17, 18, 24, 96; position of,
17; nearby islands, 17.

Bretons, détroit des: see Cabot strait.

Bretons, terre des: see Cape Breton.

Brittany: 250, 251; the Vice-Admiral
of, XII.

Brion (or Bryon) island: 33, 34, 235,
236, 301; soil of, 33; flora of, 34;
soundings off, 39,

Bugles: 268.

Bustards: 144, 198, 299.

Buts, Thomas: 273, 277.

Buttes (Butes, Butes, Bytes), haven
of: 14, 284.

Gy ely

Cabot strait (détroit des Bretons): 300.

Caignetdaze (copper): 106, 171.

Cains 22°

Canada: 266, 278, 293, 295, 313;
Cartier’s approach towards, 114,
115, 116; his arrival at, 119-123,
251; his return to, from Hochelaga,
172: visit of the chief of Achelacy

THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

to, 144; Donnacona invites Cartier
to visit him at, 176; visited by Car-
tier’s relatives, 260.

Extent, position, latitude and
longitude, etc., 103, 106, 119, 194,
296, 297; fish, 199; soil, 295; cli-
mate, 297; why called New France,
297; origin of the name, 309.

Indians of, description of, 295-
296; vocabularies of the, 80-81, 241-
246, 309-311. See also Stadacona.

Canada, the fort of: 298.

Canada, the river of: see St. Lawrence
river.

Ganadians: Cartier refers to Indians of
Stadacona as, 227.

Canodeta (spices): 260.

Canaries: 144, 198.

Cane, riviére de (Outarde river): 291.

Cannibalism: 276.

Canoe river (Cascumpeque bay): 41.

Canoes, Indian: 23.

Cape Bonavista: 4; position of, 5.

Cape Breton (terre des Bretons); 35,
237, 274, 286, 301, 302, 303.

Cape Cod: 303.

Cape Cod bay: 298.

Cap Rouge river: 253, 254, 266.

Carp: 199, 268.

Carpon: see Karpont.

Carraconny: preparation of, 157-8.

Carter, Mr: 274.

Cartier, Jacques: the various MSS.
and editions of his voyages, IX,
X, XI, XII, XIII; the lost book
of, XII; a search for his writings,
260.

His contributions to geographical
knowledge, XIII; variation of the
compass in his time, 316; his ac-
quaintance with, 316.

Principal movements of: depar-
ture on first voyage, 4; reaches
Newfoundland, 4; decides to return,
75; undertakes second voyage, 85;
sails, 93; learns of river St. Law-
rence, seeks a strait on the north
shore, 107-111; at the Saguenay,115;

INDEX

Cartier, Jacques—Concluded—

at Stadacona or ‘Canada,’ 123; to
Hochelaga, 141; leaves ‘ Canada,’
232; arrives in France, 239; leaves
on third voyage, 249, 250; awaits
Roberval in Newfoundland, 251;
arrives at Cape Rouge river, 253;
sends back two ships, 253, 256;
meets Roberval at St. John’s, 264;
leaves St. John’s secretly, 265.

His visits to Hochelaga: discus-
sion of his route, XIII; affirms his
determination to go to, 131, 133, 140;
his journey, 141-149, 152-155; his
reception, 150-151, 162-167; his pro-
ceedings, 165-166; his departure, 172;
his second visit, 256-259.

His relations with the Indians of
New France: trading, 52, 53, 187,
217; interchange of presents, 60, 64,
67, 121, 131, 134, 147, 151, 153, 166,
177, 230, 252; children as presents,
132-133, 143, 192; his relations with
Donnacona, 122, 129, 130, 131-135,
138-140, 175-178, 191; his first ab-
duction of Taignoagny and Dom
Agaya, 65-67; of Donnacona, Taig-
noagny, Dom Agaya, etc., 221, 222,
227, 229; his refusal to seize ‘Agona,’
224; discredits the Indian god Cu-
douagny, 139-140; ‘touches’ chil-
dren and the sick, 151, 165; his ruse,
during the scurvy outbreak, to make
Indians believe all his force avail-
able, 209; his tale of the lot of the
Indians abducted in 1536, 252; cere-
mony of his reception at Stadacona
in 1541, 252; superior numbers of
the Indians force him to leave Can-
ada, 264-265.

