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GOVERNMENT OF INDIA

DEPARTMENT OF ARCHAEOLOGY

CENTRAL ARCH /EO LOG I CAL
LIBRARY

CallN 0. 05*/ ft ' Si

Acc. No. 25 i
D.G.A. 79

GIPN— S4— 2D. G. Arch. X. D.,'56.- 25-9-58— ! .00,0„0.

BULLETIN

OF THE

School of Oriental Studies,
London Institution

Volume IV : 1926-28

^ ^ ■ - ’ Published by

The School of Oriental Studies, London Institution,

Finsbury Circus, E.C. 2.

Agents: Messrs. Luzac & Co., 46 Great Russell Street, iV.C.l.

CXTRAL ARC\^ \FOL0GlGAIb
library, NtW ..cLrtl.

AoQ. No..2.5.±.a'3 -

6 s-^ *S’

Stephen Austin and Sons, Ltd.,
Printers. Hertforp.

COXTEXTS OF VOLEME IV

PAPERS CONTRIBUTED

I'XDK

A Corean Vocabulary. By S. Ogura ..... 1

On the Adbbuta-Ramayana. By Sir George A. Grierson' . 11

Man as Wilier. By C. A. F. Rhvs D.avids .... 29

The Mission of the Jesuit Fathers in China. Contributed hv

Sir Arnold T. "Wilson 47

The Passive Voice of the Jnaness'ari. By W. Doderet . . 59

The Government of ■ Prepositions '' in Gujarati. By

W. Doderet .65

Notes on “ The Assyrian Tree By Sid.n’EY S.mith . . 69

Note on the Statical and some other Participles in Hindu<tani.

By Lieut.-Col. D. C. Phillott ..... 77

Bengali Ballads. By W. Sutton Page .... 89

A Selection from the T'ung Shu. Translated by J. P. Bruce 97
Some Remarks on Indian Music. By S. G. Kanhere . . 105

Kurdish Stories from my Collection. By Basile Xikitink . 121

Notes on the Pronunciation of Kanuri. By Ida C. M ard . 139

y/^Tbe Original Home of the Indo-European.-;. By .Iaki.

Charpentier . . . . , . . 147

De \ oulton s Noticia. Tran.slated bv Laurence l.i()CKHAra’ . 223

The Swahili Saga of Liongo Fumo. Bv A. Werner . . 247

Deux residents mongols en Chine et en Asie f'entrale. Bv

E. Blochet ........ 257

The Jimgle Tribes of the Malav Penin.^ula. Bv P. Schebesta 269

Notes on some Sanskrit MSS. on Alamkara. Bv Srsmi.

Ku.mar De 279

Janakfharana XVI. Edited by L. D. Barnett . . . 265

Ajamila-moksa-prabandha of Naravat.ia Bhatta, Bv

Venkat.vr.vma Sarm.v S.\strT .... 295

A Prayer of Sankaracharya. By S. (1. Kanhere . . 301

Waman Pandit —Scholar and Marathi Poet. ByS. (1. Kanhere .3d5

CONTENTS

to PA<i^

y/Stiess- Accent in Indo-Aryan. By Baxarsi Das Jaix . . 315

The Development of English t. d. in North Indian Languages.

By T. Grahame Baieey ...... 325

Syam Siindar Da.s's Bhusn Vigijnn. Contributed by G. E.

Leesox 331

’Omar Khayyam. By E. Dexi.sox Ross .... 433

An Arabic and a Persian metrical version of Burzoi* s auto-
biography from " Kalila and Dimna ". By E. Dexisox
R oss .......... 441

A Chinese Treatise on Architecture. By \V. Perceval Yetts 473
Remarks on the Identification of some .Jataka Pictures. By

Jarl Charpextier 493

A Burushaski Text from Hunza. By D. L. R. Lorimer . 505

Notes on Dardic. By R. L. Turner ..... 533

The Grammar of the Jnanesvarl. By W. Doderet . . 543

Kodagu Peda, Tulu Pudar. By Edwix H. Tuttle . . 575

The Ramayana in Indonesia. By J. Kats . . . .579

A Study of the Oroha Language, Mala, Solomon Islands. Bv

W. G, IvENS 587

Some Readings of Janakiharana XVI. By S. K. De . 611

Notes on Japanese Literature. By S. Yoshitake . . 679

Some Mongolian Maxims. By S. Yoshitake . . 689

Yama. Gandharva, and Glaucus. By L. D. Barxett . . 703

Eresh Light on Khawa^ Khan. By E. Dexisox Ross . . 717

A Portrait of Abu‘1 Fazl. Communicated by T. W. Arxold 721
Taxation in Persia. By Most.afa Khax Fateh . . . 723

Studies in Contemporary Arabic Literature. By H. A. R. Gibb 745

The Agastya Selection of Tamil Saivite Hymns. By i\I. S. H.

Thompsox ...... . . 761

Dravidian Gender-words. By Edwin H. Tuttle . . . 769

The Gender of Arabic Infinitives in Crdu. Bv T. Grah.ame

Bailey ......... 779

English Words in Panjabi. By T. Grahame Bailey . , 783

The Pronunciation of Marathi. By A, Lloyd James and

S. G. Kaxhere ....... 791

Grammatical Sketch of the Jahai Dialect. Bv P.ater P.

Schebesta ...... gQ3

Chansons de Pagayeur.s. By J. Taxohe . . goy

An old War Song of the Babemba. By R. O'Ferrall 839

CO^TTENTS

vii

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

T. G. Arava.mi'thax. The Kaveri. the Maiikharis and the

Sangam Age. By L. D. Barnett ..... 171

JdHAX.VEs Hertel. Die Arische Feiierlehre. By L. D. Barnett 174
Henry Dodwell. A sketch of the History of India from 1858-

1!118. By William Foster . . . . . .177

C. A. Kintaii) and 1). B. Para'.ni.s. A Hi.story of the Maratha

People. \'oI. III. By H. Dodwell 178

0. E. Harvey. History of Burma. By H. Dodwell . . 179

Dha-N (topal MrKER.Jt. ily Brother's Face. By H. Dodwell . 180

Benoytosh Bhattacharyya. The Indian Buddhist Icono-

graphv. By L. D. Barnett . . . . . ,181

B. N. and B. B. Mehta. The Modern Giijarati-Englisb

Dictionary. ’J volumes. By W. Doderet . . . 182

C’HKiSTrAN Keysser. IVcirterhuch der Kate Sprache, Bv

Sidney H. Kay' ........ 184

Alice Werner. I'olume \'II (African) of the •• Mythology of

all Races '. By E. Denisoji Ros.s 187

Maria von Tili.no. Somali-Texte und rntersuchungen zur

laiiitiehre. By A. M'erner 189

E. Torday. Causeries C'ongolai.ses. By A. Werner . . .191

Gerhard Lindblom. Jakt-och Fangstmetoder bland

Afrikan.ska Folk. Dell. By A. AVerner . . .192

Maurice Delafosse. La Culture Moderne : civilisations

negro-africaines. By' A. Merner ..... 193

A. SalakiNY. Sculpture in Siam. By C. O. Blagdeu . . 194

F. Ballou. The Volga Pompei. By M. Kasaniii . . .197

Yuen Ren Chao. A Phonograph Course in the Chinese Xatioual

ijanguage. By' 4. P. Bruce ...... 197

Ihe Mathnawi ot dalalu'ddin Kunii. Edited, etc., by Reynold A.

Xichokson. \ ol. I. Byt. E. Milson .... 200

A. Berried.ale Keith. Religion and Philo.-^ophv of the Veda

and Upani.shads. By Jarl Charpentier .... 337

Yikrama's Adventures. Edited and translated by Franklin

Edgerton. By Jarl Charpentier 346

Buddhistische Spiitantike in Alittelasien von A. von Le Coq.

Fiinfter Teil ; Aeiie Bildwerke. By Jarl Charpentier . 348

Further Dialogues of the Buddha. Translated by Lord

Chalmers.^ By -A F. Rhys David.s . . . .351

VllI

COJTTEXTS

S. Tachibaxa. The Ethics of Buddhism. By C. A. F. Rhys

Davids ......... 3-54

Louis de La Vallee Poussix. Xirvana. By Th. Stcherbat.sky 357
R. J. \V.a,lkee. Parnassus Biceps. By R. L. Turner . . 360

E. Hultzsch. Inscriptions of Asoka. Xew edition. By R. L.

Turner ......... 362

A. M. Hocaet. Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of Ceylon.

Vol. II. By R. L. Turner ...... 365

Babueam Saksexa. The Verb in the Ramayan of TulsI Das. By

R. L. Turner ........ 365

Duxicaxd. PaihjabI aur Hiiiidl ka Bhasa-Vijnan. By R. L.

Turner ......... 366

Jules Bloch. “ Voir " en Indo-Aryen. By R. L. Turner 366

Jules Bloch. Le Xom du Riz. By R. L. Turner . . . 366

G. Moegenstieene. Report on a Linguistic Mission to

Afghanistan. By R. L. Turner ..... 367

John Sampson. The Dialect of the Gypsies of Wales.

By R. L. Turner ....... 371

Babueam Saksena. Hindi and L'rdu : The possibilities of

their rapprochement. By R. L. Turner .... 376

Three Nepali Reading Books. By R. L. Turner . . . 376

G. A. Geieesox. Bihar Peasant Life. Second edition. By

R. L. Turner ........ 376

L. A. Waddell. Indo-Sumerian Seals Deciphered. Bv

R. L. Turner ........ 376

Peabhat Chaxdea Chakeav'aeti. Linguistic Speculations

of the Hindus. By Siddheswar Varraa .... 376

Atiya Begum Fa'zee Rahamix. Music of India. By S. G.

Kanhere ......... 379

Keseo \Tx.\yak Godbole. Maharastra Sakuntala. By S. G.

Kanhere. ......... 38.‘5

J0 H.A.NNES Heetel. Die Methode der Arischen Forschimf^.

By L. D. Barnett ....... 335

Eexst Diez. Die Kimst Indiens. By L. D. Barnett . . 339

Binode Beh.aei Dutt. Town Planning in Ancient India. By

L. D. Barnett ••••.... 39[

Travel and Travellers in the Middle Ages. Edited by A. P.

Newton. By H. Dodwell •••... 399

CONTENTS ix

H. B. Morse. Chronicles of the East India Company Trading to

China, 1635-1834. ByH. Dodwell ..... 393

Memoirs of William Hickey. Vol. IV. By H. Dodwell . . 395

Sir Dunc.^n C.\mpbell. Records of Clan Campbell in the

Service of the East India Company. By H. Dodwell . 397

S. H. Longrigg. Four Centuries of Modern Iraq. By

H. Dodwell ......... 398

M . A. J. Archboli). Outlines of Indian Constitutional

Hi.story. By H. Dodwell ...... 400

Sir George Forrest. State Papers of the Governors-General of

India — Cornwallis. By H. Dodwell .... 401

.1. D. B. Gribble. Hi.story of the Deccan. Yol. II. By H.

Dodwell ......... 401

Arthur M.a.yhew. The Education of India. By H. Dodwell . 402

W. H. T. G.virdner. Phonetics of Arabic. By H. A. R. Gibb

and A. Lloyd James ....... 402

P. Paul Sbath. Al-Mashra’. By H. A. R. Gibb . . . 405

The Difnar of the Coptic Church. Edited by De Lacy O'Leary.

By S. Gaselee ........ 406

Rev. Frs. A. Reichart and Dr. M. Ki sters. O.S.B. Elementary

Kiswaheli Grammar. By F. Johnson .... 408

Bruno GuTMiVNN. Das Recht der Dschagga. By A. Werner . 411

Gerhard Lindblom. Notes on the Kamba Language. By

A. Werner ......... 413

C. K. IVIeek. The Northern Tribes of Nigeria. By A. Werner . 414

Tanganyika Territory. Report of the Education Committee.

By A. Werner 416

The International Review of Missions. Special Africa Number.

By A. Werner 417

Hans CouuENHoyE. My African Neighbours. By A. Werner. 418

The Satapatha Brahmana in the Kanvlya Recension. Edited by

Dr. W. Caland. Vol. I. By A. Berricdale Keith . . 615

W. Caland. Oyerhet Vaikhanasasiitra. By A. Berriedalc Keith 623

R. D. Ranade. a Constructiye Suryey of Fpanishadic

Philosophy. By A. Berriedale Keith 624

Th. Stcherbatsky. La Theorie de la Connai.=sance et la
Logique chez les Pouddhi.stes tardifs. By A. Berriedale
Keith 627

James M. Macph.«l. AsOka. By L. D. Barnett . . .628

CONTENTS

T’ \<.l'

Radhakumud Mookerji. Harsha. By L. D. Barnett . . 628

ilagha’s Sisiipalavadha. Ins Deutsche iibertragen von E.

Hultzsch. By L. D. Barnett ...... 630

Ascaryacudamani. A Drama by Saktibhadra. By L. D. iiarnett 631
Gaekwad's Oriental Series. By L. D. Barnett . . . 632

Further Dialogues of the Buddha. Translated . . . bv Lord

Chalmers. Vol. II. By C. A. F. Rhys Davids . . . (>33

iluKUNDA Ganesh Mira.jkar. Saiuaslokl Gita. Bv S. G.

Kanhere ......... 637

Jag.ann.ath D.\s Ratn akar. Bihar! Ratnakar. By T. Grahanie

Bailey ......... 637

Giridhar D.\s. .larasadh Vadh Mahiikavya. Edited by Vraj

Ratn Das. By T. Grahame Bailey .... 638

Father Pierre Dc .Iarrtc. S..I. Akbar and the .lesuits.

Translated by C. H. Payne. By A. Werner . . . 639

Georges ^Iargoclies. Le Kou-wen chinois. By Lionel CRles 640
Georges Margoulies. Le " Fou " dans de Wen-siuan, By

Lionel Giles ........ 640

Charles Hose. Natural Man : A record from Borneo. By

C. 0. Blagden ........ 643

L. A. Mills. British Malaya. 1824-67. By C. 0. Blagden . 647

Edw.ard Granatlle Browne. A Year amongst the Persians.

By Wolseley Haig . . . . . . .648

TaAyibat. the Odes of Shaikh Muslihu-’d-Din Sa’di Shirazl.

Translated by Sir Lucas Mliite King. By Wolseley Haig 652
Muhammad Yahya ibn SIbak. Dastur-i-‘Ushshaq. Edited by

R. S. Greenshields. By Wolseley Haig .... ( 3,54

The Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem. Report ... Bv

Arnold J. Tojuibee ...... . (355

Francis Rennell Rodd. People of the Yeil. By P. P. H.

Hasluck ........ ( 35 g

A. Moret and G. Davy. From Tribe to Empire. By H. Dodwell 659
Sir James George Frazer. The Worship of Nature, ^"ol. I. Bv

' H. Dodwell. ...... 0 gg

Donald A. Mackenzie. The Migration of Symbols. Bv H

Dodwell • . ’ . 660

William Crooke. Religion and Folklore of Nouhein India

By H. Dodwell ..... 0 ^.

CONTESTS xi

PAGK

Francots Lexa. La Magic dans TEgypto antique, de I'ancien

empire iu.s([u'a rej)oquc coptc. atom. ByA.M’orner . 661

Nanalal Lhamanlal Mehta. Studies in Indian Painting.

By T. Arnold ....... 663

P. M’. ScHiUDT. S.V.D, Die Sprachfamilieii und Sprachenkreise

der Erde. By C. O. Blagden. ..... 664

Clement M. Doke. The Phonctices of the Zulu Language.

By Lilias E. Armstrong ...... 670

W. Y. EvansAVentz. The Tibetan Book of the Dead. By

H. Lee Shuttknvorth ....... 845

Th. Stcherb.atsky. The Conception of Buddhist Yirvana.

By C. A. F. Khys Davids ...... 852

Jal Dastur Curse:t.ii Pavry. The Zoroastriau Doctrine of

a Future lafe. By C. A. F. Rhys Davids , . . 853

He.mchandra R.vychaluhiri. Political History of Ancient

India. By C. A. F. Rhys Davids . . ' . . .855

Ryvkan KniCRA. A Historical Study of tlie terms Hinayaiia
and Mahavana and the ( frigiii of Mahayana BudiUiism. By
C. A. F. Rhys Davids ....... 856

Barhut Inscriptions. Edited by Benimadhab Barua and

Kumar G. Sinha. By C. F. Rhys ilavids . . . 857

The Book of the Cave of Treasures. Translated by Sir E. A.

IVallis Budge. By L. D. Barnett ..... 858

Ernst Schierlitz. Die bildichen Darstellungen der Indischen
Gbttertriiiitat in der iilteren etlmographischen Literatur.

By J. Char])entier ....... 859

An.anua K. Coomara.swamy. Catalogue of the fndian
Collections in the Museum of Fine Arts. Boston. Part \' :

Rajput Painting. By J. Charpentier .... 861

The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to India. 1615-19. Edited

by Sir IVilliam Foster. By J. Charpentier . . . 862

Warren Hastings' Letters to Sir .Tohn Maepherson. Edited by

Professor Henry Dodwell. By W. Foster . . . 865

Sir MAlliam Foster. The English Factories in India, 1668-9.

By H. Dodwell 867

G. H. L. Pitt-Rivers. The Clash of Cultures and the Contact of

Races. Bv H. Dodwell ...... 868

Cheikh Moham.med Abuou. Rissalat al Tawhid. Expose de
la Religion musulmane. Traduite de I'arabe . . . par
B. Michel et le Cheikh Moustapha Abdel Razik. By
A. S. Fulton . 869

CONrENTS

A. J. Toyxbee. Survey of International Affairs, 1925. Vol. I ;

The Islamic World. By A. T. Wilson .... 872

Muhamm.\d Sharaf. An English-Arabic Dictionary of

Medicine, Biology, and Allied Sciences. By H. A. B. Gibb 876
G. R. Driver. A Grammar of the Colloquial Arabic of Syria and

Palestine. By H, A. R. Gibb ..... 880

Commandant Justixard. Manuel de Bcrbere Marocain. By

P. P. H. Hasluck . . . . . . .881

Sidney H. R.\y. A Comparative Study of the Melanesian

Island Languages. By C. 0. Blagden .... 882

James B.\ikie. The Amarna Age. By C. J. C. Bennett . . 885

Universite de Paris : Travaux et Memoires de ITnstitut

d' Ethnologic ........ 889

Em. G. Waterlot. Tome I : Les bas-reliefs des
batiments royaux d'Abomey. By A. Werner.

Rene Mauxier. Tome III ; La construction collective
de la maison en Kabylie. By A. Werner.

Rene Trautmann. Tome IV ; La Litterature
populaire a la Cote des Esclaves. By A. Werner.

Arthur S. Cripps. An Africa for Africans. By A. Werner . 892

Diedrich Westermanx. Die westlichen Sudansprachen mid

ihre Beziehungen zum Bantu. By A. Werner . . . 893

M. Heepe. Jaunde-Worterbuch. By A. Werner . . . 896

The late E. Jacottet. A Grammar of the Sesuto Language.

By A. Werner . . . . . . . . 897

G. Murray-Jardine. Abridged Swahili Grammar. By

A. Werner ......... 899

August Klixgenhebex. Die Laute des Eul. By A. Werner . 900

S.P.C.K. Publications. By A. Werner ..... 999

NOTES AND QUERIES .... 207, 421 673

OBITUARY

Edward Granville Browne, M.A., M.B., F.B.A., E.R.C.P. 217

Nawab Imadul Mulk Bahadur Sayed Husain Bilgrani . 437

Professeui Maurice Delafosse .....

William Ernest Taylor .... qgo

BULLETIN

OF THE

SCHOOL OF OEIENTAL STUDIES
LONDON INSTIXUIiON

PAPERS CONTRIBUJ^iD-

— ^v. ' '

' ■, is.

COBEAN VCi^BULABY.^.

By S. Ogura ‘

T^HEN, in the beginning of last May, I visited Professor Sir E.

’ ’ Denison Ross, of Oriental Studies, he showed me a book
entitled Ch’ao hsien Kuan i yil ^ bo)- great

interest to me. as I had not seen it before, and 1 asked permission
to examine it. He willingly complied with my request, but at the
same time asked me to write some explanatory notes on the book.
Being only on a visit to the country, I am unable to refer to C^ean
books of reference, and for the explanations, etc., which foll^’, c^
only trust to my memory. / j

The above-mentioned book is indeed a part of Ko Kao i y ii /
(# 0 ^ bo) ill which are found the vocabularies of a number
of nations, viz., Ouigur, JIalay, Annam. Siam, Japan Loo-choo and
others, numbering ten in all. It is the work of a Chinese who collected
the Ccrean vocabulary. Corean is a language that has been studied
by Chinese, Mongolians and Japanese for a fairly long period. The
Chinese as early as the first or second century a.d.. wrote in their
histories descriptive accounts of Corea, and in these books many Corean
words are to be found. Besides this we especially find many collectfons
of Corean words in the Chi hn lei. shih ^ 1^), a book written

by Sun-mu ^-) of the Sung dynasty, about the eleventh century
A.D. This book supplies our material for knowledge of ancient Corean.

VOL. IV. P.\KT I. 1

_g^05 ..

1 1 /Vt-Oi-.U'j iQAh

GURA —

LIBKAKY, new DELHI.

Aco. So

and is highly valued by present-day scholars. Since the time of
Sun-mu the Chinese have done little towards the elucidation of the
Corean language, and this work is unique in its wealth of Corean
vocables, and is indispensable to the study of Corean.

CVao hsien kuan i yu is divided into nineteen heads— ^astronomy,
geography, meteorology, botany, etc., and in these are found 596
Corean words. In the vocabulary which follows, the arrangement
adopted is to place —

In the first column Chinese words ;

In the second column Corean written with Chinese characters used
phonetically regardless of meaning ;

In the third column the pronunciation of the first column is given
by a different Chinese character.

What I have in view here is chiefly of course the Corean contained
in the second column, and from its contents to show the value of this
work.

2. Initials

1. In Corean m is a close vowel, and sometimes is pronounced
rather like tc, and the Chinese occasionally express it by the character
with the initial p.

Chikese.

Chinese

WOKD.

CoKEAN in-
Chinese.

Corea.n.

[ English.

^ (pen)

sul 1 (su-ul)

wine

is ®

sul *-pap

' wine and food

n m

nurun-sul ^ i

yellow wine

ch’an-sul ^

unwarmed wine

m ^

la it

i-ut-chip

next door

^ (pen)

^ iS

to-un-sul

heated wine

a -C'

te fii ^ #

paral-ka-un-tai

mid-stream

S (Pi)

cho-eui -

paper

nu-ui '

younger-sister

^ S :k

yo-ui-ta ®

to be thin

t (pu)

— ‘

Ift b z:

tuH

two

1 Sul ” is pronounced •* su-ul ” and the character pSn is used to expres.s “ ul ”

* equals “ eui”, but Is supposed to have been used to express h ” in the
word “ cho-heui

3 In some dialects this is pronounced “ yo-pui-ta

4 “ Tul ” is pronounced “ tu-ul - and the character “ pu ” Ls used to express " u ”,

A COBEAN VOCA'BULARY

2. In Corean r is never used as an initial ; but in the second or
following syllables it niay be so used ; and in this bock the Chinese
use the character ^ to express the r.

i -'M' Chinese.

Chinese

Word.

Corean in
Chinese.

Core i n.

)

j Exglish.

% (lei) -

H M

hai ccha-reu-ta

the days are short

6-reuni 6-reu-ta

to freeze

vC' ‘ ‘

teu-reu

uncultivated land

tK M

mill ppa-:eu-ta

the stream is swift

ki-ro-ki

wild goose

3. In Corean, words of two syllables when the second syllable
begins with r are often written by only one Chinese character.

Chinese.

Chinese

Word.

Corean in

ClIINl'.SK.

Corean.

Enolish.

■ “

(pen)

W ill

•(ft

p’u-reun moi

green hill

m t

})’u-reun o-ya-ji

green jilum

1; “

p'u-reun-mal

bay horse

“j

p’u-reun pit

green

3. Finals

1. In Corean -t, -b, when final, are implosive and not accom-
panied by an explosive. As in modern Chinese this kind of finals has
ceased to exist, such words cannot be expressed by one Chinese
character. Therefore in this book, when the author wishes to exjuess
-k, -i. -p, he uses a Chinese character in which somewhere the desired
sound is contained.

Chinese.

Chinese

Word.

Corean in

ClIINESK.

Corean.

Enolish.

-k ii (k^ou)

n ^

# ll tc *

teureu-patk

suburb

Wr (k'’')

m lit (ffi

koa-sil nik-ta

to ripen

-t © (ssu)

^ m

(ik ^ X

ku-reum it-ta *

to be cloudy

^ M

iH' itk ,© ^

pi-it-ta ^

it is raining

FT f,C> ly © Jc

i-sil it-ta ^

deAv falls

M in

kot

flower

^ in these words ** is also pronounced “ s

S. OGURA —

Chinese.

Chinese

Word.

Corean in-
Chinese.

' Corean.

English.

chat 1

cone

is©

: nat ^

face

^ m .

ffi.

ot ^

clothes

g (tzu)

banal kat ^

horizon

il it

ffi g

paral kat ^

river-bank

-p i6 (po)

ill HU

^ M

moi a(l)p

front of the mount

# fl

pom a(I)p

before the spring

h (pw)

K l' iz

ch’ip-ta

to be cold

2. In Corean when the lic^uids -m,

-w, -1, are used as finals, and it

is desired by the writer to express them distinctly, as in the above

case of

-k, -t, -Ip, he often uses some

character in which the sound is

somewhere contained.

Chinese.

Chinese

Word.

Corean in-
Chinese.

Corean.

English.

-m ^ (mei)

pom

spring

(men)

pom

tiger

kom

bear

-n ^ (nai)

k *

; tong-an

within the village

wall

m (na)

S M

6h Sli ^

nyoreum on-ta

summer is here

m g fih

Kyiijil on-ta

w-inter is here

-1 ^ (lei)

!i m

mMWjiz

pat yol-ta

to plough

(liao)

n m

till tun-keul-ta

moon is round

H (erh)

iio iii: zi

ha-nal

sky

nr.

tftl

moon

pyol

star

mul

river

tol

stone

M z:

balk

earth

^ —

PI — .

kil

road

M —

mal

horse

chyol

hoal

temple

bow

M z:

sal

arrow

jE H

m -z
z

sa-pal

sol

porcelain bowl

New Year’s Day

^ In these words t is also pronounced as “ s ”,

A COREAN VOCABULARY 5

3. As explained above, modern Chinese has lost the implosive
force of the finals -Jc, -t, -p, they, the Chinese, pronounce Icalc, Jcat, kap,
nearly as ka, making the difference in tone. Therefore, even when
they hear the different Corean sounds, they cannot distinguish the
difference between -k, -t, -p, -I final. They show no regularity in
expressing these finals, e.g. which originally ended vith a vowel,
is used for Corean words which end in k, I, etc. ; again, -g,. which
originally ended in k. implosive, is now used to express Corean words
which end in the vowels a, o, etc., and is also used in Corean words
which end in -k, -I, -p. I will now give some examples.

Chi.nese.

Chinese

Cork AN in

Corean.

PLncltsh.

Work.

ClIINhSE.

^ (hu)

H'hop

nine

- m (i)

' &. f.L-

I’-seul

dew

ko-wf

goose

□

mouth

Sji (na)

na-mo

tree

ft ft

nat kil-ta

the days are long

ill

mm ±

moi wop-ta

mount is high

nap

monkey

5 (ni)

»u’-k6

to rise

tooth

nil-kop

seven

” (pa)

1 tc tfe

pa~x(\m

wind

M g

JiftGlg

i-pa-chi

banquet

pat

rice-field

kot-poi

(flower)-garden

pap

boiled rice

iH: (shih)

iStfr

chop-si

dish

w ±

m tflr

eni-sd

doctor

iSiJifr

koa-sil

fruit

sip-i-uol

November

f jT (ta)

fT fe

<a-sa(t)

five

A tT

tai-ia p

answer

t ^ (to)

<0-1

stone

<o-t

wild-boar

^ # m

tol tjiri

stone-bridge

^ S (tBh)

M S

a-(j)«

younger brother

chd

juirple

S. OGUBA —

Chinese.

Cm.NKSE 1

Word.

CoRE.lN IN'
Chinese.

CoREAN. i

English.

ka-(j)a^

autumn

M g

ky6-( j)al

winter

eb (wo)

i n

sh a>

o-uol

Jlay

® 0>

chyong-iioi

January

3£

jewel

lie (wo)

m ^

o-ntn-hai

next year

^ ¥

obhai

this year

m (6)

7k <]£

oreum (i'-reu-ta

to freeze

o-nii

mother

m ±

m li!:

eiii-sX

doctor

^11 M

pi op-ta

drought

tai-e«p

large town

£ (chill)

5 iIl

ka-c^j

egg-plant

iIl

chip

house

^ii;

kyoi-chip

woman

K (ch‘ih)

K b k

chH-p-ta

to be cold

lit

ka-chenk

skin

® (die)

^ A

ch o-ko-ri

smock

/]> M

® tli IE ^

c7(6-keun pa-ram

breeze

5'I - ® A

■ pyol chok-ta,

stars are rare

(ku)

* IL

unn

, ko-Ant mong

nostrils

?151

kol-mok

' street

-b

: nil-Aro/)

seven

^ (ki, chi)

14 w

! t’o-ki

1 rabbit

ki-TO-ki

1 wild-goose

: ko-ki

meat

rt: —

— .

i A-i-1

road

H &

, hai-A'(7-ta

the days are long

miik

mul kip-ta

the river is deep

; kip

silk

^ (ka, chia)

ns m

to go out of the
castle

! ^it

' A'a-chi

egg-plant

I ^ m iif

', i-a-ma-kui

crow

; A'ft-ma

saucepan

m i£

iiMMk

kil kut-kap-ta

the wav is short

kap

armour

1 E? m

S)a

kap-chyoi

to pass (an exam-

illation)

A COREAN VOCABULARY

Chixksk.

Chinese Corean in-

Word. i Cm.N'KSE.

CoUEAN.

English.

S'l (pieh)

h (pu)

j lij n!

I n m
1 7K m

; it

! m

m±
®
mz

"p M ;A;

1' m

rno-n

moi

t;il mdlh-ta,

mul-m((/A--ta

na,-mdl

kil niol-ta,

pyd-rak

pyot

jDw-cli'ai

jw^'-sang

pole

put

head

summit

the moon is bright

the water is clear

vegetable

the -^vav is long

thunder

sunbeam

fan

peach

drum

(writing)-brush

Pi \' iz

ch'i-p-ta

to be cold

(pi)

1 ]i

rain

ppj

a-pi

father

pf-tan

silk

hai-pif

white

(po)

7K ^

mill ppa-reu-ta

the stream is swift

i&fi|

p’a-ra

to sell

i(l 71-

poiA’-syong

people

-fe (se)

feht

sd-ri

frost

m PI

sd-uol

April

n +

feug-

s^M-meul

twenty

m ^

nun-si-wA;

eye-lash

fe E m

saf-mo-ra

boil

IS )ft

seup-ryoi

etiquette

# (to) 1

s m

m A

pydl tew-meu-ta

the stars are rare

teu-reu

uncultivated land

ta-ri

bridge

ir -C’

fij M m #

para I ka-on-faf

mid-stream

H m

hcli tdp-tix

the day is warm

m (tsa)

cAa-nan-chip

bedroom

chat

castle

4. As in modern Chinese nasal finals -m, -n, have k st all distinction,
and are pronounced alike, although in Corean the distinction is always
strictly observed, the Chinese usually express -m by the -n final ; and
sometimes -«g is used to express -m or -k.

S. OGUR\

Chinesk.

Chinese

Word.

, CoRE.\N IN

Chinese.

# (hun)

Wi (lun)

ik.

^ A

(ken)

^ (pan)

Sc M

At" # A

(sun)

1 M.

^ (san)

H J1

M (kung)

^ a

fei'i pt

^ (leng)

>K dti

: n mm Wj-j

S (meng)

Corean,

Enolish.

so-kom j

salt

pa-rdm

wind

ku-reum

cloud

nyo-reum

summer

ka-nan sa,-ram

poor man

keiini

brocade

keum

gold

keum hoang

gold

pam ccha-reu-ta

the night is short

han-sum

sigh

sa»i-uol

March

nim-feum

sovereign

nim-Arew?^

imperial court

6-reum 6-reu-ta

to freeze

mok

Indian ink

1 I

5. To express the Corean words with final -m, the Chinese some-
times use the characters which originally did not contain the final -m.

« Chinese

Chinese.

\ Coreas is i

Chinese. j Corean.

English.

m (ma) ^

j mom

body

6. Because the final -I has ceased to exist in modern Chinese, Corean
words with a final -I are sometimes written in Chinese with final -n
instead.

Chinese.

Chinese

1 Word.

Corean in
Chinese.

i COREA.N,

English.

m (an)

i nun-«i

i pupil

4ft (ken)

4ft ft # A

1 keul pai-hon-ta

to study books

4ft A

1 keul sseun-ta

j to write characters

(min)

1 mo-mil

buckwheat

Pg (men)

A eg

: u-mul

well

M m

mul kip-ta

the river is deep

k’eun mul

big river

A COREAN VOCABULARY

Chinese.

Chinese

Word.

CoRE.iN IN

Chinese.

COKEAN.

English.

lit (non)

^ IS

^ (pen)

ha-naZ u-heui
® jS'T 0 -ndl a-ch’im

^ pid-keim kot

])ul-kei\n pit

heaven
this morning
red flower
red

4. Obsolete Words and Dialects

In this book there are many ancient words now obsolete and
varieties in dialect which are not in use to-day in Seoul. I will give
a few examples.

Chinese

Corean in

Corean.

English.

Word.

Chinese.

il.

lEfi]

pa-ral ^

sea, river

m (Ml

IE 11] A

pa-rdl ' n5l-ta

the sea is broad

tt -6

1C m 5 m #

pa-rAl ^ ka-un-tai

mid-stream

il it

tc m a

pa-rill ^ kat

river-bank

nyd --kd-ra

^ *

il-chiki nyo ^-ko-ra

go early

ka-jal ^

autumn

kyo-jiil *

winter

M s

a-ja *

younger brother

mil-jam ^

heart

^ ‘Ci*

mm raiz

ma-jam an-ta

to be intimate

# m

il-chiki il-kii ®-ra

get up early

M^m

an-ko ®-ra

sit down

: f 1

s6-kd ®-ra

stand up

kyon-to ®

to go to the
imperial court

iff A

® m ^

to ®-heun sa-ram

good man

mm m

to ®-heun ma-jam

good heart

I “ Pata ” or “ patang ” is now the word for sea ; but anciently it was ‘‘ pa-ral ’ .
® “ Nyo ” is the old word for “ ka
3 § represents the old W'ord “ jal ** or “ja”.

* ^ (chen) represents the old form “ jam ” now known as “ am
® The imperative “ ko ” is now only used in some dialects.

* These examples of “ to ” etymole^ically are spelled tj'o ", and now pronounced
“ cho ", and in the dialect of Western Corea ‘‘ tyo ” is even now pronounced " to

A COREAN VOCARfJLARY

5. Conclusion

In Chi lin lei shih, of the Sung dynasty, the Chinese characters
make clear the difference between the finals -t, -p, -m, -n -ng ;
but in this book these distinctions are entirely absent ; which i^
evidence that this book is by a later author than the former. On the
other hand, in Ko huo i yii we find the Japanese and Malays vocabularies
as above mentioned, with the same arrangement as in this book. And
at the end of the Japanese vocabulary, we find the date “ Chia ching ”
iM in) 28 year, 11th month. This date is by a later hand. We find
the same date after the Malay vocabulary^, \'iz., a.d. 1549. Therefore
I believe this book under discussion was compiled about the middle
of the sixteenth century. If we consider the various vocabularies
contained in this book, we are led to the same conclusion. In fine, as
there is little material from foreign sources for the study of the Corean
language, the acquisition of this book at the present time is not only
a great benefit to scholars, but also, for the historical study of Corean,
is of inestimable value and throws light on a difficult study.

ON THE ADBHUTA-BAHAYANA
By Sir George A. Grierson

"DESIDES the well-known Valnuki-ramayana, three other Sanskrit
poems entitled “ Ramayana ” are current in northern India, and
are highly esteemed. They are (1) the Ydga-vdsistlia-maharamdyana,
(2) the Adhjdtma-rdmdijana, and (^) the Adhhuta-rdmdyana. Of these
the first and the last claim to have been composed by no less a person
than Yalmiki himself ; but the Adhjdtma-rdmdijana forms a section
of the Brahmanda-piirdna, and does not suggest any pretension to
his authorship.

The Yoga-vdsistha-mahdrdmgyana ^ is devoted, not to describing the
Rama-saga, but to an explanation of the means for acquiring final
emancipation. It is said to contain 32,000 Mdkas, and purports to be
the instruction conveyed to Rama by Vasistha before he was taken
away by Yisvamitra on the tour which ended in his marriage. It is
divided into six prakarmias, entitled, respectively, the vairdgga-,
murnukm-, utpatti-, sthiti-, upasama-, and nirvum-prakaranas. Their
contents can be gauged from their titles.

The Adhydtma-rdmdyana is a work of an altogether different kind.
It closely follows the Yalmiki-ramayana in its main incidents, but
explains them from a sectarian Yaisnava point of view. It may be
taken as having for its text Y.-Ram, YI, cxix, 11 (Calc. Ed.), where
Rama states his ignorance as to who he really is : —

TUT i

In the Adhyatma-ram° (I, ii, 13), Parvatl asks Siva how it was that
Rama, influenced by his own mdgd, did not know his own self as the
Supreme Deity. Siva recites the whole work in order to explain that
Rama, as a human being, had limited intelligence, while, as the
Infinite Deity, his intelligence is absolute.'^ As Lala Baijnath, in the
Introduction to his translation ® of the work, says, “ Where there is a
difference [between the two poems], it is due to the fact that, whilst
the Adhyatma starts with the theory of Rama’s divinity, and tries to

^ A full account of the contents will be found in Eggeling’s Catalogue of the
Sanskrit MSS. in the Library of the India Office (Xos. 2407-14).

* Compare the Christian arguments as to the meaning of kenosts.

3 Panini Office, Allahabad, 1913.

SIR GEORGE A. GRIERSOX—

explain away all failings of humanity, whenever they come into the
narrative, by resorting to the anadi avidyd (beginmngless error) of
the Vedanta, the Ramayana of Valmlki describes Rama as the best
of men, and tries to show how, in spite of the few failings of humanity,
one can rise to godhead by setting before him the noble ideal of
truth and duty as Rama did.” To the author of the Adhyatma, Rama
is identical with the Supreme Brahman, and Sita is his Prakrti, also
called avidyd and mdyd. She is theCreator of the universe, and (I, ii, 35),
from her proximity to him, what is created by her (e.g. human nature)
is imputed to him by the ignorant.

The Adhyatma-ramayana marks an important stage in the history
of religion in India, for the theology of the different Vaisnava sects
is largely based on it, and Tulasl-dasa owed much to its inspiration.
One fact may be mentioned here, which is common to the Adhyatma-
ramayana, the Tulasl-krta-ram°, and the Adbhuta-ranV. All the three
recoil from the idea that Sita was abducted by Ravana. They have
therefore evolved the doctrine that Ravana carried off only an illusory
form of Sita, the real Sita having previously, under Rama’s
instructions, disappeared in fire. It was this illusory Sita who suffered
all the sorrows of abduction in Lanka, who was rescued by Rama,
and who entered the fire as a test of her purity. She then disappeared,
and it was the real Sita who issued from the fire and who was taken by
Rama to Ayodhya.

The Adbhuta-ramayana is different from either of the preceding.
It is also called the AdbhiUottara-kdnda, and professes to be an
additional, or eighth, kdnda, or a supplement to the Yalmiki Ramayana.
Vahniki is said to have composed two Ramayanas, — one in a thousand
million slokas for the use of the gods, and one in twenty-four thousand
slokas for the use of mankind. The latter is the well-known Ramayana
generally current at the present day. The Adbhuta-ram° professes to
consist of extracts from the former, and to give accounts of episodes
that find no place in the latter. Thus, although the frame-skeleton
is the same in both wmrks, the actual contents of each are very different.
For instance, in the Adbhuta, while long and minute accounts are
given of the respective origins of the incarnations of Rama and Sita,
the building of the causeway, the taking of Lanka, and the destruction
of Ravana, are all dismissed in a single Uoka (xvi, 17).

As a religious document, while, of course, Vaisnava, it is also
^akta, and the later sargas are a frank imitation of the Devi Mdhdtmya,
in which Sita performs the actions of Devi in that work. She,

ON THE ADBHUTA-RAMAYANA

the tender, gracious Sita of Valmiki, — is in this section of the poem
even given Devi's- attributes. She is pictured as famished, hollow-
eyed, loud-shouting, wearing a garland of skulls, four-armed, with
loUing tongue, matted hair, and so on, with all Devi's accompaniments
of grisly horror, including even her matikds. The poem is thus a mixture
of Bhakta-teaching with Saivism, in which the salient features of both
schools are combined. The attitude towards Rama and Sita is care-
fully worked out in a long conversation between the former and
Hanumat (Sargas xi-xv), in which, after discourses on sdhMya-yoga
and hhakti-yoga, Rama declares that he himself is the Supreme
Brahman, the sandtana-sarvatman (xiv, 1), in whose Balcti everything
that is exists (xiv, 9). Elsewhere, Sltii repeatedly appears as this
Sakti (e.g. xxv, 5).

The work is also valuable on the score of the folk-legends relating
to Rama and Sita that are contained in it. The first thing that strikes
the reader is the extraordinary power attributed to Indian saints such
as Narada. If a saint gets angry, without any hesitation he will curse
even the Supreme Deity or his Spouse (Narada does it twice) to undergo
some humiliating calamity, and, as a saint's curse can never be in vain,
the Deity has to accept the consequences with a smile. In fact, in those
mythical times, it must have been much safer to be a saint than to be
a god. A god only granted petitions, while the greatest and most
pious of saints could curse every whit as successfully as Balaam. The
only inconvenience to which a saint was liable was being cursed by
another saint. In such cases we have instances of, say, an uncle and a
nephew cursing each other, and in later ages being sadly put to it to
imdo the consequences.

The earlier sargas of the poem are devoted to stories explaining
why Visnu and Laksml consented to become incarnate as Rama and
Sita, respectively. This was not, — as elsewhere explained, — to relieve
the earth of the burden of sin, but in' each case as the direct
consequence of a saint's curse.

In Rama's case we begin with the story of Ambarlsa, to which are
supplied additions and embellishments. When Xarada and his nephew
Parvata were rival suitors for the hand of his daughter Srlmatl, they
cursed Visnu, who interfered with their plans, to become incarnate
as a descendant of Ambarlsa, and Srlmatl, whom Visnu had carried
off from both, to be born as Sita (ii-iv).