Sets out buoys for laying up his
ships, 128; his conduct during the
scurvy outbreak of 1536, 206, 209,
212-214; wheat sowed by, 299; his
observations on the walrus, 304; his
Indian vocabularies, comparison with
modern Huron, etc., 308, 309-311.

General references, 311, 312, 313,
314,

319

Cartography: advance in, as result of
Cartier’s discoveries, XIII; compass
variation did not influence mediz-
val, 315.

Cascumpeque bay: see Canoe river.

Casnouy: a canoe, 231.

Castles, bay of: see Belle Isle, strait of:

Catalina Harbour: see St. Catherine’s
Harbour.

Cattle, domestic: carried in Cartier’s
third voyage, 251.

Cedars: see trees.

Chaleur bay: 46, 235, 290; position of,
47; description of, 47, 57; explora-
tion of, 54-55; naming of, 57.

Champagne, province of: 250.

Champlain, Samuel de: 311; first to
distinguish between magnetic and
true bearing, 315; gives no informa-
tion as to variation in the Gulf, 316.

Charlesbourg Royal (cap Rouge): 11,
254, 256, 266; Cartier’s return to,
259; probably also occupied by Ro-
berval, 265.

Charts: 316; Cartier’s of the St. Law-
rence, 260; compass variation on
early, 315-316.

Chateau harbour (or bay): 14, 283.

Chefe de boys (Chef de Baie, France):
264.

China sea (mer du Catiay): 293.

Chincete, cap de: 300.

Christianity: analogy between advance
of and sun’s movement, 88-90.

Cibola: 298.

Climate: of Canada, explanation of
coldness of, 297, 299; of Hochelaga,
warmer than Canada, 298.

Coden

Cod fishery: of Gaspé, 290; of New-
foundland, 290.

Collection Moreau: 3.

Colombier island: 300.

Columbus: 315.

Compass, variation of the, in Cartier’s
time: 315-316.

Conception bay (Nfld.): 280.

Copper: 106, 171, 201, 221, 233.

Cormorant, cape: see Lath cape.

320

Cosmographie of Jean Alfonse: 278-303.

Coudres, ile aux: 118, 119, 232, 294;
north channel best, 234; Cartier
shelters at, 235.

Cow Head: see Pointed cape.

Cramaillére, bate de la: 281.

Cranes: 144, 198, 299.

Cremeur, Sr. de: possessor of Cartier’s
chart of the St. Lawrence, 260.

Crosses erected by Cartier: 20, 64, 100,
173, 225.

Crows: 299.

Cucumbers: 158, 183.

Cudouagny (Indian god): 139, 179;
Indians repudiate 180.

Currants: 57.

Dartmouth river: 59.

Dauphin, cape (North cape, Magdalen
islands): 36.

Dauphin, the: 36, 93.

Dawbeney, Oliver: 274, 275.

Deadman islet: see Wedge island.

Deer: 159, 268, 299.

Dégrat, cape or point: XII, 11, 13.

Dégrat harbour: 11.

Demoiselle, tle de la (Mecatina island):
see St. Martha’s islands.

Desbarres, the—charts: 316.

Desceliers, the—maps (1546 and 1550):
V, 316.

Devils: Indians disguised as, 136-9.

Diamonds: 255, 264, 267.

Dog island: see ‘‘ All Isles.”

Dom Agaya: first abduction of, 65-67;
second, 225-227; acts as Cartier’s
pilot, 102-103; describes the St. Law-
rence to him, 106-107; belongs to
Canada, 114; meets his fellow-tribes-
men, 116; landed near the island
of Orleans, 120; welcomed home,
120; relates experiences, 122; be-
comes unfriendly, 127; promises to
accompany Cartier to Hochelaga,
128; refuses, 140; his share in the
ruse devised to prevent Cartier’s
going, 138; exposes Taignoagny’s
deceit, 134; desires to be baptized,

THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

180, 181; unfriendly actions and
roguery of, 187-88, 257; attempted
reconciliation, 190-192; his remedy
for scurvy, 212-215; brings strange
Indians on board, 218; refuses to
come aboard and is suspected of
treachery, 219; Cartier’s tale of his
lot in France, 252; death of, 252.

Donnacona, chief of Stadacona: 124,
226, 228, 231, 232, 233, 249; meets
Cartier, 121, 122; objects to Car-
tier’s. men carrying weapons, 129;
presents Indian children to Cartier,
132, 192; presents given to, 134,
230, 233; requests to hear artillery
discharged, 135; his ruse to prevent
Cartier going to Hochelaga, 136-139;
revisits Cartier, 175; attempts a
reconciliation, 190-192; tells of the
Great Lakes and ‘ Florida,’ 200-203;
leaves Stadacona to hunt, 216; re-
turns accompanied by many strange
Indians, 218; attempt to ascertain
his plans, 220; his tales of the strange
peoples he has visited, 221-222; his
seizure decided on, 221; suspecting
it, he refuses to visit Cartier, 223;
it is carried out, 227; reassures his
people, 229; his further intercourse
with them, 229-233; his death, 252.

Double, cape (Rich point, Nfld.): 24,
PSR ESs

Dougée (or Doulgée), la pointe (pointe
des Monts): 289, 291.

Dove-cots, the: 26.

Drakes: 198.

Ducks: 19, 144, 198.

Du Maine, La Croix: IX.

Dunes, terre des (Miquelon): 301.

Dyamétralle, la ligne: 278.

Eels: 121, 199, 268, 296.

Elms: see trees.

Emérillon, the: used by Cartier for the
journey to Hochelaga, 130, 141; left
at Sorel islands while party proceed-
ed, 148; Referred to in Cartier’s
third Commission, 219.

INDEX

Escuminac point: 45.

Eskimo, the: 307.

Eskimo island: see ‘‘ All Isles.’

Esnoguy (wampum): 159-161, 230, 232,
233, 252; method of procuring, 159-
160.

Espotr, cap d’ (New Brunswick): see
Pratto, cape.

Espoir, Cap d’ (Cape Spear, Nfld.):
279, 280.

Espoir, tles de I’: 279.

Etang du Nord: 37.

Falcons: 268, 286.

Fame point: 291.

Famine: among Hore’s party, 275-6.

Fauna of the lands visited: 7, 8, 9, 16,
19, 30, 31, 32, 34, 43, 57, 144-145,
147, 159, 186, 198-199, 268, 296, 299.

Fer, tle de: 278.

Figuier, cap de: 300.

Fire-lances: 51; directions for making,
305.

Fish: 27, 57, 60, 62, 120, 121, 198, 199,

268, 296, 299, 300.
Fishermen: in Newfoundland, 77, 264.
Flora of the lands visited: 33, 40, 43,

47, 115, 118-119, 121, 124, 126, 127,

141, 144, 157-158, 183, 184-185, 197,

198, 203, 213, 214, 254, 255, 267,

271, 298-299.

Florida: 278, 297, 298; Indian reports
of, 203.

Florio, John: XI.

Food: Roberval’s expedition short of,
267.

Forts: Cartier’s at Ste. Croix, 174, 189;
Donnacona, etc., iured into, 226; at
Charlesbourg Royal, 254, 256, 259,
266; Roberval’s ‘ France-Roy,’ 266.

Fourteen islands, the (St. Lawrence
River): 119.

Foxes: 159, 198.

Fox island: 28.

France prime (river St. Lawrence):
266, 294.

France-Roy, fort of: 266.

Francis I: 85, 249.

48493—21

321

Franciscane, la (‘Francis’ Land): 3,
278, 297, 300.

Franciscane, cap de la (Cape Cod): 303.

French ship: seeking Brest, 21; seized
by Hore’s party, 277.

Fresh water: commencement of, in the
St. Lawrence, 294, 295.

Fromont, Thomas: master of the Great
Ermine, 93.

Frost: prevents burial of Cartier’s men,
208.

Frote (or Frete), M: 263, 270.

Fruits, wild, of the St. Lawrence: 299.

Funk island, Nfld: see Birds, Isle of.

Gaillon, Michael: 268.

Gannets: 8, 32.

Gannet islands (the Bird rocks): 30-33,
301.

Ganong, Professor W. F: XII, 315.

Gaspé: cod fishery of, 290; see also
Honguedo.

Gaspé, bay and harbour: 59, 60, 68,
289, 302.

Gaspé, cape: see Honguedo, cap de.

Geese: 144, 198, 299.

Geography, ancient: unsound, 87-88.

Georgian Bay: 312.

Goldfinches: 144, 198.

Gooseberries: 43.

Gouyon, Jehan: 148.

Gold: 201, 221, 255, 264, 298.

Grand bay, the: see Belle Isle, strait
of, and St. Lawrence, gulf of.

Grand Kirpon: see Karpont.