Another, and quite different account of Sita's origin is next given.
Narada, while attending a concert in heaven, is hustled aside by

SIR GEORGE A. GRIERSON

Laksml's attendants, who are conducting her to her seat. He promptly
curses her to become incarnate as the daughter of a Eaksasl. This is
a long story (v-viii), and begins by telling of two pious Brahmanas,
who, with their disciples, sang hymns in praise of Visnu. They cut off
their tongues and pierced the drums of their ears rather than sing or
hear the praises of an earthly monarch. When they died, they went
straight to heaven, and it was at the concert given in their honour that
Narada conceived himself insulted. The chief singer at the concert is
a Gandharva named Tumburu. A’arada tries to emulate him, but
failed. He then goes off to a singing-master, — an owl, named
Ganabandhu, — and studies under him for a thousand years ; but as,
even then, his songs are not full of hhaJcti, or devotional love, he mangles
all the musical modes, who, maimed in hand, foot, eye, nose, or what
not by Xarada's attempts at harmony, crowd round Tumburu's house
for repair. After many adventures, Narada is at length taught true
music by Krsna, and then, finding hiiaself filled with hkakti, he no
longer desires to emulate Tumburu.

In the meantime, hlandodarl, believing Havana to be unfaithful
to her, drinks certain poison that Havana had put into her keeping.
By an accident, this, so far from being poison, was milk impregnated
with LaksmI, and she straightway becomes pregnant of the goddess.
She hurries to Kuruksetra, where she privately gives birth to the child,
and buries it. It is subsequently ploughed up by Janaka, and the rest
of the story follows the familiar lines. It is well known that Jaina
legends also make Sita Mandodarl's daughter, but that they make
Havana her father. This association with the Raksasa Queen more
than once turns up in Indian folklore, and is even adopted by the
Kashmiri poet Divakara-prakasa Bhatta in his epic entitled the
Rdmdvatdra-carita} The Buddhist version of the saga, as contained
in the Dasaraiha Jdiaka (461), is even more strange. According to it,
Sita was Rama’s uterine sister, and became his wife after his return
from exile.

Except for the contest vdth Parasu-rama, the events of Rama
Dasarathi’s life are not given in detail, nor is the palace intrigue
that resulted in his banishment referred to. The story is broken by
the long philosophical conversation already referred to, and then
hastens over the conquest of Lanka and the return to Ayodhya.

In the concluding sargas (xvii-xxvii) we are confronted by an
entirely new aspect of the Rama-legend. in which Sita is represented
* See JBAS., 1921, p. 422.

ON THE ADBHUTA-RAMAYANA

not only as Kama's Sakti, but even as more powerful than Rama
himself. The pair are happily established at Ayodhya, when she tells
him and the assembled court that to her the killing of Eavana does not
appear, after all, to have been so very great an exploit. Eavana, it is
true, had ten heads, but he had a brother with a thousand heads, who
is infinitely more powerful than was Eavana, and who has conquered
Brahman’s and Indra's heavens. At her words Rama sets out with her
to conquer this thousand-headed Eavana, who, however, heavily
defeats his army, and slays Rama himself. Sita then, as already stated,
takes the form of Devi. Herself she slays the thousand-headed Eavana
and destroys his army. Brahman then resuscitates Rama, who obtains
the resuscitation of his own army as a boon from Sita. They then all
return in triumph to A3mdhya.

It is evident that the Adbhuta-ramayana is a comparatively modern
work. It is distinctly Sakta in character, exalting Sita above Rama.
It is also an attempt to introduce the terrible cult of Saiva Saktism
into the altogether alien soil of Vaisnavism. Its chief value is as a
storehouse of folk-legends, and, as such, I offer the following abstract
to the reader.

Sarga I

The FrameuvrJc of the Poem

The work begins with four introductory verses praising Xarayana,
Nara, and Narottama, Devi Sarasvatl, Vyasa, Valmiki, and Rama-
candra. It then describes the circumstances under which it was
narrated by Yalmikl. making a sort of framework for the whole. The
rest of the framework is given at the end of the last Sarga.

(1) Bharadvaja approaches Valmiki. whose abode is on the bank of
the river Tamasa. He states that Valmiki had composed a Eamayana
in a thousand million slohas for the Brahma-loka, and one of twenty-
five thousand slokas for the earth. He now asks to hear the former,
which has hitherto been concealed from the world of men. (8) Valmiki
explains that the account of Rama's exploits in twenty-five thousand
slokas is sufficient for mankind. He will nevertheless now tell the
Mahatmya of Sita, which has hitherto not been told in detail therein,
and has been hidden in the abode of Brahman. He goes on to explain
that Sita is Prakrti. — the origin of everything, from whose sport every-
thing moveable and immoveable takes its being. She is one with
Rama.

The colophon of this Sarga runs — ‘ So, in the Arsa Eamayana of
\almlki, in the Adbhuta Uttara-kanda, in the Adi-kavya, ends the

SIR GEORGE A. GRIERSON

first Sarga.’ [The colophons of the other Sargas are the same, except
that occasionally there are also given a few words indicating the
contents. They will not be repeated.]

Sarga II

The Cause of Rama’s Incarnation. The Story of A jnharlsa

Valmiki promises to tell Bharadvaja the reasons for Rama and
SIta becoming incarnate. He begins with that of Rama.

The Story of Amtiarlsa. — Padmavatl, the wife of Trisanku, is
devoted to Narayana. He appears to her in a dream, and promises her
a perfectly devoted son. Ambarl^ is born to her, and, in process of
time, succeeds his father as king. He makes over his throne to his
ministers, and performs austerities in honour of Narayana for a
thousand years. At the end of this period, Narayana, disguising himself
as Indra, appears to him, and promises him protection. Ambarlsa
refuses to acknowledge Indra as the Supreme, and states that all his
austerities were in honour of Narayana only. Narayana then assumes
his proper form, and grants him the boon of perfect devotion (bhakti),
of protection, and of victory over his enemies. Ambarisa resumes
his kingdom in Ayodhya, and rules prosperously over happy subjects,
ever protected by Narayana's discus, Sudarsana.

Sarga III

Continuation of the Story of Ambarlsa ^

Ambarlsa has a fair daughter, Srinratl. One day the saints Narada
and Par\'ata visit him. Each sees the girl and asks for her in marriage.
He promises to give her to whichever she may prefer. They agree.
Narada then hastens to Visnu and begs him to put a monkey's face on
his rival. Visnu smiles and consents. Parvata also hastens to Visnu

' This part of the .story is not in the Valmiki or in the Adhyatma Ramayana. The
Bhagavata Purana, IX, ie, has a story of how Ambarlsa was protected from liurvasas
by Vi.snu’s discus. But the saint's wTath was caused by a quite different reason In
Mbh., VII. Ixv, we are told how Narada and Parvata quarrelled over Srnjaya’s daughter
and cursed each other. The story is repeated in X, xx.v. There we iearn that the two
saints cursed each other “like a couple of infuriated elephants”. Parvata cursed
Narada to have the face of an ape, and Narada retorted by cur.sing Parvata to the effect
that he should never succeed in getting to heaven. ' In after years they became
reconciled and mutually revoked the curses. Parvata was Narada’s sister’s son In
Tulasl-dasa’s Rnma-carita-iliinam (Nagarl Pracarini Sabha's Centenary Ed I
clvii ff.) we find a story much nearer our text. Nilrada becomes intoxicated '^th
pride. To bring him to hi.s sen.ses, t i,nu sends forth his Maya, or spirit of delusion,
to create a phantom city. Narada falls in love with Visvamohanl, the daughter of its
king, feila-nidhi. A svaynm-ara is held but the princess sees Narada with an ape’s
face, and refuses to marry him. As m the text, Visnu carries her off himself. Nar^-
then curses \ isqu as m the text, but there is no mention of the discus episode. The
Bhakla-inala {.JRAS., 1910, 281 ff.) connects the discus episode with Durvasas not
With Narada. ^

ON THE ADBHUTA-RAMAYANA

and asks him to give Narada the face of a “ cow-tailed ” monkey.
Visnu consents to this also, and the two suitors hasten to Ayodhya,
where they find the city decorated, and a magnificent court assembled
to witness the maiden’s choice.

Sarga IV

Continuation of the Stori/ of Amharlsa

The two saints arrive, and are received with honour. ^ Srimatl
is told to throw her garland on the saint of her choice, but she replies
that neither Xarada nor Parvata is there. She can see only two
monkeys ; but between them is seated a glorious youth of si.xteen
years, who is also a claimant for her hand. The unknown suitor is
not visible to the rest of the crowd. Ambarl.sa, fearing that the saints
will become angry at the delay and curse him. urges Srhnatl to throw
her garland round the neck of one or other of the two. She advances,
and, at the last moment, throws it over the neck of the mysterious
third suitor. Inmrediately on doing this she disappears, for Visnu,
it being no other than he. has carried her off to Vailcuiffha.

(29) The saints, who by this time have discovered that they have
each a monkey’s face, and are full of angry shame, hasten to Vaikuntha.
Visnu, seeing them approach, conceals the girl, and receives them. He
explains that they were both devoted to him. and that he can never
refuse to grant a prayer made by a devotee. Each had petitioned that
the other should have a monkey's face, and so it was not his fault.
He pretends that he had had nothing to do with the disappearance of
the girl, and that it must have been done by some magician.

(44) They conclude that it has been some device of Ambarlsa’s,
and return to earth to curse him to perpetual darkness. Visnu's
discus opposes the curse, and the two saints, followed by the darkness,
run away before it. They flee to Vi.snu for refuge from the darkness
and the discus. He .stops the pursuers, ami e.xplains that Ambarlsa
was his devotee, and that he must protect him. They now perceive
that the whole affair has been an e.xample of the working of Visnu’s
delusion (mat/ci). and. in wrath, they curse him to be born as a man
in Ambarlsa's line of descent. Srunatl is also cursed to be born again
from the earth, and to be brought up as .Tanaka’s daughter. She is to be
again carried off, but this time by a vile Rakmw. just as Vi.suu has
acted in carrying her off him-self. He is to suffer much sorrow on her
account, ju.st as they have sorrowed owing to Srimati’s abduction.

(65) A saint’s curse can never be in vain. So Visnu accepts the
destiny imposed upon him. He promises to become the son of
Da.4aratha. His right arm .shall be born as liharata. and his left as

' As in Tulasl-fia'ja's the ape-like faee'i are visible only to the cirl. To tho

other spectator'!, Xarada and Parvata pro'^erve their ordinary appearance, an«l no
one knows that there i.s anything wrong with them.

VOL. IV. PART I. 2

SIR GEORGE A. GRIERSOX —

Satrughna, while Sesa shall become incarnate as Laksmana. The
darkness (being the result of the saint's curse) cannot be destroyed ;
so Yisnu agrees to take it on himself when he shall become incarnate,
and comnrands it to leave Ambarlsa. He also commands his discus
to desist from the pursuit of the saints.

The two saints depart full of grief, declaring that so long as they live
they will never marry. They engage in spiritual contemplation, and at
length regain their proper forms.

Sarga V

The Cause of Silas Incarnation

The Story of Kausika. — In the Treta Yuga there was in Dv^araka
a Brahmana named Kausika, devoted to Bhagavfm. He had seven
disciples of Brahmana, Ksatriya, and Vaisya castes, and they used to
receive alms from two pious Brahmapas named, respectively, Padmaksa
and Malava. The wife of the latter was named Malati. Kausika and
his disciples became famous as singers of hymns to Yisnu.

(15) The king of Kalihga asks Kausika to sing songs in praise of
him (instead of Yisnu). Kausika and his disciples refuse, on the ground
that their tongues can sing, and their ears can hear, only the praise
of Bhagavan. The king makes his own servants sing his praises before
them, but they make themselves deaf by piercing each others’ ears,
and dumb by cutting off each others’ tongues. The king, in a rage,
banishes them, and they wander off to the north, where, in due course,
they die.

(28) After death they are carried off to the Brahma-l6ka. Thence
Brahman and the other gods escort them to the Yisnu-loka. Yisnu
appoints Kausika to be the chief of his ganas, — he, with his
disciples, to be ever near him (Yisnu). Malava and Malati are to
abide near him, and Padmaksa is transformed into Kubera.

Sarga YI

Continuation of the Story of Kausika

A great festival is begun in honour of Kausika, at which Gandharvas
sing and play instruments. LaksmI, the spouse of I'isnu, comes to hear
the music. In order to make way for her, her attendants hustle to one
side with their sta^ es the assembled Gods and Mums. The finest singer
is the Gandharva Tumburu, who is handsomely rewarded by Yisnu.
(12) Karada, who is one of those that have been hustled to make way
for Laksmi, on seeing how Tumburu has been rewarded, becomes
filled with rage and jealou,sy. He hastily curses Laksmi for the insult
offered to him. As Laksmi, like a Raksasa, has made her attendants
smite me with staves, and has hinstled me aside, so shall Laksmi
be born among Raksasas, and a Raksasi shall cast her aw'ay upon the

ON THE ADBHUTA-RAMAYANA

ground.” No sooner has Narada uttered these words, than he recognizes
their enormity, and is filled with remorse. (’21) Laksmi and Narayana
accept the position. She admits that a Brahmana’s curse cannot be
voided, and resigns herself to the consequences ; but she asks that she
may be conceived in the womb of a RaksasI, who has drunk the blood
of forest saints (munis) which has been collected little by little in a jar,
and that she may be the offspring of that blood and of no one else.
Narada consents.

(27) Narayana explains to Narada that he loves hymns of praise
far more than austerities, sacrifices, or visits to holy places. “For this
reason Tumburu is more dear to me than you.” He directs him to
repair to an owl named Ganabandhu, who lives in a mountain to the
north of the Manasarovara, and to learn how to sing from him. Narada
hastens thither, and finds Ganabandhu surrounded by Gandharvas,
Kirhnaras, Yaksas, and Apsarases, whom he is teaching to sing. He
tells Ganabandhu why he has come to learn singing, as he has found
that all the austerities he has undergone, all the gifts he has made,
all the sacrifices he has carried out, all that he has heard, and all that
he has read, are not worth the sixteenth part of the hynms sung by
Kausika and Tumburu. Visnu has sent him to Ganabandhu to learn
the method. Ganabandhu tells the following story : —

The Story of Bkuvanesa. — (47) There was once a pious king named
Bhuvanesa. He worshipped Bhagavan with thousands of sacrifices
and other pious acts ; but he stopped the singing of hynms in praise
of Hari. Only in his (Bhuvanesa's) honour were songs to be sung. A
certain pious Brahmana named Harimitra was found singing a hymn
to Hari, while engaged in worship. Bhuvanesa confiscated all his
property and banished him. In course of time Bhuvanesa died and
came before Yama. Y’ama sentenced him to continue eating his own
corpse for a whole Manvantara (4,320,000 years), then to become a dog,
and finally a human being. He thereupon first became an owl, with the
corpse of his former body before him, from which he was compelled
to satisfy his hunger. One day Harimitra came by on a heavenly
chariot and saw the owl. The latter told him his story, and craved his
forgiveness. Harimitra granted it, and conferred upon him the power
of song, so that his tongue might become pure by singing Yisnu's
praises. He further promised that he shoidd become the singing master
to Vidyadharas, Gandharvas, and Apsarases, and thus earn pure food
in place of the horrid banquet to which he had been condemned, “ So,
in fact, it turned out, and I, Narada, am that owl.”

Sarga VII

Narada gains the Power of Singing

The Story of Narada and Tumburu. — Narada passes a thousand
years in learning to sing from Ganabandhu, and masters the technique
of the art. As a fee he promises Ganabandhu that in a future age he

SIR GEORGE A. GRIERSOX —

shall become Garu(la. He then sets out to conquer Tumburu in singing.
When he arrives at Tumburu's house he finds it surrounded by a crowd
of maimed men and women, wanting hand, foot, nose, eye, breast, or
so on. These turn out to be the various musical modes {rdgas and
rdginis) who have been mangled by Isarada’s bad singing. Narada,
thus put out of countenance, repairs to Madhava (i.e. Bhagavan) in
the White Continent (Svetadvlpa). Madhava explains to him that he
has not yet assimilated all Ganabandhu's powers of song, and that
he is still not the equal of Tumburu. He goes on “in the Dvapara
Yuga I shall be born as Krsna. You must then come to me and remind
me. I will complete your musical education, and make you sing
better than Tumburu. In the meantime continue your studies among
the Devas and Gandharvas ”. Thereupon Xarada applies himself to
learning the lute. Devoted to \"asudeva, he wanders over all the worlds
with his lute.

(39) In the Brahma-loka, he meets two Gandharv'as named Haha
and Huhu, who are skilful in singing the praises of Brahman. Narada
begins to sing in praise of Hari, and Brahman honours him. He wanders
on and reaches Tumburu's abode. He finds in attendance there the
sadja and the other primary notes of the scale (svaras). On seeing them
he is filled with shame and hurries off, learning more and more music
wherever he goes. (45) At length Krsna becomes incarnate, and Narada
hastens to Dvaraka. He reminds Krsna of his promise, and Krsna
makes him over to his third wife, Jambavatl, for instruction. He studies
with her for a year, and is then sent to the second wife, Satyabhama,
who teaches him further. He is then sent on to the first wife, Rukmipl,
but her attendants complain that he sings out of tune, so he studies
with RukminI for two years. Finally Krsna takes him himself. In this
way music comes to him in perfection ; and, simultaneously, all hatred
departs from him, and all jealousy of Tumburu disappears.

Sarga VIII

The Conception and Birth of Sitd

Ravana, the ten-headed, performs terrible austerities, and through
them he becomes as fiercely radiant as the sun, so that the earth itself
takes fire. Brahman and the gods entreat him to desist, and offer
him a boon if he \H11 do so. He demands that he should never die at
the hand of any God, Asura, Yaksa, Pisaca, Naga, Raksasa,
Vidyadhara, Kimnara, or Apsaras, and also that if ever he should look
on his own daughter with lustful eyes, and she do not yield to him
that then he should die. He does not mention men in demanding his
first boon as he looks upon them as mere straws. The boons
are granted, and the gods depart.

(14) Through the power conferred by his first boon, Ravana
enters upon a career of conquest. On one occasion he comes to the

ON THE ADBHUTA-RAMAYANA

Dandaka forest, and, on seeing the Rsis, considers that until he has
overcome them he cannot be looked upon as having conquered the three
worlds. On the other hand it would not be right for him to slay them.
He therefore summons them to submit without resistance, and, with
this demand, draws from each with the tip of an arrow a little blood,
which he collects in a jar.

(18) One of the Ksis is Grtsamada.^ the father of a hundred sons.
His wife has begged from him that she may have a daughter, and that
this daughter may be LaksmI herself. In order to fulfil her desire, the
Rsi has been day by day sprinkling, with appropriate mantras, nrilk
from a wisp of kusa-grass into a jar, so that thereby it may become
inhabited by LaksmT. He does this, as usual, on the morning of the
day on which Havana appears, and, before the latter’s arrival, goes out
into the forest. It is in this same jar that Havana collects the Rsis’
blood. He takes it home with him, and gives it to his wife Mandodari
to take care of, telling her that the blood in it is more poisonous than
poison itself. She may on no account taste it, or give it to anyone to
taste.

(24) Havana again goes forth on his career of conquest, and in
Mount Mandara debauches the daughters of the Gods, Danavas,
Yaksas, and Gandharvas. Mandodari, seeing them preferred to her,
determines to kill herself. With this object, she drinks the contents of
the jar of Rsis’ blood, which Havana has told her is a deadly poison.
Instead of dying, she immediately becomes pregnant with LaksmI,
who has been installed in the sprinkled milk by the power of
Grtsamada's mantras.

(30) When she finds herself pregnant in the absence of her husband,
in fear of his reproaches, she sets out for Kuruksetra under pretence
of making a pilgrimage. There, freeing herself from the fcetus (garbham
niskrsya), she buries it in the ground and returns home, keeping the
whole affair a secret.

(36) Shortly afterwards Janaka comes to sacrifice at Kuruksetra.
In order to prepare the ground for the sacrifice, he ploughs it with a
golden plough, and while doing so turns up the fa-tus, — a girl-child.
Being warned by a voice from heaven, he adopts her and names
her Slta. After completing the sacrifice, he takes her home, and brings
her up.

Sarga IX

Jamadagmja Granted a Vision of the Universe

The story now omits all account of the boyhood of Rama-candra,
of the journey with Visvamitra, of the breaking of Siva's bow, and of
the marriage with Sita. The narrative is resumed with the departure
of Rama-candra’s and Slta’s wedding party from Janakapura. (2)

* I have not met this particular story about Grtsamarla cither in the Maliuhhilrata
or in the Bhagavata Puratfa.

SIR GEORGE A. GRIERSON —

They are met by Parasu-rama (Janxadagnya), who displays the bow
with which he has destroyed the Ksatriyas. He challenges Ranra-candra
to string it and to draw the magic arrow up to his ear. Rama-candra
reproves him. “ You owe your might to Brahman. Now see me in
my proper form.” Rama then gives him divine sight, so that in Rama-
candra he sees the whole universe [{18 If.) list of details, cf. Mhh., iii,
8673]. Rama then discharges the arrow. The usual portents follow.
Parasu-rama is struck senseless. On his recovery he worships Rama-
candra, and retires to Mahendra. There he abides, devoid of all might
for a year. The Pitrs then direct him to go to the Diptoda Tirtha ^
on the Vadhusara river, where he will regain his might. His ancestor
Bhrgu performed austerities there.