Gravesende: 274.

Great Ermine, the: tonnage, 93; offi-
cers, 93; laid up, 130.

Great Lakes, the: 202, 313, 314.

Great Mecatina island: see St. Mar-
tha’s islands.

Green island (St. Lawrence R.): 114,
116.

Greenland: 283, 300.

Greenly island: see Bird island.

Green Mountains, the: 168.

Grenville collection, the: IX.

Growte, John: 259, 313.

322

Guerre, tle de la (Basque island, St.
Lawrence river): 114, 292, 293.

Guinecourt, M: 267.

Gull island: 38.

Guyot, Charles: 219.

Hagouchonda: see Achelacy.

Hakluyt, Richard: XI, XII, 275, 277,
313, 314; texts from the ‘ Voyages,
Navigations,’’ etc., 248, 262.

Hale, Horatio: 308.

Hanneda (the hemlock): see Annedda.

Hardie, Mr: 274.

Hares: 186, 198.

Hare bay: 301, 302.

Hare island (St. Lawrence R.): 117,
234, 293.

Hazel-nuts: 119.

Heath point (Anticosti): see St. Lewis,
cape.

Hemp: 124, 255.

Henry VIII: recompenses French for
seizure of their ship, 277.

Heron island: 303.

Hillocks, harbour of (Black bay): 14.

Hinds: 299,

Hochelaga: 266, 293, 296, 297, 306,
313; Cartier’s probable route to,
XIII; promise of Indians of Stada-
cona to accompany Cartier to, 128;
their ruse to prevent his going, 136-
139; his journey to, 141-148; his
arrival, 149, 150, 151; his route
from the river to the village, 153-
155; he is welcomed by the chief,
153-154; his further reception in,
162-167; his departure from, 172.

Position, latitude, etc., of, 147,
155, 296; the ‘end of Asia,’ 298;
river frozen beyond, 210; climate
temperate, 298; cultivated fields
about, 154; palisades, 155, 312;
houses, 156-157.

Language spoken at, vocabulary
of, 241-246, 310; discussion of, 308-
310; meaning of the name, 308.

THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

Disappearance of, 311; skulls
from 311; pottery, 312. see also
Indians and Huron-Iroquois.

Hochelaga, river of (St. Lawrence):
106-107.

Hochelay: see Achelacy.

Holland, surveys of (1765): 316.

Holy Ghost harbour: 238.

Honguedo (Gaspé): 103, 178, 193, 235.

Honguedo, baie de: see Gaspé bay.

Honguedo, cap de (Cape Gaspé): 288,
289, 290.

Honfleur: 250, 251.

Hope, cape (North point,
island): 46, 48.

Hore, Master: voyage of, XII, 273-
277; famine and cannibalism among
crew of, 276; their rescue, 277; and
return, 277.

Hospital cape: see St. Peter, cape.

Hospital rock: 38.

Hostages: demanded from Cartier by
Stadacona Indians, 140.

House harbour: 37.

Miscou

Lake: 202.
urons\(or Wyandots) the: 306; people

of Hochelaga and Stadacona prob-
ably were not Iroquois, but, 307,
308; expulsion of, by the Algonkins,
311; by the Senecas, 311; palisad-
ed towns of, 312; pottery of, 312;
skulls of 312; language of; Cartier’s
vocabularies of, 63, 80-81, 241-246,
310; the modern form at Anderdon,
Ontario, 308; changes in, since Car-
tier’s time, 308, 309.
Huron-Iroquois, the: XII, 306-312;
stage of culture of, as shown by
utensils and weapons, 306-307; lang-
uage, 307-311; skull-measurements,
311-312; fortifications, 312. °

Ice: 5, 6; thickness at Ste. Croix, 210;
date of the break-up, 1536, 267.

Icebergs: 9, 277.

Indian cape (North point); 42.

Indian children: presented to Cartier,
132-3, 143, 192.

INDEX

Indian corn: 62-3, 121, 150, 154, 157,
183, 269.

dians, Nortk orth American: inferior cult-
; custom of adoption,
308- 309; see also entries immediately
following and Algonkins, Hochelaga,
Hurons, Huron-Iroquois, Iroquois,
Micmacs, Senecas, Stadacona.

Indians of Achelacy or Hochelay: 142,
143, 188, 197, 256, 257. See also
Achelacy.

Indians of Chaleur bay: Cartier’s first
encounter with, 49; words from their
language, 50, 57; trade with, 52-53,
55-56; chief of, presented with a red
cap, 53; habits, conduct, etc., of, 56;
conversion of, would be easy, 56, 57.

Indians of Gaspé: numbers, 60; pover-
ty, 61; race, 61, 178, 307; habits and
conduct of, 61-63; nets, 62; veget-
able food dried by, 63; words from
the language of, 63, 80-81; great
thieves, 63; Christianity explained
to, 65; abductions of the chief’s sons
(Taignoagny and Dom Agaya), 65-
67. See also Indians of Stadacona.

Indians of Hochelaga: 149; their re-
ception of Cartier, 150-171, 258-259;
houses, food, manner of living of,
156-158, 269; clothes, 159; not no-
madic, 161; subject tribes of, 161;
vocabulary of the language of, 241-
246, 309-311; skill as fishermen, 296;
of higher culture than those of
Stadacona, 296. See also Hochelaga.

Indians of Newfoundland: 22-23, 275.

Indians of the north shore of the Gulf:
76.

Indians of Prince Edward Island: 41,
42.

Indians of the St. Lawrence: deter-
mination of race from language,
307-311; from skull measurements,
311-312; from characteristic fortifi-
cations, 312; from pottery, 312.

Indians of Sitadin: friendship of, 223.

Indians of the Sorel islands: 147.

48493—22

323

Indians of Stadacona or Canada: wel-
come Dom Agaya and Taignoagny
at the island of Orleans, 120, 121;
Cartier’s presents to, 121; their fish-
ing cabins, 127, 142; accompany
Cartier to Ste. Croix, 127; Cartier
receives on board, 131; efforts to
dissuade Cartier from going to Hoch-
elaga, 132-133, 136; their desire for
baptism, 180-181; daily trade with,
187, 217; interfered with by Dom
Agaya and Taignoagny, 187-188;
good relations with, restored, 200;
scurvy among, 204; remedy for,
212-215; fear of attack by, 208,
217; bring many strangers to their
village, 218; estrangement of, 223;
reconciliation, 223; fear treachery on
the part of Cartier, 226; Cartier’s
treachery toward, 221-227; they fear
Donnacona’s death, 228; and bring
food for his voyage, 231; Cartier
encounters at fle aux Coudres, 233;
his meeting with in 1541, 252; his
tale to, of the lot of their comrades,
252; they assume an unfriendly atti-
tude, 252; said to have forced his
return in 1542, 264; they trade with
Roberval, 267.

Language of, 63, 80-81, 241-246,
308-311; nomads, 161, 268, 296;
subjects of Hochelaga, 161; wig-
wams, 177; food, 177, 186, 268;
bread, 269; their feud with the
Toudamans, 177-178; religious be-
liefs, 139, 179-180; manners, 181,
268, 296; dress of, 181, 268; marriage
customs, 181-182, 296; betting prac-
tices, 182; agriculture, 183, 198; use
of tobacco, 183-185; position of
women, 185; their indifference to
cold, 185-186; hunters in winter, 186;
called ‘ Canadians,’ 227; chief of,
position of, 269; canoes of, 269;
striking in appearance, 296. See also
Stadacona and the names of individ-
ual Indians; ‘ Agona,’ Dom Agaya,
Donnacona, Taignoagny.

324

Iron: near Cape Rouge, 255.

Iroquois: the—confederacy, 306; Huron-
Algonkin alliance against the, 311.

Iroquois language: less different from
Huron in Cartier’s time than at
present, 308. See also Vocabularies,
Indian.

Isabella: 90.

Islet, la baie del’: 279.

Islets harbour (Bradore bay): 17.

Ivory: 304.

Jackdaws: 299,

Jacques Cartier Island and harbour
(Port Cumberland): 13, 21.

Jalobert, Macé (captain of the Little
Ermine): 93, 148, 253.

Jean Roze, the map of (1542): 315.

John of Nantes: 268.

Joy, Mr: 274.

Karpont harbour: 11; approaches to,
120A:

Karpont island (Grand-Kirpon): po-
sition, 10, 281, 282; Cartier’s arrival
atae2o1s

Kegashka point: 99.

Kildare, cape: see Orleans, cape.

Laboureur, la terre du (Greenland): 283.

Labrador, coast of: 283.

La Brosse, M: 263, 270.