After the encounter with Parasu-rama, Rama-candra goes on to
Uttara Kosala.

Sarga X

The Vision of Rama's Celestial Form

The story then takes up the narrative of Rama, Laksmana, and
Sita in the forest. (1) They go to the Dandaka forest for some
unmentioned reason (kendpi hetuna). Rama builds a hut on the bank
of the Godavari, and passes the time in hunting. One day Ravapa,
under the influence of delusion (mohat), carries off Sita to Lanka. Rama
and Laksmana set out in search of her. A river is formed from the
flood of Rama's tears, and because a tear quickly accomplished
(vifarati) the origin of the river, it is called Vaitarapi. It has also
this name, because, after the due performance of oblations, the Pitrs
pass over (larana-) it. From the rheum of Rama's eyes, mountains were
formed. (7) He and Laksmana go to Rsyamuka in order to form
a friendship with Sugriva, who Uves there with five mantrins out of
fear of Valin. Hanumat {sic passim) meets them. Rama amazes
him by revealing to him his celestial form.

Sarga.s XI-XV

The conversation between Rama and Hanumat. XI, Rama
instructs Hanumat in the esoteric nature of the Supreme {Saiikhya-
yoga). XII, Continuation of the same (Upanisat-kathana). XIII,
Continuation of the same {Bhakli-yoga). XIV, Continuation of the same
(Bhagavad'dhanumat-samvdda). XV, Hanumat praises Rama
(Han tl mat-krta-stava-rdja).

Sarga XVI

Rama succeeds to the Throne

Rama explains to Hanumat that Ravapa has carried off Sita.
Hanumat replies that, just as the whole universe is illusion, so the

^ Mbh., iii, 8C85 ff.

ON THE ADBHUTA-RAMAYANA

abduction of Sltfi has been illusive.^ Nevertheless, he will do all he can
to help. He sets Eama and Laksmana on his shoulders and carries
them to Sugriv'a, who also promises his assistance. (7) Rama kills
Valin, makes Sugriva king, (8) and then, riding on Hanumat's
shoulder, while Laksmana rides on Ahgada, goes off with Sugriva
to the sea-shore, accompanied by the army of monkeys. (10) Laksmana
orders the sea to allow the army to pass over. The sea refuses.
Laksmana leaps into the sea, and fire issues from his body, so that all
the water in it is dried xrp. The inhabitants of the water are afflicted,
so Rama reproves Laksmana, and refills the ocean with his tears of
grief for Sita. (17) The Sea sings Rama’s praises, and he builds a
causeway over it, enters Lanka, and destroys Ravana with his family.
(18) With Yibhisana's help, Rama takes Sita in the Puspaka chariot,
and, accompanied by Sugriva, Hanumat, and the rest, returns to
Ayodhya, where he is joyfully welcomed, and reign.s in peace and
happiness.

Sarga XVII
Situs Story

Visvamitra and other Rsis, with their disciples, come to Ayodhya
from the East, South, West, and North. [List of these Rsis, with the
point of the compass from which each came.] They are honoured by
Rama and Sita and the others. (9) Song of praise by the Rsis, led by
Agastya. (15) They express their grief at Sita's having suffered so
much. Sita returns thanks, but remarks, with a laugh, that, although
Ravana was wicked, his slaying does not deserve such high com-
mendation. The Rsis are astonished. (27) Sita explains : —

Situs Tale . — “ When I was a girl in Janaka's house, a certain
Brahmana came as a guest for the four months of the rainy season.
Janaka appointed me to wait on him, and he diverted me by telling
me stories of the various holy places that he had visited. One day he
told me a wonderful story. Beyond the Sea of Curds, there is a fresh-
water lake surrounding the Puskara-dvipa. Brahman's lotus throne is
in Puskara. The Manasottara Mountain, of huge extent, forms the
boundary between Puskara and the Continent (rarsa). Round the
mountain are the cities of Indra and the other gods.

The Two Ravanas. — (10) Sumalin, the chief of the Raksasas, had a
a daughter named Kaikasl. She became the wife of Visravas and bore
him two sons, both named Ravana.^ One of these had a thousand
heads, and the other had ten heads. The gods, by a voice from the sky,
named them “ Ravana because they would cause wailing {ravana)

^ According to the Adhyatma Ramayaiia illl, Vii, 2 th) it wa«> only an illusive
form of Sita, not Sita herself, that was carried off,

^ It is hardly necessary to point out that the Valmiki Rslniayana contains no
reference to these two Ravanas. Similarly the Adhyatma Ramriyana. According to
them, Kaikasl’s children by Visravas w*ere the Ten-headed Ravana, Kumbhakariia,
Surpanakha, and Vibhifjana.

SIR GEORGE A. GRIERSOX —

of the peoples (lokandm). By the favour of Mahadeva, the Ten-headed
Kavana lived in Lanka, which had been built by Kubera. Having
obtained a boon from Brahman, he despised the universe.

(44) The Thousand-headed Havana forcibly took possession of
Puskara. He tossed the sun and moon about in play like balls, and did
the same with the (seven) chief mountain ranges of the continent. He
captured the cities round the Manasottara Mountain, and lives there
happily with his mother's relations. He himself lives in Indra's city
and has greatly beautified it. [49-60, description of its beauties.]
There he has imprisoned Indra and the other deities, and plays with
them as a child plays with toys. Mount Meru he looks upon as a grain
of mustard, the Ocean as the puddle in a cow's footprint, all the worlds
as bits of straw, and the continents as clods of mud, although Brahman,
Pulastya [Visravas's father], and Visravas [his father] have remon-
strated with him in affectionate terms.

(68) Telling stories such as this, the Brahmana passed his four
months with Janaka, and then departed after giving us his blessing.

Sarga XVIII
Continuation of Situs Story

Sitd continues. — “ Up to now my husband has slain only the Ten-
headed Havana, and, although Lanka has been destroyed, that, so
long as the Thousand-headed Havana is still alive, is not so very great
a deed. It is for this reason that I laughed when you all addressed me.”

(7) The saints approve of Sita's remarks. Rama shouts an order
from his throne, collects an army, and sets out against the Thousand-
headed One. He takes them through the air to the Manasottara. On
arrival they roar a challenge. The Thousand-headed Havana [from
this place called simply “ Havana "] issues forth raging, with his
two thousand arms, and two thousand eyes, fierce as the sun, armed
with clubs, barbed darts, javelins, and other weapons. (33) He
threatens Rama, and boasts of his might and wondrous feats. (43-71)
Names of his chief warriors and generals, with descriptions of them.

S-\RGA XIX

The Sons of the Thousand-headed Rdvana

(1-9) List of the Thousand-headed's sons. (10-42) Their
appearance.

Sarga XX

The Armies join in Combat

The Thousand-headed Havana wonders who the attackers are. A
voice from heaven informs him that it is Rama, who had killed Havana
of Lanka, accompanied by his army of monkeys, etc. Infuriated,
he attacks Rama. (7-31) Description of the battle.

ON THE ADBHUTA-RAMAYANA

Sarga XXI

The Scattering of Rama’s Army

At length Ravana, despising these men and monkeys, and
considering that they are too mean to kill, discharges his Hurricane-
blast {vdyavya) arrow, the effect of which is to blow Rama's entire
army of men, bears, and monkeys back, by a mighty gust of wind, to
the particular country from which each has started. Only Rama and
Sita in the chariot Puspaka, together with the Maharsis who accom-
panied them, remain. Everyone else, — including Rama’s brothers,
Bharata and Laksmana, Hanumat, Sugriva, etc., — is blown away
with the army. The Maharsis and the gods are dismayed; for, ever since
this Ravana in sport once threw Visnu riding on Garuda into the
Salt Ocean, — just as a jackal hates the smell of a tiger, — they have
been unable to endure even his smell. Uttering the hope that, for their
own sakes, Rama may be victorious, the gods make themselves scarce
and disappear. Ravana, despising Rama, rushes at him with a roar,
but before his blazing lotus eyes, finds hintself unable to strike him.

Sarga XXII

Rama Struck with Insensibility

Rama, watching the troops of the Thousand-headed One rushing
at him, draws his bow, and, pouring arrows into the midst of the
Raksasas, cuts them up. Ravana orders his generals to stand back
and watch him, as he alone destroys Rama and. after him, the rest of
the universe. He challenges Rama. The two join in combat. (13-45)
A terrible fight, magic weapons being employed on both sides. (45)
Rama discharges at Ravana a fiery arrow that had been given to him
by Brahman, but Ravana catches it in its flight with his left hand
and breaks it across his knee. He then aims a razor-edged arrow at
Rama. It pierces Rama's chest, passes on through the earth, and
enters hell. Portents in the Universe, as Ravana dances in joy.

Sarga XXIH

The Slaughter of the Thousand-headed

The Munis lament to Sita. She grasps Rama's bow and arrow, and
assumes the terrible form of Devi (famished, hollow-eyed, with whirling
glance, long-legged, loud-shouting, wearing a garland of skulls, anklets
made of bones, fearful in speed and might, harsh-voiced, four-armed,
long-faced, with blazing ornaments round her head, lolling tongue,
matted hair, bristling down, black as the Ocean of Universal
Dissolution, carrying bell and noose). She dismounts from the chariot
armed with sword and shield, and, like a hawk, pounces upon Ravana.

SIR GEORGE A. GRIERSOX —

In an instant she cuts off his thousand heads. (14-23) With her talons
she tears off the heads of his champions, and so on. She adorns herself
with a necklace made of their entrails and heads, and tosses about
Havana's heads as if they were balls, while from her pores issue a
thousand Matrkas to join in the sport. (26-55) Xames of the MatrJcds.
(56-65) Description of them and of their grisly sport. (66) The earth,
unable to bear the weight of Sita’s trampling, and the worlds, imagining
that this is the universal dissolution, prepare to descend into hell.
The gods address Mahadeva, who ha.stens to the battlefield, and helps
the earth to support the burden by taking the form of a corpse and
placing himself under Sita's feet. Nevertheless, the worlds that are
above her cannot endure the sound of her trampling or of her roaring.
The heavens shake from the wind of her breathing. The gods are
terrified at the prospect of destruction.

Sarga XXIV
Brahmans Remonstrance

(1-21) Brahman and the gods praise Sita as the Sakti of Visnu,
and entreat her, — seeing that Visnu is the Protector of the Universe, —
to desist. (22) She refuses, because Rama is lying dead in the Puspaka.
Brahman resuscitates Rama, who, unaware of what has happened,
when he mis ses Sita from his side, and, instead, sees a second Kali
dancing on the battlefield, prepares to resume the fight. (30-7)
Description of the furious Sita. Brahman explains to Rama what has
happened, and entreats him to recall Sita to her proper self.

Sarga XXV

The Tale of the Thousand Names of Slid

Rama, full of sorrow, entreats the Devi to say who she is. She
replies ; “ I am the Parama-sakti (5-7, epithets).” Rama sees her
in her true nature. He praises her in her 1000 names (List, 18-152).
Benefits of reciting them.

Sarga XXVI
Rdma Triumphant

Rama asks Sita, as Paramesvari, to abandon her terrible Aisvara
form, and to assume another. She (Devi) assumes her own gracious
and lovely form. Rama praises her as Devi, and as the Pard Gatih.
(10-37) “ You are the origin of all creation and of dissolution. Some
people call you Prakrti, and others Siva, whose abode is Siva. In you
are contained the Pradhdna, Purusa, Mahat, Brahman, and Isvara.
In you are Avidyd, Niyati, Mdyd, the Kdlas in their hundreds. You
are the Paramd Sakti ”, and so on, with further attributes.

ON THE ADBHUTA-RAMAVANA

(39) Sita explains that the form which she has assumed for the
slaughter of the Thousand-headed Havana is that in which she dwells
on the Manasottara Mountain. (41) “ Your colour is naturally dark
blue (nila), but you have become red through the pain inflicted by
Havana. For this reason I dwell with you in a dark blue and red form.”
She invites him to ask a boon from her. He asks for the return of his
brothers and the army, who had been blown away by Havana. Sita
grants it, and he determines to return with her to Ayodhya.

Sarga XXVII

The Return of Slid and Rama to Ayodhya

Hama embraces Sita, and they set out in the Puspaka for Ayodhya.
They are received there with warm welcome. The Ksis who had accom-
panied him on his return, bid him farewell. Hama, with Sita and his
brothers, continues to reign happily. He rules for more than eleven
thousand years.

(11) [Valmiki continues :] I have now told some wonderful
occurrences in the story of Hama. In order to avoid repetition, I have
not told the whole story, and I have also not been able to tell that
portion which has been kept concealed by Brahman. That which has
been told in this Adbhutottara-kanda is equal in value to the Veda.
In the benefit which it confers, a single verse of it is equal to the whole
of the Hamayana in 25,000 verses [referred to in Sarga I].

(20) I received this from Narada. and Xarada from Brahman.
We three are the only individuals who know the whole of it from end to
end. There is no fourth individual who knows it all. The whole of it
is preserved in the Brahma-loka ; a part of it is in this world ; a part
is in Patala ; and a part is in Svarga, with Indra.

(23) Summary of the contents of the work, and benefits gained by
reading and hearing it.

MAN AS WILLER
By C. A. F. Khys Davids

"ITS/^E know that in the Pali and Jain scriptures we find, as we do
* * not find in other early Indian scriptures, the triplet : action
of mind, action of word, action of body. We know that the triplet
is a feature in the ancient Persian thought which we associate with
the work oi Zarathustra. And we may or we may not have noted
as significant, how three great founders of creeds which were primarily
concerned with the importance of man's will and man’s actions or
conduct, should be credited with the wording of this triplet, while
the intermediate development in India of the creeds of the rite and
the ritual, the priest and the sacrifice, leftthe triplet unstressed. \Mien
this threefold wording of thought, word, and deed as modes of action
(kamma) came into use in Buddhist teaching we do not know. It
does not appear everywhere in the Pali scriptures. In many books
it scarcely appears at all. It attains its chief prominence in the fourth,
or Anguttara Nikaya. But wherever it does occur, it occurs as
an unquestioned and accepted way of wording.

There is one important branch of Buddhist literature where it
is not brought to the front — a branch where we should expect it would
have been brought to the front. This is in the field of the analysis
of man as expressing himself in body and mind. As such he is not
scheduled under the category of mental action, vocal action, overt
or bodily action. He is analyzed under other categories, chiefly
under (i) the twofold one of “ name ” and “ shape ”, and (ii) under
the fivefold one of the material and immaterial groups {khandkas),
and again, later (iii) under the threefold category of material qualities,
mind, and “ mentals But when conduct and the consequences
of conduct, either in the past, or here below, or hereafter, come to be
considered, then it is that the triple category of action or the deed
is worded.

It was no small achievement, in man’s early attempts to word
and worth himself as man, to sum up himself, in this threefold activity.
^^^lerever it began, it was a notable vantage-ground. For it presents
man to men as chiefly and as always not a static beholder, nor a
passive creature of destiny, but as actor, as doer, and, as such, as wilier,

^ Bupci, ciitay cetasika.

C. A. F. RHYS DAVIDS —

a chooser and a “ becomer It looked behind, it looked forward.
It saw how man, as agent, is no creature only of the hour that now
is. It saw him in the perspective of the worlds. It saw him in a state
of perpetual becoming. As were his actions, so was he now, so would
he be. He was not just played upon. He was actor, maker,
Werdender.

Now it is because we of the West have come to realize this in
our own way and our own wording, that we have found a place, in
our summing up of the man, for the words “ will ” and “ wilier ”.
It has taken us long to get even only so far as we have got. And
India never got so far.

But she felt early and much after what we have somehow come
to know. AVe have come to know, because we have, at least, to
some extent, learnt what it is that we mean by “ will ”. And that
which we have come to learn in a very vital, very general way, we
have named. India did not word “ will ” as Latins and Teutons
and other Aryans worded it. The root of the word was in her Aryan
heritage as it was in ours. That which we developed as wal, she held,
but did not equally develop, as war : — choice. It is not likely that
the very different fate of these two forms of a common root — if common
indeed it was ^ — has been a matter of mere accident. The history
of this very pregnant word has yet to be written. AATien it is, much
of the history of Indo-Aryan and European Aryan will be involved.

India used her word var- in narrow, ineffective ways. It was
used for one or two modes of choice : for a boon, for marriage-custom ;
and again as meaning “ of chosen, choice, or elect quality It
appears much in compounds and in these both Jain and Buddhist
worded the importance of self-restraint. But we cannot point to
any words in which var- has attained to a force and worth approaching
that of val- in, for instance, uelle, nolo, voluntas, or will{e).

AA’e of to-day cannot imagine a literature where occasion for
wording what we will to be or to do does not arise. Man expresses
himself in many ways both then and now, but if a literature reveals
him as expressing himself without it being often necessary to word
that self-expression as some form of will, we should not in such

* Cf. Skeat, English Vietionary, Aryan roots.

2 KaushUaki Up. ii, 1. To him said Indra : " Choo.se a boon (mrain rrmsveti) ' "
“ Do thou thyself choose for me that which thou deemest most well-working for
mankind." To him Indra : " Xay, verily, the elect (rnrn) for the unelect (interior)

chooses not. Choose thou !

MAN AS MMLLER

documents get man as we ever find him. ’ Indian literatures must
contain substitutes for wording will. And they must attach more
or less emphasis to that aspect of man which we have come to call
will and willing and wilier. Else there is something wrong with
man in India, something lacking. The restricted use of the
variant forms of var is not enough to make out, in that literature, a
normal man.

But whereas in every collection of human documents we look
to find expression of man as wilier, we may, in any given collection,
find more or we may find less of such worded expression. And I find
that in Buddhist literature and in early Upanishad literature the
ideas — will, willing, wilier— are not made so articulate as we might
well, especialhj in Buddhist thought, have expected.

We have in the Upanishads a storehouse of highest value for
what we seek. We have in them teachers expressing themselv'es,
without the pre-occupations of the hynm or the sacrifice. We are,
it is true, never far awa}'’ from the rite and the ritual. But the quest
is chiefly man and the whence and whither of him. And there is
a certain amount of unorthodox freedom, inasmuch as opinions
are put forth varying in many points. Here, if anywhere, we should
find how man as a wilier, and how his will are severally worded.

The harvest to our inquiry is curiously meagre. The default
may lie in the present writer, whose hunting-grounds the Upanishads
are not. But they whose hunting-grounds the Upanishads are do
not help us much. Xot only were they not conrpetent psychologists ;
as writers on man, they had no convictions as to the profound
significance of will. Deussen, for example, gives us plenty of good
indexes, but in not one of them * does he mention the word Wille
or any equivalent, save in one passing allusion to Schopenhauer !
This may be due to want of psychological interest, yet it is inconceiv-
able that a Muiter so sympathetic to most of his subject-matter
and so humane should have ignored this great side of man’s nature,
had the literature itself worded that side with any emphasis. So
far as I have been able to discover, the only use he made of “ Wille ”
was to suggest it as an alternative to “ Yenstand ” in one or two
places where the text has manas (e.g. Brih. U., i, 2, 1 ; 3, 6).

^ AUgemeiiie GeschkMe d-v Phllosopkie (India); Sechzig Vpaniskad's ; Philo-
sophische Texte des Milkibhlrata. In the last work the index is expressly said to be
of “noteworthy’ names and ideas”. Hence he has found nothing “noteworthy”
on will !

C. A. F. RHYS DAVIDS —

Eegnaud, on the Upanishadsd gives us no index, but under
“ Diverses facultes psychologiques ” he distinguishes samkalpa as
manas acting, hence we may take it, he says, to mean desire (kama)
or volition.

Now samkalpa is certainly a term involving will. The root of it
(kip), according to Whitney, means “ be adapted And if we found
it meeting us wherever, in the context, we should look for some
reference to man as willing, the point of this article would be weakened.
But it is precisely the very rare and the irregular use which is made
of the term both in the Upanishads and in the Pitakas that does not
weaken but sharpens my point.

Taking the older Upanishads, we find samkalpa occurring in nine
contexts. Judging by the renderings given of it in these, we cannot
conclude that translators have made out for it so unambiguous a
meaning as Regnaud does. A comparative table of the ways in
which four of them have Englished the word will best show this : —

Samialp-

M. MuUer.2

Deussen.®

Tatya Cowell

Hume.®

& Roer.*

Ait. U. 5, 2

conceiving

Vorstellung

determination *

conception

Kau. U. 3, 2

conception

Erkenntniss

resolve

Kena U. 30

imagination

vorstellen

ascertained

Chha. U. vii, 4, 1

will

Entschluss

will

„ viii, 2, 1

Wunsch

wishes

Brh. U. i, o, 3

representation

Entscheidung

determination ®

imagination

„ ii, 4, 11

percepts

Strebungen

intentions

Swet. U. 5, 8

thoughts

Vorstellung

conception

Katha i, 10 {■idntas'’'

) pacified

beruhigten

appeased in

intent

Gemiiths

thought

appeased

We can sympathize with the translator’s need, in using equivalents

that do not coincide, of varying his renderings to suit the context.
We could humour the alternatives : will, Ent.schluss, wishes, intentions,
resolve, etc. But there must be a limit to alternatives, and we cannot
justify a tether so loose that it brings in, with these, percepts,
conception, ascertaining, representation, imagination, thoughts,
Vorstellung. etc. We can only conclude, either that the translators
were uncertain as to the meaning, or that precision in terms of mind
was not a part of their mental equipment. If so, they falter in notable
company. No one thrust the potency in the idea of will upon dormant
European philosophy as did Schopenhauer, yet how slovenly he is
in psychology one needs not much reading of him to find out.

" S B.k i, ii.

< Tirelre Pnnnpnl Vpamshads.

“ I.e., definition, not resolve.

1 Mati'riaux, ii, 93.

® Sechzig Cpanishad's.

^Thirteen Principal Vpanishads.

MAN AS AVILLER

Not only do translators here and there camouflage in this way
the word samkalpa as a makeshift for will, hut, as we see, the word
itself is not used to express any very fundamental aspect of man,
much less the most fundamental aspect. Thrust for one moment
into relief, in the reference No. 4,^ as “ greater than manas ”, it is
dropped forthwith into the series as less than cittam and as, a priori,
less than many other aspects. It was not an indispensable, a constant
in Indian thought on man. And this is equally true of the phase
of Indian thought termed Buddhist, as we shall see.

Was there then any other word, were there any other words, by
which the early Indian literature expressed man as wilier \ May we
perhaps judge, as Oldenberg suggests, that the inner activity we
word by will was implied in the word manas, but was as yet
rmdifferentiated ? Oldenberg, in his last work,^ has nothing about
samkalpa (which barely occurs in the Brahmanas), but is more con-
cerned with kratu, a word also of active import, and occurring
frequently in Vedic works. Here, he judged, we have a word bound
up with manas, and meaning both insight how to act and will to act.
Such a meaning is implied in manas itself, e.g. in the passage “ when
he desires with manas ”,

If then we are discussing a stage of wording “ man ” prior to such
differentiations, we need not judge that we are considering the records
of an abnormal section of humanity. But let us not forget this —
it is the very gist of what I have here to say — if the ancient Indian
worded both mind and will by words belonging to the category of
mind, leaving will to be implied, it is evident that, for him (assuming
we translate truthfully), man was mainly minder, not wilier.
Willing was an adjunct of th inkin g.

It is possible, too, that among the European branches of the
Aryans we should not find, at so early a date, the notable
developments of the wal stem. Of those other branches, the Greeks,
in their greatest thinkers, came nearer than India to a worthy con-
ception of all that is really implied in our own words will and wilier.
They too earnestly worded the “ man ” ; they earnestly worded man
as both seeking the good, and as capable of becoming better. They
conceived his inner world as “ movements ". And among these
movements of the psyche they reckoned the will-word houle, boulesthai.
Plato even saw houlesis in his conception of the Divine. But they

^ See table above.

2 Die Weltanschauung der Brahmauatexte, 60, w. 2.

VOL. IV. part I.

C. A. F. RHYS DA\^t)S —

did not raise the notion of will to that true worth which still is
lacking even in our own outlook. A thoughtful wTiter, Miss Mary H.
M oodd has laid all the works of Plato under embargo to show that,
while a definition, a doctrine of will — she adds “ hypostatization of
^ 'll Is not in him, the real thing is there, in that his whole philosophy
treats man as exerting self-activity.

This is, I hold, most true. And Aristotle herein followed in
Plato s wake. Miss M ood, as a special pleader, forces the note
occasionally, over-emphasizing a “principle of growth” in pkusis
and “ process of becoming ” in kinesis, but both thinkers were feeling
out after a view of man as wilier. It was only the heavy hand of
tradition shaping the view of man as mainly thinker which hindered
them from a truer perspective.

Professor Bloomfield finds the equivalent, for ancient India,
to our “ will ” in the Indian “ desire He quotes the notable
passage from the Upanishads ; “ Man is wholly formed from ‘ desire ’ ®
{kama) ; as is his desire, so is his ‘ insight ’ * (kratu) ; as is his
‘ insight ’, so does he the deed {karma) ; as he does the deed, so does
he experience.”

This is well said. Kama undifferentiated serves here for will,
and might have continued worthily to do so. But it underwent
that specialization which usually connotes depreciation. And with
regard to this poor, over-driven word “ desire ”, here it is the modern
translators who (with the exception of the more discerning Deussen)
have failed to differentiate. As I have pointed out long ago, “ desire ”
has been fitted by various translators to no fewer than sixteen Pali
words, all conveying varying meanings of, as we might say, feeling,
with some co-efficient of will, or conversely.® It is here that kama,
in noun and verb, does play a fairly large part in the Indian’s inner
world emerging in action. It is even placed at the back of the all-
creator's fiat in creating {akamayata), both in Vedas and old
Upanishads, as the ^vish of God.® On the other hand, we find the
word, in the troubled conscience of the Buddhist, restricted, I think
without exception, to the world of man’s sense-desires and sense-
pleasures. But, for the desires stirring in the man of the Buddhist

1 Plato's Psychology in its bearing on the development of will IQOq

2 The Religion of the Veda, p. 259 f.

3 So also Tatya and Hume ; Deussen : '• Begierde ” = cravinc,

* M. Mtiller ; “ will”. cWMng.

° E.g., JRAS., 1898, The Will in Buddhism,” n. 17 ,

® 01 itn'.erg, op. cit. 179, n. 3.

««S»- ilStetsk-aWw

MAN AS WILLER

literature towards the Best — now worded as sammd or hrahma-, not as
dtman — we come upon very different terms.

Here the wordlessness I have commented upon becomes more
marked and less explicable. The older literature is in its way as
“ religious " as is the Buddhist and the .Jainist. And it is more closely
concerned with the “ man ” than are these. But this older religious
thought did not concern itself searchingly with man’s choice of conduct,
with man’s will to righteousness as the essential in religion. Nor did
it systematically analyze and define man as an outer and inner
microcosm. Hence that older thought was not so travailing as were
its successors with the springs of action, nor with the analysis of man.
as willing or not willing to walk in a Way towards the Best. It could
therefore use more lightheartedly, less anxiously, all available words
bearing on its goodly, brave world of warrior and priest, of thinker
and worker. It could mean much in little ; or it could, an it willed,
deploy some word here and there, especially if a little entertaining
word-play were possible. And so we get a pleasant if incidental
sing-song wording on M-alliterations about wishing, enjoying, working,
on A;alp-Hp-alliterations about planning and uniting ; on var-
alliterations about boons and rank, and so forth. The authors make
out their “ gods as loving cryptic speech but that was because
early man himself loved the oracular and the pun.

But in the Buddhist books, while we have yet oracle and pun,
we are in a world that has been changing. Attention is fixed on the
plastic nature of man, on his being in a “ way ” of becoming better
or worse, on his composite nature, on his serial life. Here, if ever
or anywhere, was the world, one would think, where man's somewhence
innate tendency to become “ better to live up to the best (sammd ) —
which the whole Birddhist teaching sought to develop — called aloud
for a distinguishing, called aloud for a wording of what it was in man
which could express that tendency. For ichat icas it in man that
sought after the best, the “ right ” in thought, word, and deed 1
IMiat was it in man that responded to the teacher’s monitions herein ?
Manas the mind, citta the observer, would never “ seek ”, would
never “ move towards ”. What was it but “will"’ that moved,
that sought 1

Yet in this world we no more find that clear distinguishing, that
adequate wording than we did before Buddhism arose. Some wording
^ Ait. V. iii, 14, etf*. ; Bih. U. iv, 2, 2 ; Kau. U. U, 1.

C. A. F. RHYS DAVIDS —

we do get. In the teaching, initiated (in wording in a dialect largely
lost) by Gotama. and developed in “ Pali ’’ by the church, which
acknowledged him as its supreme teacher, we get a wording of human
nature that plays all round the will, assumes it, evokes it in such
words as chando,, virit/a, vaydnia, padhdna, etc., regulates and “ tames ”
it. e get a wording of amity (goodwill) to men, of quest for one’s
own and of others’ welfare. We get a wording of man’s composite
personality . Yet we never get a word i ng of , a name for, man’s tend ency
to seek his good as a bed-rock factor in his nature, nor any grasp of
it as that on which his salvation depends.

I have tested the worth attached to will by indexes. Let us
do so once more. In his valuable Coda to the Sacred Books of the
East, the General Index, Dr. Winternitz has had eight volumes of
Buddhist classical works before him. Yet his articles on Will and
Volition are entirely unaffected by this increment. The articles are of
the briefest, and not one reference to those eight volumes is in them.
The only references are to Pahla\d and Vedantic texts. (The articles
on Desire and Tanha are almost equally meagre.) Such a silence
is impossible had a clear wording of will been forced from the pen
of the translators by their subject-matter.

But while there is no clear word for that in man which could
worthily respond and react to the Buddhists’ system of siHdidpada
or training, they were not without makeshifts, else neither could they
have formulated nor could we read of such a system.

In the first place, as with the Vedic wording so with them, the
words citta, ceto, cetand, all wording what we express by mind or
thinking, awareness or consciousness, are now and then used in such
an active or volitional sense as we convey by the words intent, purpose
or will, when the speaker wishes to express this aspect of mind. This
is true also of mano. Manokamma “ action of mind ” can mean
“ will-to-act ”, notably in the Upali-Sutta.i In it, as has been said
mind is viewed as active proce.ss. So is ceta7id which, in one Sutta ^
(but in one only) is stated, like wano, to be action [kamma) :

I monks, that cetana is kanuna. Vhen we have cetayitd
then we make action of deed, word, and thought.”

Manasikdra, again, “ work of mind,’’ is another word, unspecialized
in the early literature and possibly used with volitional implication.a

1 Majjhima-yihiya, i, 375 f.

2 Anguttara, iii, p. 415.

3 Cf. Compendium of Philosophy, p. 95 n. 1, and Mr. Aung's note, p. 282

MAN AS MILLER

Again, we read of Gotama being made to say, he forced his citta by
eeto,^ albeit ceto is nowhere, early or later, defined, distinctively or
otherwise.

Citta is even used to cover the four well-known Suffusion-sentiments '
called Brahma\dhara, or divine states, a meditative rite of aspiration
ascribed to brahmins, but adopted by Buddhism. They are spoken
of as the love-cffta, pity-ciffa, sympathy-with-joy-cfff«, equanimity-
citta. In each of them, starting with a person, a house, a street,
and so expanding, one suffuses (pJiarati) the whole world with these
cittas in turn. TFe should call this “ willing ” or “ -wishing ” the -welfare
of others with love, or pity, etc., there being of course present the
thought or idea of those others. We ought not, as M'e now tend to do
in treating of the subject, to lose sight of the will in the feeling. If
Buddhists did not word will in them, neither did they word them as
emotion. The whole inner man -was engaged in these citta's. And
if we were to translate citta here by will we should be psycho-
logically correct, but we should be historically wrong. Oldenberg
discusses them — without psychological insight — as “ a psychic
gymnastic for a man of feeling This is again historically (as well
as psychologically) wrong. The Buddhist uses no emotional terms save
in naming three of the cittas as amity, pity, joy (with others’ joy).
But he speaks of a “ radiating ” * — admirable and tnie word ! —
whereby his thought spreads and spreads till the very world is warded
by (the goodwill in) it. And he speaks here of “ the mother
But he is not referring merely to her sentiment towards her only
child, but to her warding of him, her w'ork for him. Her love is but
the reverberation of her very synergy.

In the second place, Pali tried to make good its -want of a worthy
word for the strenuous and systematic mental and moral training
it so commended, by certain adjunct words, some of which are strong
and lusty. We find samkalpa again as sankappa. This is both
raised to a factor in the Eightfold Path of the Middle Course of the
“ best ” Uving, and it has a definition peculiar to itself and one other
term in Abhidhamma. It is defined (and so is vitakka) as lifting
the mind on to its object, disposing or adapting or applying it.'* Hence ,
it is what we should now be disposed to call attention. And the

1 JlajjJiima i, 242.

^ Pharati. Lord Chalmers is the first so to render the word in this connexion.

® Khuddakapatha, Sutta Niprita, Vis. Magga, eh. ix.

* Buddhist Psychological Ethics, §§ 7, 21.

C. A. F. RHYS DAVIDS

^yord is often rendered intention. Corresponding to the santa-
samfcalpa or “ appeased intentions ” of the Upanishad term, we get
twice the compoimd paripunna-sanlappa “ fulfilled ’’ or “ satisfied
aims We have here, as in attention, mind active, alert, purposive.
To that extent a will-word is found. Yet nowhere is any use made
of the term in the structure of the fivefold or Jchandha summary of
man as body and mind. No factor or factor-group of this is reserved
for will-terms. In the Abhidhamma analyses, where the group called
sankkdras or “ plannings ” is specified under some fifty items, sanlcappa
and vitakka are both included, as is al so cctand. But they are defined
as always, more intellectually than volitionally. And they are
classed in a list in which will is less represented than is either cognition
or emotion. It is indeed curious that a term so suggestive of will,
of mano-kamnia, of man's inner world as movement, activity, as is
sankhdra should liave been thrown away as effective for will-classifica-
tion, and have served as a dumping-ground for whatever did not fit
under the other three mental groups : feeling, perception, min d
(consciousness, cognition). If I have rendered the term by
“ synergies ”, it is merely to give a literal Englishing of the Pali.
It has no more reference to the miscellany classed under the term,
than has sankhdra. The only old definition we have of sankhdrd,^
enforced by the Commentary, is that of a prepared complex. Yet
among the 50 are items such as “ calm ”, “ rapture ”, “ mindfulness ”,
which we should not so describe. I am inclmed to think that when
those 50 items came to be specified, sankhdrd had lost its old quasi-
volitional force, and that the Buddhist teaching was virtually con-
sidering the items more as just cetasikd, mental adjuncts, “ mentals ”
which were even then in use,-* and were soon after to supersede the
Khandha classification.

Other noteworthy substitutes are three words of vigour :
iddhi, literally “ effecting ”, “ having wrought ” ; viriya “ energy ”,
“effort”; padhdna “effort”, “endeavour”. Of these iddhi, as
a mode of supernormal will-power, meets us throughout Pali literature.
Yet is seems to be nowhere intelligently defined. Nor was it a faculty
of the normally human. It was “ psychic abnormal, and as such
to be found in the morally worthy and the morally unworthy. As

1 Majjhima Xihlya, i, 192, 200 ; iii, 275 (mistranslated by Xeumann).

2 Samyutta iii, 88. Cf. Buddhist Psychology, p. 50 f. In the Suttas there are only

three sankh-lras spoken of ; those of deed, word, and thought, meaning pre-requisites
(M. i, 54, 301). ° ’■

’ Buddhist Psy. Ethics, § 1,022, and note.

MAN AS WILLER

now, quite a small minority then possessed or developed it. It was
not the will of the average man.

Viriya on the other hand and padhiina are both practicable,
and should be practised, by every man who is morally earnest. Tiriya
is “ mental inception of energy, striving, onward effort, exertion,
endeavour, zeal, ardour, vigour, fortitude, unfaltering verve, sustained
desire, imflinching endurance, and firm grasp of the burden, one's
bast padhdna." ^ Padhana is nowhere so defined ; its modes are
described in terms of moral training ; - it is used to describe four
modes of moral iddhi,^ but it is not included in the factors distinguished
under the mental group sankhurd. Viriya is so included. And
whereas, for all the fine earnestness shown in the teaching as to the
importance of energy, endeavour, and “ ardour in effort ", no sign
betrays that herein the most fundamental factor of mind itself {citta,
mono, vinndna) wa.s being laid hold of, we can at least say. that
Buddhists in these terms just missed stumbling upon a notable doctrine
of will. They were all the nearer not only to a doctrine of will, but
to a truer doctrine than any psychology has yet put forward, in that,
for them, viriya and padhdna were bound up with growth, with progress.
To the world the saintly “ almsman ” may have appeared a Quietist,
but his inner world was seething with energy.

0 see my forward strides m energy ! *
is a recurring note in the anthology. The brotherhood was
Of strenuous energy aiid resolute,

Ever advancing strongly . . . ®

For the conception of the believer's remainder of life as a path,
a way, was a transformed one. It was no longer the endless round of
samsora which we have re-named " transmigration ". It had become
a progress in holiness. It was a way of growth. Here is a notable
growth-word ; “ Growing by the five growths the ^Iriyan woman-
disciple grows with the Ariyan growth ; she becomes one who lays hold
of the real {sdra) and of the excellent {vara) things in her person, to
wit, faith, morals, learning, giving up and wisdom."' ®

The books hover in this way about this vital notion of growth

^ Bud, Psy, Ethics, § 13.

Ibid., § 1366 (v).

® Bud. Psy.. 2nd ed., p. 299 f.

^ Psalms of the Brethren, ver. 224 and others.

° Psalms of the Sisters, ver. 161.

® Samyutta Xikoyri, Mritugfima,” § 10 ‘‘Person" = k'lyassa, lit. group, i.e.,
either body or the whole person.

C. A. F. RHYS DAVIDS

{vaddhi or viiddhi, and anubruketi, cf. Dhp. Corny, ii, 107), but just
miss gripping the truth, that their central tenet of the Way is just
that ; growth of the man (not only of body or mind) along the age-
long way of the worlds.

Still nearer was Buddhism to a worthy theory of will in yet another
word, the word chand<i. Abhidhamma early and late has been
psychologically sound enough to save the term from the monastic
associations which often lowered it to the level of kdma. The Sutta
usage wavers. Xow chanda ranks with viriija and its equivalents
vdijdma, ussolhi, ussdha, jyadhdna ; ^ now it named as that the
suppression of which is the aim of the holy life. There was righteous
desire, diiammacchanda. And later chanda, as such, is described
as an un moral “ desire-to-do ” (kattiikamyatd). I have sought for many
years ^ to do justice to this distinction, not without some special
pleading. It was impossible without a hot sense of injustice to read
the many fine calls in the Nikdyas on what we call the will, the earnest
exordiums to energy, to noble quest {ariya-pariyesanCi), to progress
in the way, the lovely “ faith in what we may become and then to
note how translators and narrators glossed over it all and emphasized
only “ extinction of desire ”.

Yet after all Buddhism has been its own worst enemy. WTien
the eminent disciple Ananda told a bralunin that elimination of
chanda was the object of the holy life * — that the saint did but exercise
chanda to gain his saintship and then needed it no further — “ just
as you, brahmin, exercised chanda to come and find me, and have
it now no longer ’ — we begin to see why it is that Buddhism had no
worthy conception of will. For it the perfected man is a wdll-less
man. He is not without intellectual or emotional powers. But he
is depicted as using these for joyful retrospect over victory won in
past struggle. He is conceived as so near the final mysterious change,
past birth and death, of parinihbdna, that he is already nibbuta, “ in ”
Nibhdna “ the goal He has “ done what was to be done He
can no longer become. And so he has ceased to will. Will is therefore
not of the nature of man ; it was not as were citta or even vedand.

Wh6n we read such vigorous wdll-words as these — “ When a man

* E.g., J/. i, 480 ; A ii, 194 f. ; iii, 108.

2 JSAS., 1898, 49 f. ; Bud. Psy. Eth., 1900, p. Lxv ; Bud Psy.. p. 125, 158, 167 ■
Compendium, 244.

® Wordsworth, Prelude.

* Samyutta, v. 272 : ChandapahdnaUham.

® Katani karanlyam Bhagavati brahmacariyam vussati.

MAN AS W^LLER

is not thoroughly aware of some blemish, he will not bring chanda
to birth, he will not strive, he will not set energy afoot to get rid of
it,” ^ we ask, how can we say there is no wording of will in Buddhism ?
When we read such words as Ananda's we realize that, for Buddhism,
such activity was not of the very life of the complete man, but was
only an episode, was only the writhing of the learner.

Nearer still to a really worthy theory of will was Buddhism ( as was
Jainism) in the frequent use, in the training, of the cairsative form of the
word “ to become ” bhavati, namely, the form bhdveti “ to make-
become ”, In our poverty of words for this notable expression, we
render the term by meditation, practice, cultivation . These by no means
coincide with bJidvand. Bhdvand is not a learning by intellect, which
also requires practice, cultivation. It is a developing-one's-self-into,
a re-creating-one’s-self-according-to an ideal. For example, the
difference between viilndna and j)a)ind, both words being forms of
“ to know ”, is that the former is to be understood, the latter is to be
made-to-become.^

Is it not a little singular, that with such a view of religious training,
in which the disciple is expected to concentrate with utmost vim
and verve on growing into, on becoming what he was not before,
and which is figured as a way or road strenuously, unfaltering pursued
towards a goal, we should not find man conceived as a wilier putting
forth will — that we should only find man conceived as a minder,
or as mind, set in body,® and having certain mental adjuncts or
co-efficients of energy, endeavour, desire, intention, which were to
be discarded with maturity, with perfect attainment ? How was it
that the Buddhist dkamnia, finding no worthy form of var- to hand,
did not look on man as essentially using viriya, or chanda, or as
essentially becoming in his Way to Well ? Why is there not even a
bhdvand- or viriga-khandha ? How was it that Buddhists made
shift with these terms as merely incidental in the life they held most
worthy, and not as fmidamental in man's nature ?

It is not enough to say that they did not find wording corre-
sponding to ours ready to their hand. They were so far pioneers
in wording, that they brought into use, brought into high relief,
brought into recreated use words which we do not find employed

1 M. i, 25. Lord Chalmers, in his admirable translation of the Majjhima renders
chanda by will-power, but this is a reading too rich for the Pali.

“ Majjhima Sikfiya, i, 293 ; paririhOtabbain . . . bhdielabhn.

° Digha, i, 77 ; M. ii, 17,

C. A. F. RHYS DAVIDS —

as Buddhists employed them. Where once men “ will ” strongly
about anything not covered by the day’s wording, they will find
a name for it. Language old and new is strewn with these increments.