Lachine rapid, the: 169, 257, 258, 260,
313, 314.

Lakes, the Great: 202, 313, 314. See
also Ontario, Huron, Georgian bay.

Lamont, Dieu: 263.

‘Lampreys: 199.

Language of the Indians encountered:
50, 57, 63, 80-81, 241-246, 307-311.

La Pommeraye, Charles de: 93, 148.

Larks: 144. C

La Rochelle: 21; Roberval’s departure
from, 264; latitude the same as
that of ‘Canada’ (Quebec), 297.

Lashing river (R. St. Maurice): 172-3.

La Salle, Jean de: 263.

Lath cape (Cape Cormorant): 27, 28.

THE TOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

Laton (latten): 257.

Laurentian Hills, the: 168.

Laval University: 312.

La Vasseur, M: 270.

Leander shoal: 58.

Leather: from the walrus, 304.

Le Breton, William: 148.

Le Marié, William: 93.

Lescarbot, Marc: IX, XI.

L’Espiney, Nicolas de: 263, 270.

Liévres, baie des: see Hare bay.

Linnets: 144, 198.

Literary and Historical Society of Que-
bec, the: IX.

Little Ermine, the: tonnage and offi-
cers, 93; laid up at Ste. Croix, 123.
Lobster bay: see St. Servan’s harbour.

Longeval, M: 270.

Long Point: 28.

Lorraine, cape (Cape Breton): 238.
Luttrell, Sir John: 277.

Mackerel: 60, 62, 199.

Madeira: 279.

Magdalen islands (l’tle de Sable): 35,
236, 237, 301; soundings off, 39.

Maigres: 199, 268.

Maingard, Jacques: 93.

Maisonna: 259.

Manikuagan river: 112.

Maples: see trees.

Marbre, Cap de (Cape Arignole): 292.

Marten: 159, 198.

McGill University: 306, 312.

Melons: 121, 183.

Merlin, the: tonnage and officers, 93.

Mexican culture: 307.

Michelant, M. H: X.

Miramichi bay: XIII, 45.

Mire, Francis de: 263.

Minion, the (Hore’s ship): 274.

Miquelon: see Dunes, terre de.

Miscou island: 46.

Moisie river: 109, 193.

Molues, la baie des (Mal bay): 289.

Montmorency, cape (Table Head,
Anticosti): 71.

Montmorency falls: 296.

INDEX

Montpelier: 215.

Montreal, the Lord of: 93.

Montreal: 306, 311; Huron speech of
the island of, 308.

Monts, pointe des: 291.

‘ Morsse,’ the: see walrus.

Moose, the: 268, 299.

Mound-Builders, the: 307.

Mount Royal: 155, 306, 314; Cartier
ascends, 168; view from, 168.

Mouy, Sir Charles de: XII, 3.

Mullets: 198, 268.

Murres: 32, 33.

Murr rocks: 97.

Musk-rats: 147, 198.

Mecatina island: see St.
islands.

Martha’s

Natashkwan harbour: 76.

Natashkwan point: see also Thiennot,
cape.

Navigation: compass-variation did not
influence medieval, 315.

Neolithic age, the: 307.

Nets, Indian: 62.

Newfoundland: 4, 251, 278; Hore’s
expedition to, XII, 273; poorness
of soil of, 22; sailing directions for
east coast of, 5, 11-13, 279-282;
for strait of Belle Isle, 13-17, 96;
west coast, 25-29, 285-286; south
coast, 238-240, 300-303; Cartier’s
arrival at, from the Gulf, 78; his
rendezvous in, 94; Roberval’s ar-
rival at, 264; Indians of, 275; birds
of the west coast, 286; cod-fishery
of, 290.

New France: 278, 297; language of
the people of, 80-81; climate, soil,
productions, wild life, etc., 298-299,

New Land, The (Terre neuve): a mis-
nomer, 22.

New Mexico: 313, 314.

New Spain: 90.

Nightingales: 144, 198.

Noel, Jacques, letters of:
313-314.

Noel, Steven: 253,

259-260,

325

Noirefontaine, M: 263, 270.

Normandy, province of: 250.

Norombégue: 297, 298.

Norombégue, cap de (Cape Malabar):
303.

North, Cape (Cape Breton): see St.
Paul, cape.

North cape (Magdalens): see Dauphin,
cape.

North point (Anticosti): 74.

North point (Miscou island): see Hope,
cape.