It is an interesting problem and not to be solved in a sentence.
To some e.xtent, I repeat, they were their own hinderers. They felt
after the truth that man. as he becomes better, is not as it were
dressing or painting himself with something external, but is under-
going an inner change. Yet they feared the idea of change. Xever
are the words “ transient or impermanent, otherwiseness, or change
used in any sense save as ushers-in. or guarantees of ill. They pictured
spiritual progress as a making to become, hhCivand, yet they strained
every nerve to suppress the tendency to become ”, i.e. be reborn
(bhava). They spoke of saintly advance, yet they aspired to cut
.short vital progress by a cessation of that way of life in the upward
way of the wo: bis, and by hustling on a final change for which not a
single man on earth was ready. And in resisting rightly the
Brahmanic conception of the real man as unchanging, and as, even
now, if he knew it. Very God, they emptied the flux of man's activities,
bodily and mental, of the man. Nay, thereby they emptied the
stream itself, and spoke of the banks as the river.

Now we cannot get very far in an adequate notion of will without
the wilier. We may cheat ourselves by figuring thought as a world
of impressions and ideas, and by figuring feeling as waves of somatic
resonance or what not. But we cannot get on thus with will. Because
will is a self-directing. And the Buddhist, with his excellent emphasis
on the “ taming of the self ” and self-reliance, had inherited a
protest against self conceived as God. This he came to interpret
as meaning there was no self at all. So he barred the way to a clear
view of all that bhdvand implied.

In such considerations as these there may lie material to account
for Buddhism, with no word for will in its word-heritage, finding or
annexing any adequate term for that self-directed activity which
it so zealously and admirably fostered.

Other considerations too we must take into account, considerations
of world-currents, where Buddhism itself is merged in Aryan history,
nay, is but a ripple in the world-growth of man himself. The laying
hold and developing of the root-word for choice as ival, tool, uel, icil,
instead of leaving its form tear in relative atrophy, belongs to most of
those Aryans who took, not the southern (possibly the earliest) trek
into India, but who went westward by the longer trek and spread

MAX AS WILLER

over Europe north, west, and south. And of these it is at least note-
worthy that the branches most potent and effective in moulding Europe
by common action of each were the Latin, the worder of uolo, udle, Male,
and the Teuton the worder of WaJil, Wille, Wohl. There woidd seem
never to have been any such consensus of a race in action in Indo-
Arya as to be driven to word itself by such ways. Xor of the Hellenic
world, galvanized briefly into patriotic action, though it was, by
Persia.

But the stage of Indian thought we have been considering is older
by a little than these developments of European Arya, old enough
to be the more overshadowed bythe prior world-wording, in terms for
thought and mind and action as compared with words otherwise
expressing man. Man was first and foremost a beholder, a namer,
once he tried to word himself. He was as we see Adam represented,
looking at and naming a procession of interesting beasts. He could
do very little with his world. His will was very limited. He was a
child of fate and the unseen. What he feared therein, and what he
sought help from, was Will, yet he pictured it as power and as the
To-be-placated. In course of time he figured it as ilind, like himself.

In these ways too, then, the sons of Indo-Aryans were kept, by
obstacles not of their own making, from developing a self-expression
of man as wilier no less than of him as minder.

In conclusion I would say, that to render Pali words in our own
Western wording of will-terms is to let tmduttore become to some
extent traditore. I write this with a guilt-stained pen, which cannot
be washed white. In changing the English of cetand from thinking
to volition,^ I have consented to use the meaning read into the word
by the Burmese scholar of to-day. That there was some notion in
the Abhidhamma editors’ mind of distinguishing it from citta, such
as we get implied here and there in the manas of the old Upanishads,
is possible. Why else are we given both cetand and citta side by side
in e.g. the Dhammasangani ? But to say “ volition ”, weak form
of will as it is, is going too far. Again, the responsibility of “ will ”
for ceto in Kindred Sayings, III, is, I fear, mine. It also goes too far.
So does “ will-power ” used in Lord Chalmers’s translation of the
Majjhima for chanda. It puts something there which the Buddhist
editors had not. It is a little like translating the “ wooden horse of
Troy ” by “ camouflage It is part of o.ir duty, as translators,

r Buddhist Psychological Ethics, 2n<i ed. passim.

C. A. F. RHYS DAVIDS —

to our readers to make them realize that India had no word equating
“ will

It is true that, when we review the muddled way in which “ will ”
is used in general literature, and the boycotting (with furtive
reinstating here and there) of the word “ will " in current psychology,
it may seem to matter very little where or how the word is made to
serve in work on Buddhism. But for me that is not so. I see in the
word “ will now under a passing shadow, or in the dust of misuse,
a most precious legacy, a word pregnant with a great future. I wall
try to say why I see this.

We have the heritage which Buddhists had not. We have the
word “ will ”, and its daughter “ well ” — for “ well ” is just what we
“ unll ”-to-be. And we are freed, as the Buddhists were not, from
a call to protest against a morbid use of the word “ self ”, that is,
“ the real man ”, and also from the strangle-hold on life of a monastic
ideal. In other words, we can believe that both God is spirit (Trvevpa
d deos) and we are spirit, and we do believe in life ; we hold that
the words : “ I am come that ye might have life and that ye might
have it more abundantly ” ^ is a bigger, truer gospel than that man
should renounce all substrates of rebirth. Like the Buddhists we
hold that everything is in a state of change, that we are not so much
as we are becoming. Unlike the Buddhists we do not view this world-
fact as a tvhole with deprecation. We believe, with them, that there
is a becoming worse in this or that aspect of life. But, unlike them,
we believe that becoming better is, that the ivhole man and the complete
man should progress, not the man or woman who has renounced the
betterment of the race in the family, the community, the nation,
and has simplified his or her life to a segregated, a-sexual wrestling
against human nature. We do not beheve that man's procrress, as
man, is assured, aloof from that greatlaboratory of experiment in good
will, life in the world. We believe, more consistentlv than the
Buddhists, in the necessity and value of “ making-to-become ”
(bkavana), for we believe in education, in training, in culture, in
development, in evolution, in reform. We believe, theoretically, that
we cannot stand still ; we must go on, if we would not stagnate,
rust, fall back, become Eip van AVinkles. Actually we are not so

consistent. AVe still hold there are traditions, “ instincts ” oh ! the

word-fetter there for man ! — tendencies we shall ever follow unchanging.

Here it is, that our psychology, no less than that of the Buddhists,

* John’s Gospel.

MAN AS AVILLER

is a creaking, still primitive vehicle. And we have not their excuse.
We are stilt, as we ought not to be, over-shadowed by the primitive
domination of the old attitude : that nran’s inner world is funda-
mentally a beholding, a naming. We have not got to the bottom
of what that inner world fundamentally is. ^Mien we shall have taken
right home this thing, that the living man’s fundamental self-
expression is a radiating movement, an activity from within, after
something felt to be “ well ” — whether we call it life-preserving, or
“ better ”, or well-being, or welfare matters little— that in exercising
this he is “ becoming ’’ (and in “ becoming” is making to become), that
in “ becoming ” he is finding a way (magga) towards what he deems is
“ well ” — when, grasping this, we shall call that radiating movement
of becoming; — “will to well” — then at length our psychology will
become fit both for the great legacy it has in these two words and also
for the new heritage it holds in awareness of what they imply.
Not ours should it be to rest contented w'ith the saying of Kant :
“ You can for you ought More fit for us is it that we say : “ We
w'ill because we become ”.

HISTOBY OF THE MISSION OF THE FATHEBS OF THE
SOCIETY OF JESUS IN CHINA AND OTIIEB KINGDOMS

OF THE EAST

Contiibuted by Sir Arnold T. Wilson

TN a previous number of tbe Bulletin, I submitted a translation of
a bttle knorvn work ^ describing the history of the ilission of the
Society of Jesus in Persia. I now proj)ose to supplement this history
by giving a short abstract, and translation of a part, of an interesting
work which appeared in 1681, hearing on the earlier and uider
activities of the Society in the East, including Persia.

The work bears the full title of : Divers | Voyages j de la Chine, ]
et autres Royaumes j de kOrient. | Avec le retour de I’Autheiu:
en Europe, x^ar la [ Perse et rArmenie. | Le tout divise’ en trois
parties, j A Paris, j chez Christophe Joirrnel, au dernier Pillier [
de la Grand' Salle, vis-a-vis les Requestes | du Palais. | iMDCLXXXI|
Avec privilege de Sa Maieste.

The book contains an account of a Jesuit missionary, whose name
is not given on the title page but, from a reference at page 144, is
clearly Father Alexandre de Rhodes, in India, the Malay Pemnsula,
Malacca, China, the Philippine Islands, Java, Celebes, Persia, and
Armenia.

In the preface he mentions that he has already published a brief
account ^ of his travels, the reception of which has encouraged him
to publish a fuller account, but he emphasizes the evangelical character
of his mission, and disclaims any intention of ivriting an interesting
book of travel. He states that his journeys cover a xieriod of thirty-five
years.

In the first part of the book, he mentions that he joined the Jesuit
Community primarily because it was his ambition to go to India, to
convert the heathen there. He left Rome for Lisbon in October, 1618,
when 18 years of age. He visited his relations at Avignon, net
without coming to blows with some militant Calvinists on the wajq
and he left Lisbon in April, 1619, in one of three fine ships, along with
five other Jesuits.

^ Vol. Ilf, rt. IV, 1925 , pp. 675 ff.

^ Endeavour to trace this publication has hitherto been unsuccessful, but attention
must be drawn to the Relation de la Mission des Peres de la Compagnie de Jesus.
Establie dans le Royaume de Perse par le R. P, Alexandre de Rhodes, by Pere Jacques de
Machault {vide p. 115), published in Paris in 1659, which gives a full account of a further
journey of the author to Persia. Father Alexandre died at Isfahan in 1660.

SIR ARNOLD T. WILSON —

The Cape of Good Hope was rounded on 20tb July, 1619, and he
reached Goa in October of the same year. After three months at Goa
he fell ill and was transferred for reasons of health to Salsette Island,
where he remained for three months, and then returned to Goa where
he was employed in giving rehgious instructions in the prison and
in the galleys to the slaves of the Portuguese. He relates how, having
by chance visited the prison where gunpowder was made on a Saturday,
instead of as usual on a Simday, he narrowly escaped death as, on the
Sunday morning, an explosion occurred which wTecked the prison,
hiding three hundred and maiming man}'.

In 1621, during his stay at Goa, news was received of the
beatification of Francis Xavier, now the patron saint of Goa.

In April, 1622, he embarked for Japan. Passing the pearl fi.sheries
of Ceylon, he refers to the pearls as “ beautiful tears from the sky,
which are collected and hardened inside the oysters ” and mentions
that the divers are such good Christians that, after the pearling season,
they often place great handfuls of pearls on the altar : he was shown
at Tuticorin a chasuble, covered with pearls, valued in that country
at 200,000 crowns. He refers to the fine citadel built there by the
Portuguese, and to the Jesuit College founded by St. Francis
Xavier. From Ceylon he went to Negapatam and thence to Malacca,
arri’dng in July, 1622 : here also he refers to the Portuguese citadel,
and to the magnificent Christian monasteries ; he praises the Christian
spirit and earnest devotion of the people and mentions the fine Jesuit
college established there.

Our author remained nine months at Malacca waiting for a
favourable wind for his onward journey to China, during which time
he — with another Father — baptized at least 2,000 idolaters.

He refers to progress made in converting the Siamese to
Christianity, and to the judicial murder of Father Margico by the
King, who was annoyed by the false preaching of some Spanish
soldiers in his service.

He went to Macao, in constant danger of capture by the Dutch,
arriving in May, 1623, hving for a year in the Jesuit College there,
and then passing on to China,

He writes enthusiastically of this country — “ the greatest and
richest Kingdom in the world " : he estimates the population of China
at twice that of Europe and he describes Canton in detail. He enlarges
on the riches of China, its good bread, its rice, and the habit of
drinking hot rice-water, and not “ fresh water, like Europeans ”. He

MISSION OF THE SOCIETY OF JESCS IN CHINA

describes “ I'usage du Ta v ” — tea drinking — giving details of its
preparation in China and Japan respectively. He highly approves
of tea as a healthful beverage, because, he says : “ Since I have returned
to France I have had the honour of meeting some persons of high rank
and great merit, whose life and health are very essential to France,
who derive advantage from drinking tea, and who have asked me to
tell them my own thirty years' experience of this great remedy.”

In the second part, he describes Cochin China and Tonking. He
enlarges on the indiscretions of one of his brethren who tried to abolish
all the ceremonies practised by the people — in particular ancestor
worship — and he adds, “ though there are some practices which
Christians cannot rightl}^ indulge in, most of them are very innocent
and we have judged that they may be retained without prejudice
to true rehgion.’’ Wise sentiments, too often forgotten even to-day.

He notes, among other customs, that children are marked with the
sign of the cross in charcoal or ink inmiediately after birth, by their
parents, “ to chase away the devil and to protect the child from harm ”
—and he thinks that this may be a rehc of some earlier preaching of
Christianity in this kingdom, the origin of which is lost in obscurity.

In i\larch, 1627, he went to Tonking where he had much success
as a preacher, and he speaks of the favour shown him by the King, and
the opportunity which fell to him of baptizing a rebel just before the
latter lost his head, “ whereby I beheve his soul went straight to
Heaven." His successes increased to such a point that the anti-
Christian elements started an active campaign against him and, in
1630, he was forced by the King to leave Tonking ; but, as he says,
he left his heart there. He returned to Jlacao in Jlay of that year,
where he met an old man aged 150 who had been baptized by St. Francis
Xavier himself.

From Macao he went, in February, 1610. to Cochin China, which was
then under a Japanese ruler. He quotes, from personal experience,
the efficacy of a remedy for sea-sickness which he learnt from the
Christians of Cochin China, viz., “ to take, uhen going on board ship,
one of the little fish which one finds inside the stomach of larger fish,
to roast it well, to put a little pepper on it. and thus to eat it.”

In chapter xix, he describes a visit to the Philippines which he
was forced to make by the Governor of Cochin China. He returned
to Cochin China in 1642, where he found his old flock not less devoted
than before to the Christian Faith. He returned to Jlacao, but visited
Cochin China, for the fifth and last time, in 1644.

VOL. IV. P.VRT I.

SIR ARNOLD T. WILSON —

The King of Cochin recommenced a violent persecution, which
his flock sustained with wonderful constancy. He was condemned to
death and cast into prison, but deliv’ered — to his sorrow, for he desired
martyrdom — by the intervention of a friend, and banished, in Jidy,
16-15, to Macao.

In the third part, the Father describes how he left Macao for
Malacca in December, 1615, arriving in January, 1646. Malacca was
now in Dutch hands, and he remarks on the bigotry of the Dutch,
who refused to allow Catholics a place of worship, though they
countenanced a heathen temple at the gate of the town. He passed
on to Java and was imprisoned for three months in the port of Jaccpietra
( Jokyakarta) by the Dutch, who broke and burnt his crucifixes under
a pile, on each side of which they hanged a thief.

From Jacquetra he went to Bantam where he was well treated
by the Enghsh Governor-General, Aaron Becza, who openly regretted
the breach with Borne and the recent religious troubles in England
which, he said, prevented him from sending our traveller on his way
by an English ship ; so he left Bantam by a Portuguese ship for
Macassar in October, 1646.

He left Macassar in an English vessel, on which he was very well
treated, and again visited Bantam where he was once more treated by
the English Governor with a cour-tesy and kindness which ashamed
and astonished him, he offering to put him up and send him home at
his own expense, explaining that it was through the Goa Fathers
that an accommodation had been made between the Portuguese and
the British. He stayed a month with the English at Bantam, saying
Mass daily, at a distance from their houses, so as not to annoy them,
in view of the kindness he had received at their hands. He left in
August, by an English vessel, on which he was most civilly treated,
reaching Surat at the end of September : here also he was warmly
received by the British, and remained four months.

He then left for Comoran (Gombrun), where he arrived in March,
1648. He gives the old name of this town as Bandelke. Here he fell
in with a Frenchman and a Fleming— both Calvinist, but otherwise
very honest people— and with them set out for Isfahan. The text of
chapters xiii-xvi, part 3, describing his doings whilst in Persia,
is set out, in full, below.

On the 29th June, 1648, he left Isfahan with a caravan of
Armenians, and reached Tabriz a month later. Thence he journeyed
to Erivan— at the foot of “ the great mountain which is said to be

MISSION OF THE SOCIETY OF JESUS IN CHINA

that on which Noah’s Ark reposed after the deluge. Certain it is,
that it is so high that no one can go to the top without endangering
life owing to the great cold : the mountain is called ‘ No The snows
remain all the year round. They say that, on the top, there still
remains a part of Noah's Ark, but I have difficulty in beheving it,
as they say that no one can reach there.”

At Nakhshivan, he left his Chinese companion, whom he had
baptized at Macao, to be sent on to Eome by the Archbishop
of this city sixteen months later — he dared not take him at the time
through Turkey lest he should be mistaken for a Tartar and a
Muhammadan and be retained in Turkey ; but, six months later, he
had learnt to speak Armenian so well that, though suspected of being
a Tartar, he was always able to satisfy the Turks that he was an
Armenian. He himself returned to Erivan and describes, with
admiration mingled with regret, the customs of the monks of the
celebrated monastery of this city : their midnight devotions lasting
five hours, and their long fasts, which have procured for them much
reverence from Muhammadans and from the Shah. There was a
fine carillon at Erivan, the only place where bells were permitted by
the Persians. Here he fell seriously ill, but was cured by the dehght
he felt at unexpectedly meeting four Carmelite Fathers. Thence he
journeyed to Rome, by way of Tokat and Smyrna, arriving on the
27th June, 1649, after an absence of over thirty years.

TRANSLATION

Ch.ap. XIII. — -My Joup.ney from Surat to Persia

I waited four whole months in Surat until the English ship was
ready to take me to Persia, from whence I had determined to travel
overland to Sm^una, — across the whole of Persia, Media, both parts
of Armenia, and Anatolia — for, being unable to find any vessel prepared
to sail round the Cape of Good Hope, I made up my mind to return
to Europe by a route which, though more difficult, would be shorter.

After taking leave of the Reverend Father Zenon, to whom I
expressed my deepest gratitude, and of Father Torquato Parisiano,
who was awaiting an English ship for Suakin, we embarked on the
third of Februar}' for Persia. This was the second time that the English
received me on their ships and they treated me, as before, w’th the
utmost civility that I could possibly expect or indeed desire. The

SIR ARNOLD T. WILSON —

voyage lasted exactly a nionth : we passed in sight of Hormuz and
came to land two leagues further on, at Comoran (Gombrun)d

Hormuz, as everyone knows, is a small island at the mouth of the
Persian Gulf, where the earth is all burnt up, and on which nothing
grows owing to the excessive heat. Only salt is found there, and the
sun's heat immediately burns up everything. Great mountains shelter
this island from the wind, so that the air is so stifling that it feels
like an oven.

Yet, notwithstanding the barrenness of the soil and the discomfort
of the climate, this island was exceedingly prosperous at the time when
the Portuguese held it. The harbour there was so good and so con-
venient and commodious that people used commonl 3 -to say that, if the
world were a ring, Hormuz would be its precious stone. The number of
merchants who called there was unbelievable, for they came from China,
the Moluccas and all parts of the East Indies. iMerchandise was sent
there from all parts of Persia, Arabia, and Armenia. The Enghsb
Dutch and Portuguese used to gain great advantage from this trade,
which provided them with all the most precious products of the earth.
But since the King of Persia, with the help of the English, took this
island from the Portuguese, about thirty years ago, it has been entirelv
deserted, as the Persians preferred to transfer the trade to a
neighbouring port called Gombrun, formerly called Bandelke. It was
there that we arrived at the beginning of March in the 3 'ear 1648.

I staved there a few days and then, by good luck falling in with
a Frenchman and a Fleming who were going to Isfahan, I started mv
overland journey in their companv. Thev were both Calvinists,
but in other respects very honest folk, and I lo.st no occasion during
the journey of pointing out their error, but was not so successful
over this as I should have wished.

After travelhng several days on the way to Shiraz, I had a chance
encounter for which I have since thanked God a thousand times.
I was on foot, saying my office at some distance from mv com}'an;ons,
when I saw on the road a man of prosperous appearance, well mounted
and dressed in Persian costume with turban, loose robe and scimitar ;
his beard was long and cut square, and I took him for a Persian or
Armenian nobleman.

Observing my hat and black gown and realizing that I was a
priest from Europe, he greeted me most civilly in Latin, and his
pronunciation told me that he ivas a Frenchman. I thereupon replied

* Bandar Abbas.

MISSION OF THE SOCIETY OF JESUS IN CHINA

in our native tongue, at which he was overcome with joy, descended
from his horse, and we embraced and conversed for about half an
hour so pleasantly that during that short time we formed a friendship
which I shall treasure very dearly all my life.

He is a gentleman of Anjou, by name iHonsieur de la Boullaye,
and has recently published an excellent book ^ relating his travels, in
which he gives a faitliful and lucid account of his doings in many
different countries. He has traversed the greater part of Europe, Asia
and Africa, has been among Turks, Arabs, Persians, Armenians,
Indians and other nations, some the most barbarous in the world ;
and has everywhere acted with such prudence and virtue as to keep
inviolate both his Eeligion and his conscience, wimiing the hearts
of all and sundry, and showing that a good fhristian and a Frenchman
can traverse the whole world without making a single enemy.

I have since met him in Borne, where Cardinal Capponi paid him
the same honour as he would render to one of his ecpials. He arrived
in Paris at the same time as I did and, by a further piece of good
fortune, I have reason to hope that I shall have the consolation of
having him as a companion on the long journey to China which I
intend to undertake at the earliest ojiportunity.

Our road took us jiast a large and beautiful town called Shiraz,
where it is said that the Persian Court was held for a long period.
Here I had the happiness of being able to say Mass in a httle chapel
belonging to the Barefooted Carmelite Fathers, after being two whole
months without being able to celebrate it.

Chap. XIV. — Our Arrival at Isfahan, the Capital of Persia

We continued our journey from Gombrun by long stages without
break each day, yet it took us thirty days to reach Isfahan, the capital
of Persia, where we arrived on the 13th April, 1648. I may say that
it is one of the largest and finest towns that I have ever seen. It is
so thickly populated that the streets are always crowded. The King
was at that time at war with the Great Mogul from whom he wished to
take a stronghold called Kandahar on the frontier of the two kingdoms.
He had an army of four hundred thousand men, a large part of which
had come from Isfahan. Nevertheless the crowds in the streets
were so great that I should not have been able to cross them if I had
not been escorted by a servant who walked in front, to make way for

^ Les Voyages et observations du sieur de La Boullaye Le GoiiZy geniilhomme angevin,
etc., Paris, 1653.

SIR ARNOLD T. WILSON —

me through the throng. All the streets are straight and very broad
and the buildings are magnificent. In the middle of the town is a fine
square, not unhke the Place Royale in Paris but very much larger : it
is twice the size of the Piazza Xavona which I saw at Rome. All the
houses there are well painted or gilded on the outside, and a broad
gallery runs the whole way round.

But the most magnificent feature of all is a great road extending
for at least a league, along which are many fine houses, leading from
Isfahan to the new town of Julfa, where the King has caused the
Armenians to reside, as I shall presently relate. The gardens of the
King of Persia, said to be very beautiful, are to be seen there, but I
did not feel the curiosity to go and .see them, any more than I did to .see
his jialace, which is situated in the centre of the to^vn of Isfahan.

In this great meeting place of all the nations on earth, I found .so
few Catholics, that among these there were almost as many in holy
orders as there were laymen. I had the pleasure of seeing three fine
monasteries belonging to religious orders, who enjoy complete libertv
in the exercise of their faith, without being molested in any wav.
The liberty which the King guarantees them is as complete as thev
could enjoy in France.

There is a fine monastery belonging to the Reverend Augustinian
Fathers, which the King of Portugal caused to be built, together with
a very beautiful Church ; the Barefooted Carmelites have one also,
where there are ten Brothers who labour with much zeal. A third
belongs to the Capuchin Fathers, then numbering five, all French — it is
the King who maintains them in this country. They entreated me to
lodge with them and I should gladly have accepted their kind offer,
had I not been aware that one of their number would have to go out of
the house in order to make room for me, and I would not put them to
any such inconvenience. The Augustinian Fathers, who had more
accommodation, received me vith open arms; and I had the consolation
of their company until my departure, and of profiting by their good
examples.

Chap. XV. — Hopes utiich Workers for the Gospel may
Entertain of Reaping Success in Persia

The greatness of the Kingdom of Persia has long been so well
luiown, that it constitutes indeed one of the finest pages of Historv
I am convinced that many people, who are filled with that zeal which
burned in the hearts of the Apostles, will be glad to go to this fair

MISSION OF THE SOCIETY OF JESUS IN CHINA

land and spend their strength and their very life in preaching Jesus
Christ who was driven therefrom by Muhammad, and cause the
Christian faith to live again in this country, watered as it has been by
the blood of so many martyrs.

It is supposed, however, that nothing is to be gained among these
people ; that it is impossible to exhort anyone to follow the way
of salvation without being instantly impaled — this being, it is thought,
the unpleasing method employed by Muhammadans to bar the way
to those wishing to show them the light of the Gospel ; and that, there-
fore, all that could be expected by anyone who went to Persia would
be to live in constant fear or to meet immediate death.

I must therefore state my own views on this matter, and disabuse
those who, owing to this false idea, are missing the opportunity of
winning great glory by enlarging the Kingdom of Jesus Christ. Let
it be known then that I have seen, in the capital of Persia, members
of six different religious orders walking about in public each wearing
his peculiar garb, and that these enjoy liberty to celebrate Mass, say
their Office, or preach just as they would have done in the most
Catholic cities of Europe.

In the large towns of this country there are a very great number
of foreigners who are not Muhammadans, and these can be converted
without any danger at all. It is true that the King of Persia does not
permit those of his own sect who have reached the years of discretion
to embrace our Holy Faith openly ; he does not however exercise the
same rigid severity as the Turks ; he allows religious discussions
and nobody is blamed or ill-treated for condemning the superstitions
of Muhammad. This makes easy the conversion of a certain number
who leave their country and go to Goa or other Portuguese territories.

3Ioreover, the 3Iuhammadans, when their children are seriously
ill, can be easily persuaded even to have them baptized. I knew a
Flemish Carmelite in Isfahan, called Father Denys, who was able in
this way to send forty little children, who died shortly after he had
baptized them, to Paradise. I ask you to consider whether this good
Father had laboured in vain when he had dehvered from purgatory
forty innocent creatures, who will be eternally indebted to him for
their salvation.

They not only do this for their children but, when ill themselves,
they ask to be brought to the Churches, where they offer candles.
They wish our priests to read the Gospel to them, and God has often
restored these to health who, without really knowing Him, have asked

SIR ARNOLD T. WILSON —

Him to do so. Those v. hom one can help the most, however, are the
poor Armenians who are Schismatics and followers of the heresy of
Eutyches. They mav be induced to renounce their error without any
fear. Persia is full of them, they are indeed almost as numerous there
as the Persians themselves; for when Shah Abbas, King of Persia,
was waging war against the Grand Turk, fearing that the Armenians
might join his adversaries, and in order to prevent them from so doing,
he drove them from their own country and made them settle in his
territory, where he gave them towns. I said just now that he had caused
the new town of Julfa to be built near Isfahan and, here, there are
a great number of Armenians, who have beautiful Churches and
enjoy entire hberty in the practice of their religion.

It is true that they are very badly treated as regards both their
persons and property. They are ruined by the tribute levied upon them
and, if they are too poor to pay this, they are tortured by being beaten
with rods until they either die or renounce the Faith of Jesus Christ,
which, alas ! they do only too often. Their tyrants inflict a .still more
cruel outrage on these poor slaves ; they select the most beautiful
among their children and shut them up in the King's palace, so that
they can never know their parents nor profess any religion other
than that of Muhammad.

It must be confessed that these Armenians are most worthy of
compassion, in their errors as in their misfortunes. Most of them
have never heard of the Pope and are totally ignorant of the fact
that they are in error. They are scrupidous in saying their prayers
and in keeping their fasts, from which they will not dispense themselves
for anything on earth, though these are incomparably more rigorous
than our own. They eat neither meat, eggs, milk-foods, nor even
fish or oil, and drink no wine during these times ; they fast the whole
of Advent as well as Lent, and are not content with fasting merely
on the day before the festivals of certain saints, but keep vigil for a
whole week. They observe the same abstinence on Wednesdays
and Fridays, except during the time between Easter and Whitsuntide
when lay-folk are not obliged to abstain from ordinary food. It is
reckoned that even the laity are compelled to fast six months and
three days in the year. Those in holy orders have many more fasts
which are observed with such rigour that, if anyone chances to break
them, he is punished severely by the priests. It is true, as I have
related, that their fasting consists merely in abstaining from certain
kinds of food, for they are allowed to eat several times in the day

MISSION OF THE SOCIETY OF JESCS IN CHINA

They accustom their children, even the very young, to this rigorous
fasting, and sick people are rarely dispensed from it, as I observed
myself. They say that it is the best medicine that the doctor can
prescribe.

This is -nhat I saw of the fasts of the Armenians. I have thought
it well to tell this in order to warn those who feel desirous of converting
them, that they will gain nothing from the Armenians imless they are
resolved to obser%'e a similar abstinence. Let no one imagine that
he can win any Armenian for God without showing liis convert that
he has the courage to fast in a like manner.

Chap. XVI. — How We Left Persia and Travelled Across the
Whole of Media and Upper Armenia

I was obliged to remain about three months in Isfahan to await
an Armenian caravan without which I could not have travelled in
safety through the kingdoms which I stiU had to cross ; and even
so my friends wished me to discard my clerical dress and disguise
myself as an Armenian, lest the Turks should molest me while passing
through their territory. The day of my departure was the 29th of
June, the festival of St. Peter and St. Paul. I was indeed in need
of their protection, being the only Catholic in this company of five
hundred travellers. However, we pursued our journey very happily
and, after a month's travelling, arrived at the fine city of Tabriz,
which is said to be the ancient Ecbatana, capital of the Kingdom
of Media.

THE PASSIVE VOICE OF THE JNANESVABI
By \V. Dodeeet

rriHEEE forms of the Marathi passive are found in the Jfianesvari
or Jhanadevi, a commentary on the Bhagavadagita in the ovi
metre, written by the poet Jnanesvara or Jhanadeva in the year
A.D. 1290. These may be termed the “ ij “ p ”, and “ pij ” forms.
The “ ij form is the one most frequently employed. It occurs on
almost every page and frequently more than once on the same page.
Its derivation has been discussed by Beames, Bloch, Grierson, and
others. It is employed with any verb, whether used transitively or
intransitively. The subject of the sentence, if expressed, is put into
the instrumental case. The object is generally in the nominative
(subjective), but the dative also occurs, especially where there are two
objects. The use of the dativ'e is especially noticeable when the con-
struction with the postposition “ with reference to” is employed.
Lagl eventually became the modern “ la ” ternaination of the dative.
In this connexion the use of the dative in the Karmani construction may
be noticed. The Aorist (old Present) is the tense most frequently
employed and is often used as an Imperative, to which the precative
termination “ o ” is added, e.g. audharijo “ let it be heard by you ”
(cf. the je, jo forms of the Gujarati honorific Imperative). Several
examples of the future (jel, jail, jatll) and past tenses {jele, jele) occur.
This form of the passive does not occur in the modern language, except
in the case oidije “ let it be given '' and klje “ let it be done ” in formal
documents, and of mhanaje “ let it be said ”, “ that is to say ”,
“ then ”, and pahije “ it is necessary ”, “ must ”. In the .Tnanesvarl
pdhije generally means “ it is seen ”, “ let it be seen ” (e.g. in xi, 594),
but the extended use in the sense of “ it is necessary ” occurs very
occasionally (e.g. x, 261).

Adverting to the “ p ” form, which appears to require more definite
consideration than has been given to it, it is to be noted that the use
is common in the case of four verbs, namely ghe “ take ”, gJidl “ put ”,
“ place ”, “ throw ”, mhan “ say ”. and har, or hdr, “ deprive,”
“ conquer.” Stray instances, to be noticed hereafter, occur of the
employment of the “ p ” form with other verbs. This “ p ” form
appears to have been derived from the Sanskrt pya passive of the causal,
through the Prakrt pp, but all sense of causality has disappeared from
the stems occurring in the Jiianesvarl. The sense yielded by the limited

\V. DODERET

number of passages, in which the “ p ” forms occur, is that of a pure
passive. Xot only so, but the “ ij ” and the “ p ’ forms occur in
juxtaposition ; they are occasionally interchanged according to the
twelve different texts ; the grammatical construction is the same and
the use as an exhortative or Imperative is, in certain contexts, identical.

Taking the four stems in their order and commencing with ghe,
it is found that ghep occurs forty times — glie-i-je is but rarely met with,
some half-dozen instances occurring in the 9, 0-3.3 ovis.

Jan vede hahuta holile [ vividha bheda sucavile | tarhi dpana
Mta dpide | tcci ghepe j| ii, 260.

“ Although many matters have been propounded by the Vedas
and various philosophical doctrines have been alluded to, still let that
only, which is advantageous to us, be selected by us.”

To Kdrnandmdtre na ghepe | mohamale na limpe | jaise jail
jale na simpe | padmapatra jj iii, 71.

“ Even as a lotus-leaf growing in the water is not besprinkled by
the water, so he is not assailed by the element of desire, nor is he defiled
by the foulness of illusion.”

Athileni dehe | jo na ghepe dehamohe | deha gelayd nohe |
punarapi to |j xiii, 1034.

“ That man is not reborn after the body dies, who, while the body
exists, is not overcome by the illusions of the body.”

Pdi Slid M sidoriyd | ddtane eka Dhananjayd | pan je vdhatd
visdvayd | milije te ghepe || xviii, 938.

“ A stone and victuals for the journey may weigh the same, oh
Arjuna ! but let that be chosen, in carrying which, refreshment (at
our camping place) may be attained.”

Kci bdvane dni dhure | hd nivadu tanvaci sare | jativa na ghepatl
vaisvdnare | kavaluni donhi || xviii, 1253.

“ The distinction between Malabar sandalwood and a (common)
wheelshaft persists only as long as neither have been seized by the fire
in its embrace.”

Hagd sdkhara dni dudha | he gaidye kira prasiddha \ parikrmidosl
viruddha [ ghepe kevl || iii, 226.

“ Yes, indeed, sugar and milk are celebrated, it is true, for their
sweetness, but how can they be taken as an antidote for worms ? ”

Ghdp occurs only twenty times. The verbs sane, sudane, and
bdnane are employed as synonyms of ghdlane.

Pari ghetald svdsu ghape j yetulennhi mdpe { visaed tayd ndtope |
dtirjanCtsT |! xvi, 411.

THE PASSIVE VOICE OF THE JNAXESVARI

“ But those wicked ones do not obtain rest even for the space of
time required for the intaken breath to be breathed out/’

Dekhiii agni niaji ghapati | tiye blje jari virudhati | tan asdntd
suJchaprapti | ghadd sake 11 ii, 346.

“ Behold ! if seeds, which are cast into the fire, will sprout, then a
man ill at ease can acquire happiness.''

Yerhvl cdndine pikavijata dhe cepanl \ k^ vdraya ghapata dhe
vdharil \ Jinho gagandsi gadvasanT | ghdlije kevl ? |j ix, 20.

“ Else are moonbeams set to ripen in a frame, or is motion conveyed
to the wind ? Look you, how can a covering be placed over the sky ? ”

Taise gd saiingdse gene | mula avidgeslcJ ndhl jinr | md tigece
kdrga kone | ghepe dlje [| .xviii, 266.

“ Thus the root is not to be kept alive for ignorance by such
asceticism ; then by whom is its fruit taken and given ? ”

Pdniacandrdcd kodl \ vaktrtvd ghape kurau)idl | taisl dm godl |
aksardte jl xv. 11.

“ Let a waving of countless full moons be made to his eloquence,
such sweetness does he impart to his speech.'’

Jarl dirndl tu ekasard \ helil mhanatd ddtdrd | tarl dntidatdhdherd j
ghapatasi xviii. 23.

“ If I, oh my benefactor, address Thee without more ado as the Soul
of the World, then Thou, who art now within me, willst be placed
outside me."

Tene deJidtmad/'sfimuIe j dinw ghape dehace jdle | jaisd dbhdldtd
vegu kolhe j candr'i mdnl || xviii, 391.

“ The snare of the body has been cast by him over the soul by reason
of the body being regarded by him as the sold, just as the jackal
attributes the velocity of the clouds to the iMoon.’'

Jndnes'vara has the root padighd (pratighd) in the sense of “ to
seize", “hold down'’, “overcome’' — marandrdce diiga | padigh<iti
avagheci roga | kd kumuJiurti durgoga \ ckavatafl ;j xvi, 258 — “All
manner of diseases lay hold of the dying man’s body, and inau.spicious
combinations gather together on an inauspicious occasion.’’

Other passages in which padighd occurs in a similar sense are xiii,
51 {Padighdgile), 588, and xiv, 185. He uses the root ghdl in the aori.st,
future, and past tenses, and one instance of ghdlije occurs (ix, 20).
He has also ghal, the intransitive form of ghdl in two passages in the
sense of “ being immersed ”, “ to plunge into

Pdi dglntdjt na righave | athdvi naghalave | dJiagadhaglta ndgave j
sula jevi !i xviii, 711. “Forsooth just as fire cannot be entered.

W. DODERET-

nor a plunge made into deep water, nor a red-hot spike laid
hold of.”

The other passage is xv, 69. Sten Konow refers the root gJidl to a
Prakrt form ghallai {JRAS. 1902, p. 421). Perhaps the derivation is
ghal > gJiad > ghat on the analogy of celo ceda ceta or goli > gudi.
But ghd and ghdp appear to be connected with ghiita (c.f. ghd “ a
wound ” in Gujarati, ghdva, Marathi) and hence it would seem
preferable to keep the derivation of ghdl and ghdp separate, though the
matter is not free from doubt.

The instances of mhampe are more numerous than those of ghdpe.
Thirty-nine have been detected. On the whole mhanipe appears to
be conunoner than mhanije, but the texts vary in places and some have
mhanipm, while others read mhanije.

Snehdlagl mdye j mhanipe te kira hoge j pari krpd te murita dhe I
Dronl ige 1| ii, 42. “ What is said regarding a mother’s love is

xmdoubtedly true, but kindness is incarnate in this man Drona.”

Here the construction with Idgl is interesting in reference to what
has been said above about the “ ij ” construction.

Dekhd mldarsane mhanipati | teci hhujdci dkrti | mhanauni
visavdda dhariti | ayudhehdtt H i, 10. “Behold! what are termed the
six sdsiras are identical with the form of GanaptVs six arms ; therefore
they regard differences of doctrine as the weapons in his hands.”

Te kathecT sahgati \ bhdvdci sampatti | rasdci unnati | mhanipail
jmdhd i| iv, 212. “ The sequence of the story, its wealth of devotion
and the eminence of its poetic sentiments will be related further on.”

There are forty-three instances of hdrape or the less common form
harape. Many occur in Chapter XI, where Srkrsna shows himself in
all his might and majesty to Arjuna and explains the evolution of the
phenomenal world, and also in the long 18th chapter, with 1,810 verses-

The alternate form hdrije (or harije) is not met with. Mdjhe
astepana lopo | ndmariipa harapo | maja jhane vdsipo | hhutajdta j]
xiii, 198. “ May my existence be blotted out and iny name and form
be destroyed, lest mankind go in dread of me.”

Disdce thdvahl harapale | adhordhva kdlcl nend jdle \ cedagd
svapmataisegele \ lokdkdra || xi, 189. “ The traces of the four quarters
of the compass have been obliterated ; I know not what even has
become of what was above and below and the phenomenal world has
vanished as the waking man's dream is dispelled.”

Jantrdvaridia mdra \ paddfice mogara \ mukhddyit hhdra I
harapatati md |1 xi, 39-5. “ Whole crowds of artillerymen and choice
foot soldiers are being swallowed up in thy mouth, I declare.”

THE PASSIVE VOICE OF THE JNAXESVAKI

AJcdltct ahhre jaisl | lirmimna aids! | harapatl dpaisi | udayali
s(yA II iv_. 117. “ Just as unseasonable clouds are dissolved in the sky
as soon as they are formed, without discharging rain."

Atd jaydceni sahkalpe | he lokaparampnrd hoya harape | xi, 82.
‘‘ Xow by whose resolve this succession of worlds arises and is
destroyed.”

Eiha aynlclhl dithl karapat | sdrya khadyotu taisdi harapat | aise
tivrapana adbhuta \ tejdce yayd j| xi, 300. “ Such is the marvellous
fierceness of his brilliance that the fire's countenance is being scorched
and the Sun is being consumed hke a glow-worm.’’

These hdrap or harap stems are interesting, as the verb hdrapane
or harapane is still employed in the modern language in the sense of
“ to be lost Ghep, ghdp, and mhanip have become obsolete, but there
are a few stems occurring in the J/i««esi’ar7 such as ,n»ip “ to get wet ”
(xviii, 173 ; vi, 101), talap “ to be brandished about “ burnt ”,
to swelter ” (xiii, 610 ; xv, 331), and jhirap " to ooze (.xiii. 568),
which are current at the present day. Others, like pah’p to catch fire ”
(iv, 128 ; .xvi, 394) and adap “ to be arrested ", " obstructed ” (ii, 294)
are now obsolete. All these appear to be “ p " passives.

It remains to consider the curious “ pij ’’ forms. These are very
rare. Only four examples have been met with. They appear, from the
sense of the conte.xt, to be nothing more than double passives with the
ij ” termination appended to the “ p " passive, the latter being
treated as an intransitive or neuter verb, on the analogy oi jdije “ it
is gone ”. The references are : —

Aiigd je pdtale | te karuni ghdU dpide | tetha sdhateni navale j
ghepijena jj xiii, 352. “ He who treats whatever ills accrue to the body
as part of himself is not consumed by the conceit of one who endures
pain.”

Taisesukliaduhkarup'i \ dvandvi je pmiyapdpl | wa ghepijati sarp? {
ganida jaise || xv, 295. “ Just as eagles are not conquered by snakes,
so they (who believe in monism) are not obsessed by good and evil
deeds corresponding to happiness and pain in the dualistic doctrine."’

Alternate readings are negharijati, neghijati, na ghepijeti and na
ghepajati.

Van judjhace nirvdna [ nidndalc ase ddruna \ doM hdn dpana |
harapqe foise j| xviii, 1583. “ Such a terrible end had been made of
the battle that in both armies it was as if each (thought it) had been
defeated.’’

Ndndduhkht prdptl \ jayd udevga ndh\ chittl | dni siikhdciyd

THE PASSIVE VOICE OF THE JNANESVARI

arttl I adapaijena || ii, 294. “ He who, when various ills arise, is not
downcast in spirit and who is not troubled by craving after happiness.’’