Northumberland strait: 44.

Notre Dame mountains: 290, 291, 293.

Numerals: Huron-Iroquois, 309.

Oaks: see trees.

Old Bic harbour: see ‘‘ St. John, islets
of.”’

Old Fort island: see ‘‘ All Isles.’

Onguedo: see Honguedo.

Oranges: 203.

Orleans, cape (cape Kildare): 40, 42.

Orleans, island of: 119, 126, 195, 232,
293; examined, 126; named ‘Bac-
chus’s island,’ 126; Roberval reaches,
265.

Osiers: see trees.

Ottawa, the river: 170, 200, 260; up-
per course of, 201.

Otters: 159, 198.

Ozisy: 183.

Pacific ocean: 292.

Painpont, Martin de: 256.

Partridges: 145.

Pashashibu bay:
harbour.

Paspebiac point: 49-51.

Pease: 43, 57, 158, 183, 299.

Penguins, island of: see Birds, isle of.

Pentecost river: 193.

Peruvian culture: 307.

Pheasants: 144, 286.

Picquenyans, the: 221.

Pierre de Gros Cap: 38.

Pike: 199.

see St. Nicholas’s

326

Pines: see trees.

Pinperneaux: 268.

Plums: 203,.299.

Pointed cape (Cow Head): 26.

Pontbriant, Claude de: 93, 148.

Porcupines: 268, 299.

Porpoises: 199, 267, 268, 296, 299.

Port-a-Port bay: 29.

Port aux Basques: see Holy Ghost har-
bour.

Port Cumberland: see Jacques Cartier
harbour.

Port Daniel: see St. Martin’s cove.

Portuguese fishermen: 265.

Pottery, Huron-Iroquois: 306-7, 312.

Poulet, John: 93, 148, 219.

Pratto, cape (Cap d’Espoir): 46, 58,
SO R23o.

Precious stones: reported as found in
the Kingdom of Saguenay, 221.

Prince Edward Island: 40-43.

Provins, Roses of: 33.

Puffins: 16, 32, 33.

Pumpkins: 183.

Quebec (‘ Kebec ’): 195. See Canada,
Ste-Croix, Stadacona.

Rabast, cape de (Anticosti): 101.

Rabbits: 186, 198.

Rabelais: IX, 198, 215, 222.

Race, cape: 239, 278, 279, 300, 302,
303.

Raisins, tle des: 297.

Ramea island: 239.

Ramusio’s edition of Cartier’s first
voyage: X, XII, 2.

Raquelay, Vile de: see St. John, islets of.

Raspberries: 43, 57, 291.

Rastall, Mr: 274, 277.

Red bay: see Whale Harbour.

Red caps: abducted Indians given, 67.

Red island (St. Lawrence R.): 116.

Renewse harbour: see Rougnouse har-
bour.

Richelieu, the river: 203.

Riche point: see Double, cape.

THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER

Ridley, Mr: 274.
Riviére des Pratries: XIII.

Roberval, John Francis de la Roque,
Lord of: account of his voyage un-
satisfactory, XIII; appointed gov-
ernor of Canada, 249, 263; his
preparations, 250; delays Cartier,
251; authorizes Cartier’s departure,
251; fails to arrive in Canada, 253;
his ship’s-company, 263; meets Car-
tier in the harbour of St. John’s,
Nfld., 264; orders Cartier to return
to Canada with him, 265; settles
disputes between French and Portu-
guese fishermen, 265; forts built by,
266, 295; countries visited by, 266;
two ships sent back by, 267; his
rule, 268; his voyage to the “‘ prov-
ince of Saguenay’’ (Hochelaga),
269; his arrangements for the con-
duct of his expedition in his absence,
270; loses one of his barks, 270;
postpones date of his departure
from Canada, 270.

Rochelle: see La Rochelle.

Rocky bay: see St. Anthony’s harbour.

Roieze, M: 263, 270.

Rooks: 299.

Roses, wild: 33, 57.

Rouen: X, 250.

Rouge, cap: 11, 254, 281; see also
Charlesbourg Royal, France-Roy.

Rougemont, Phillip: death of, 207.

Rougnouse (Renewse) harbour: 240,
279.

Round islands: see Seven islands.

Royal, cape (Bear Head): 27, 28, 29.

Royal Society of Canada: XII, XIII.

Rubies: reported as found in the King-
dom of Saguenay, 221.

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