The passages in which the “ p'' forms of the principal verbs occur
are noted below.

ghep : ii, 260, 262 ; iii, 71, 183, 184, 226, 249, 260 ; vi, 392 ; ix,
175; X, 129, 261; xi, 254, 1034, 1043, 1118; xiv, 248; xv, 488;
xvi, 69, 152, 182, 301 ; xvii, 111, 118, 177, 257 ; xviii, 266, 415, 533,
718, 774, 869, 938, 1099, 1124. 1190, 1215, 1253, 1406. 1701.

ghap : ii, 346 ; vi, 100 : ix, 20. 346, 4.59 ; x, 80 ; xi, 425, 457 ;
xiv, 236 ; xvi, 89, 97, 411, 459 ; xvii, 202 ; x\dii, 23, 391, 415, 596,
1266, 1487.

mhaip'p : i, 10, 47 ; ii, 42, 192, 287 ; iii, 75, 118 ; iv, 85. 91, 141,
145, 212 ; V, 77 : viii, 30, 100, 159, 169, 173, 188 ; x. 41, 131 ; xiii,
152, 155, 160, 879, 925, 1094. 1106; xvi, 93, 196; xvii, 241 ; xviii,
370, 505, 648, 717, 834, 983, 1112, 1430.

Mmp : iv, 105, 117 ; v, 1-34 ; viii, 30, 173 ; ix, 332.

harap : x, 34, 198 ; xi, 82, 189, 246. 300, 372, 395, 496, 6-50, 692 ;
xiii, 198, 650, 925 ; xiv, 246 ; xv. 228, 309, 314, 429, 434, 435, 526,
587 ; xvi, 137 ; xvii. 175, 424 ; xviii, 150, 197, 399, 406, 544, 858,
889, 979, 1026, 1103, 1532.

GOVERNMENT OF “PREPOSITIONS" IN GUJARATI
By W. Doderkt

O N page 93 of his Grammar Taylor divides prepositions, or more
strictly speaking, postpositions, into five classes, and speaks of we
prepositions as those which govern the preceding noun or pronoun in
the locatival genitive, noascidine or neuter. In paragraph 97 a list of
141 prepositions is given. Of the 27, which take the ne construction,
15 may be explained as above, but in some instances, e.g. Karane,
jore, dvare, und yoge, the case may well be the instrumental, if the
meaning of the postposition be taken into account. They are the
following : — arthe “ with a view to ”, Kaje “ for ”, in order to,
Karane, jore “ on account of ”, thekdne, hadalc “ in place of ”,
dvare “ by way of ”, fodakhe “ near ”, mukabah “ in comparison
with ”. mokhare “ in front of ”, yoge “ by means of ”, lekhe
“ at the rate of ”, sate “ in exchange for “, stkale, sthdne “ in
place of ”. These are all locatives, and in some cases possibly
instrumentals of nouns still in use and signifying the idea conveyed
by the corresponding postposition. But tulya and sam “ equal to ”
are adjectives, while lagto “ pertaining to ” and pharto “ suiToimding ”
are declinable participles or participial adjectives. The ne, which
precedes them, is' not the locative of the genitive, but the dative
(objective) case ending. It may be added that lag (with the root-
meaning “ touch ”) is construed with the dative, even when the
derivative meaning “ commence ” is involved, Lidhe “ on account
of “ for the sake of is an abbreviation of Udhethl, i.e. loc. -j-
ablative. The ablative is often affixed to the locative — te nisdlethl
dvyo “ he came from school ” — to give more definiteness, or to express
the sense of “ out of ". The locative of past participles is often used
in the absolute sense, with or without the addition of thi, e.g. trsd
Idgi hoya tydre rasedrlkerl mdya, amraphala dhdrana karethi, sukha
thdye tydya (Premdnanda). Jamavdno vakhat tkaye hu tamane holdvis
(Sarasavati Chandra). An alternative rendering of tene lidhe “ on that
account ” is tene la-ine. Tene must therefore be the objective case
(accusative), governed by lldhe. Cf. also — su thayii tapa ne tirtha
Ktdhdthaki. Su thayu mdla grahi ndrna tldhe (Narasinha Meheto)
(What have austerities and pilgrimages availed thee, or what the
assumption of the rosary and the utterance of God’s name ?). Here
lidhe = lidhethi.

VOI,. IV. PART I.

W. DODERET

Saru “ for the sake of ", “ in order to ”, and Tiathu “ by the hand
of ” are indeclinable “ u adjectiv^es formed from sdr and hatha
respectively, on the analogy of calu, Idtju, bharu, garaju, etc.
Probably tene saru meant originally and simply “ good for that ”,
where tene would be the dative case and not the locative. Tene hathu
may be explained as equivalent to tene hathethl. Vere “ with ”, usually
employed in the sense of “ married to ”, appears to beNi. corruption
from vara “ a husband ’. In such e.xpressions as te tene vere 'paranJ —
“ she married him ”, 'paranavii is derived from S.j)ari-ni “ to lead
roimd (the sacred marriage-fire)”. Tene is therefore in origin
the accusative governed by jyaranl. The agential case vare becomes
vere as ghere results from ghare, and vere is equivalent to vere
Karine “ by way of, as a husband The use of tene vere to
express “ with ” in relations, where marriage is not in question is
recent and rare. Pdrasat “from” (“received”), used in legal
documents, comes by a corruption from the Sanskrt pdrsvdt
“ from the side of ”. The locatival genitive ne preceding
pdrasdt has probably arisen from the frequent association of the
locative with the ablative, e.g. as in the true tadhhava pdse from
pdrsve -f thi.

Vdste “ on account of ”, “ for the sake of ”, a corrupted loan-word
of recent date from the Arabic and current in Hindustani, may be
regarded as taking the locatival genitive, as vdste came to be regarded
as a locative and as the synonyms mdte, etc., have the ne government.
Daramiydn “ during ” is a loan-word from the Persian or Hindustani.
Narmadasankara employs the nd government with the word. Possibly
the ne government arose from the duration sense of daramiydn
and may thus be accepted as a locatival genitive construction. There
remains the case of mdte “ on account of ”, “ for the sake of ”, which
is a doubtful locative, as the derivation of mdte is unsettled. If
mdte be a corruption of the tatsuma matyd, which was used in Sanskrt
as an independent word meaning “ purposely ”, “ with the idea that ”,
ne would come to be employed with it by reason of the common
association of the locative with the ablative, or mdte may have been
regarded in time as a locative itself. But the bulk of philological
opinion is against the change of the Sanskrt dental “ t ” to the cerebral
“t ”. Matyd became mate and mete, postpositions no longer in use
The same reason would militate against Tessitori’s mdte ex nimittena
The suggestion is hazarded that mdte may be nothing more than the
locative of the common word mdt “ a pot ”, which plays so great a part

GOVERNMENT OF “ PREPOSITIONS ” IN GUJARATI

ia the every-day life of India. “ Put it in my pot ” may from constant
repetition have come to mean “ do it for me It is the oldest known
word meaning “ for ”, “ on account of ”, and is constantly used by
^Narasinha Meheto and other mediaeval poets. Sdru, Udhe, and vdste
are comparatively modern synonyms.

The result of the foregoing analysis is that a sixth class, namely
postpositions, governing the objective case, should be added to
Taylor’s five classes, to include tulya, sam, pharto, lagto, lidhe, sdru,
and vere.

The locatival genitive government may be conceded for pdrasdt,
vdste, hathu, and mdte and for daramiydn as well, unless the last be
regarded as a nd postposition.

April, 1925.

NOTES ON “ THE ASSYBIAN TREE"

By Sidney Smith

rpHE Pahlavi text wHch has been recently re-edited and translated
by J. M. Unvala, entitled DraJiJit .i Asurik} has not to my
knowledge received any attention from Assyriologists. In spite of the
difficulties entailed in dealing with a province of which I am wholly
ignorant, I have been tempted to put some suggestions on paper in the
hope that the meaning of this little-knouTi text may be \ iewed in a
fresh relation.

The starting-point for such a consideration is provided by the
remarks of Unvala on the textual history.- He believes that there was
“ an original Pahlavi form, perhaps written in imitation of the Arabic
which was translated into Modern Persian . . . the latter

was retranslated into the Pahlavi form*’. It is to be expected in a text
with a long history of this kind that incongruous elements will be
juxtaposed, that older elements will be found in strange coilocation
with what is comparatively recent. It is not therefore necessary to
believe that, because certain parts of the text (e.g. “ raw silk of
Tulffiilr,” § 42) definitely belong to a late date, all the references therein
must be considered late. The title of the text invites us to consider
the possibility of reference to Assyria.

The Assyrian capital, Nineveh, fell in 612 b.c. : the last effort of
the Assyrians for independence failed at Harran in 610 B.c. In
Achaemeniau times there was an Assyrian detachment in the Persian
army, but they can only have been a remnant. That renmant persisted
through the centuries to the Chri.stian era. and continued to use, in
their personal names, the appellations of their pagan deities.^ This
continuance of an Assyrian tradition is significant for two reasons. The
miserable condition of these late Assyrians is attested by the
excavations at Ashur, and it is clear that they were reduced to
extreme poverty under Persian rule. Now in Babylonia it has been
ascertained that under the later Achaemenians the religious fanaticism
of the Zoroastrians led to the wholesale burning and destruction of
Babylonian temples. Clearly therefore (1) the persistent use of the
names of pagan deities would not be approved by Zoroastrian priests
^ Bulletin, [I, 637 £E.

2 Ibid., p. 639, § 5.

2 Jensen, MDOG., No. 60.

S. SMITH —

in Assyria ; (2) the mere fact of this late Assyrian survival is sufficient
proof that in the late Achaemeniau period at any rate old Assyrian
religious beliefs and practices continued, and must therefore have been
known to Zoroastrian priests.

The Pahlavi text belongs to a branch of literature which is repre-
sented at an earlier date tlian the list of Steinschneider ^ might seem
to permit. The so-called “ Beast Fables ’’ ® in cuneiform, the texts of
which are the merest fragments, belong in part to these “ poems of
contest ”. Another good example is afforded by a cuneiform text found
at Ashur,® which contains a dialogue between a date-palm and a
tamarisk. The translation of this text is difficult, but the portion
preserved is long enough to allow the general sense to be clear. The
beginning is broken, and two paragraphs render but little sense. Then
the tamarisk says ; “I am greater than you in every way. The
cultivator takes everything he has from my shoots. On beams [made]
of me he drives up his cart, with a cart [made out] of me he ... ; [when]
he opens a sumphole and the field is irrigated, I come up (as a bucket),
and for the ... of the earth I . . . the bread ; . . . and corn I [bring in]
that mafketh men to thrive.” The date-palm replies ; “ I am greater
than you in every way. Everything the cultivator has, the rope, the
whip, the yoke, and . . . the . . . , the cultivator's gear, is there by my
will. I am greater than 3 'ou.” The dialogue then turns to the use of
the two trees for religious purposes, and each tree proposes to go to
a different city, clearly in order that the dispute may be settled.

The copy of this dialogue between the tamarisk and the date-palm
which is extant dates from the seventh century. It must have been
composed at an earlier date, and there is good reason to believe that
similar texts were very popular in the fourteenth century b.c. through-
out Western Asia, for a hieroglyphic docket from the tablet store at
Akhetaton, the capital of Akhnaton (Amenhotep IV, circa
1380-1362 B.C.), bears the legend “ Book of the sycamore and the
olive-tree It is certain that texts of this kind must have been
known in the Achaemenian and Seleucid periods in Babylonia, and

* Ab. K.A.W., Wien, phil.-hist. Klasse, Bd. 155, Xo. 4. SeeUnvala, loc. cit., 638.

2 For translations see Chr. Johnston, Assyrian and Babylonian Beast Fables
AJSL; xxriii, 81 ff.

’ Keilschrifttexte ans Assur religidsen Inhalts, Heft iii, Xo, 145. For a (provisional)
translation see MDOG., Xo. 58, pp. 32^.

‘ Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie (X.F.), ii, 80-1. Dr. Hall has kindly pointed out to
me that the name of the second tree in the hieroglyphic text on the original is bkw
“ olive-tree,” not ' date-palm ”, as it has previously been misread. '

NOTES ON “THE ASSYRIAN TREE

5 >

remained in use there so long as the old religion was practised, that is
to say imtil the second or first century b.c. It is possible that the
original Pahlavi version of “ The Assyrian Tree ” was based on a
knowledge of such cuneiform texts, rather than on Arabic sources.

Can this coimexion be proved more than a possibility ? In other
u ords, is it probable that the original Pahlavi, unitten we may suppose
in the Sassanian period, has anything to do with the literary texts of
the Assyrian and Babylonian priests, whose activities cannot be traced
after the first century n.c. ? This must depend upon detailed
arguments ; but before details are considered, a general consideration
of the purpose of the text called “ The Assyrian Tree ” is in place.

This text has been described by the learned E. W. West, as “ non
religious Dangerous though it be for one without special knowledge
to dispute the judgment of so great an authority, this view seems
surprising. Sections 27, 30, 31, 32, which stand at the commencement
of the goat's reply to “ The Assyrian Tree ” contain an argument which
seems to amount to the assertion that “ the goat is the representative
of the Zoroastrian religion. Turning back to the arguments of “ The
Assyrian Tree ” it is at once noticeable that they make no mention of
any religious ground for superiority ; the sole reason which is not based
on practical use is that given in § 3, “ I am the tree in the land of
Kh^aniras."’ A reference to the colophon, § 54, shows that the copying
of the text is reckoned a religious act, which entitles the writer to the
reward of the faithful. And the sentence “in every . . . of . . . enemies,
may he see this head of the enemy dead ” seems most easily intelligible
if we suppose that “ The Assyrian Tree ’’ is meant by “ this head of the
(religious) enemy These passages sugge.st very clearly, to my mind,
a religious interpretation. “ The goat ’’ represents the Zoroastrian
faith, “ The Assyrian Tree ” typifies an, or the principal, opponent of
this faith. This view would explain the somewhat excessive
vituperation “ the goat ” is allowed to utter in reply to the very mild
remarks of “ The Assyrian Tree ”, e.g. in § 51, where the tree is com-
pared to a pig, a boar, and a mad camel ; above all, it must be remem-
bered that the very summary ending, “ And the goat went away in
triumph,” even if it represents an abbreviation of the original Pahlavi,
would be natmal, if the proposed interpretation is correct. Xo true
Zoroastrian, bearing “ the goat's ” claim to represent his religion, could
have had any doubt about the v'erdict.

The use of an animal type, the goat, to represent the Zoroastrian
1 See Unvala, loc. cit., 637.

S. SMITH

religion, might be paralleled by many instances. It will suffice to quote
the use of the lamb and the dove as the Christian types. For “ The
Assyrian Tree ” it is possible to quote an almost exact parallel. The
figure by which the glory and the fall of Assyria are depicted in
Isaiah, xxxi, is that of a tree, nameh’^ the cedar of Lebanon. The reason
why the figure of a tree should be employeil to represent Assyria is,
indeed, less clear in the Pahlavi text than in the Hebrew prophet, for
the phraseology of Isaiah sufficiently explains the choice of the figure.
Yet even so it is possible that both Isaiah and the writer of the Pahlavi
text thought of Assyria as a tree owing to certain religious practices
in Assyria.

At the New Year festival in Assyria a ceremony took place in the
gardens of Nabu's temple, which was probably concerned with a bare
tree-trunk. Old fillets of green leaves placed on the trunk were
removed, for fresh ones to be placed there, metal bands called
“ yokes ” were cut off. also perhaps for fresh ones to be put on, and
on top of the trunk was set, at least in one case, a golden dish.
A seat, with appropriate beasts depicted at the sides, and a canopy
thereover, is then set ready for the god to come and superintend a
magical ceremony conducted on the day of the festival itself.^ The
ceremony seems to be depicted on the frieze from Ashumasirpal’s
palace at Nimrud,^ where the tree, bedecked with metal bands and
green fillets, is the centre of interest: before it the king, priests in masks
that represent various gods, and the goddess, Ishtar, are depicted as
performing acts that bring the dead tree to life. This kind of magical
practice at festivals was widely spread over the ancient East. The
earliest representation of a similar scene known to me is on the stele
of Ur-Nammu, King of Ur about 2300 b.c.® A small tree, perhaps
intended for a cypress or a similar genus, is shown in a pot, from which
there hang also two bunches of fruit. Priests pour water into the pot.
The same magic appears to have been in use in ancient Greece, to
judge from Sir Arthur Evans’ discussion of a gem from the Vapheio
tomb.^

It is indeed not improbable that the Assyrian text containing a
ilialogue between a tamarisk and a date-palm was actually recited at
a religious festival. No cuneiform text yet known is literary in
intention ; the great epics themselves were written to be recited. Both
the tamarisk and the date-palm were, with several others, holy trees ;

* Revue d’Assyriologie, xxi, 84. 2 B^^ge, Assyrian Sculptures

’ Antiquaries' Journal, 1925, plate xlviii. ‘ JHS., xlv 20-1

NOTES ON “THE ASSYRIAN TREE

and the mi min g which is known to have taken place at the New Year
festival at Babylon might well include a dialogue such as the one in
question.

There is, then, sound reason to believe that magical ceremonies
concerned with a tree formed a very important part of the Assyrian
cult. Granted that a Zoroastrian writer was searching for a symbol of
this religion, it would prove a suitable object to attack. For in
attacking the Ass}’Tian religion a Zoroastrian would have to be circum-
spect. Ashur, with his attendant fire-deities and spirits, bears a passable
resemblance to Ahuramazda, and his symbol, the winged disc (itself
possibly borrowed from Egypt) was adopted as the symbol of the
Zoroastrian good god. Much of the service of Ashm, the sacrifices and
so forth, must have closely resembled the practice of Zoroastrian
priests. But in the magic connected with the tree was an element
foreign, apparently, to Zoroastrianism ; even in Assyria it may have
been derived from Syrian rather than native beliefs. In short, a
Zoroastrian controversial tvTiter could conceivably, under the symbol
of the tree, attack pagan religion.

To turn now to the text of “ The As.syrian Tree ”. The first
paragraph reads, in Unvala's translation : —

“ A tree stands grown up there in the land of Assyria. Its trunk is
dry, its top is fresh, and its root resembles the (sugar-) cane, its fruit
resembles the grape. It produces such sweet fruits.”

This is no ordinary tree, calls to mind no natural genus : but it
does specifically resemble the magical tree in that it consists of a dry
trunk, to which incongruous elements are attached. Anyone who had
seen the pagan priests performing their mumbo-jumbo at the New
Year, on hearing the opening sentences of the Pahlavi text would
naturally think of those rites. It is right to insist on the significance of
these opening words, because the mind of the reader or hearer is thereby
directed to the points which, if my view of the text be correct, are
essential. The tree of the land of Assyria, the magical tree used in pagan
religion, sets forth clearly the subject.

The second paragraph announces the contest of this tree with a
goat, and the tree's speech opens with a formula which exactly corre-
sponds to that used by the trees in the Ass3Tian dialogue. The formula
is a natural one, and of course no argument can be derived from it.
The next section is more important ; —

“ I am the tree in Kh''aniras ; there is no (other) like me, because
the king eats from me when I carry fruits anew.”

S. SMITH

The significance of the latter portion of this section is not
immediately apparent. A king eats all kinds of fruit, doubtless, as soon
as it is ripe. The point in the boast of “ The Assyrian Tree ” seems to
be that the king eats the fruit immediately the fruit appears. In other
words, the fruit is magical fruit, which needs no time to ripen. In the
hocus-pocus of the Assyrian rite it is probable that such fruit was made
to appear, to symbolize the fruitfulness of the New Year. This is based
on the stele of Ur-Nammu, where two bunches of apparently ripe fruit
appear beside a tree quite incapable of bearing it. And it is worth
noting that the emphasis laid on the king in the Pahlavi text finds
an exact parallel in the Assyrian dialogue, where both the tamarisk
and the date-palm claim as a merit their use by the king. The date-
palm for instance says, “ Where I do not come, the king does not
sacrifice ...”

The remaining claims of the Assyrian tree are of no interest for our
immediate inquiry ; they do not vary from the kind of claim which
appears in all texts of this “ cqntest ” class, and merely enumerate
some of the uses to which man has put trees. But the “ goat ” has some
interesting remarks about the tree.

(Sections 23-4) “ 0 men ! the tree of even dry wood, whose top
was golden — thee who art made golden it beseems to bear fruits for
the children.”

The “ goat ” again calls attention to the nature of this tree — the
tree without sap which yet bears fruit. Would it be too forced to
interpret the phrase, “ for the children ” as sarcasm ? Other trees
bear fruit which are good for everybody — but “ The Assyrian Tree ”
bears fruit only in the belief of the childish. At any rate, such an
interpretation lends considerable force to a remark otherwise pointless.
And the golden top reminds one of the golden dish in the Assyrian
ceremony, wherein doubtless water was placed, to keep the fillets
fresh.

If this interpretation be correct, the point is driven home in
sections 27-8 : —

“ Men call [rather] me in the Apzohr ceremony of the Parsis than
[thou] who art [merely] foliage, but [otherwise] dead and useless among
trees. If thou bearest fruits, men of the [sacred] law would let [thee]
loose on the pasture-ground even in the manner of oxen.”

The wording does not permit of the interpretation, which might
appear natural, that the “ goat ” is claiming superiority as having
mobility, as against an immobile tree. “ The Assyrian Tree ” is, even

NOTES ON “ THE ASSYRIAN TREE

“ among trees ”, dead and useless. Were it not so, “ men of the law,”
i.e. Zoroastrians, would plant and use it just as much as they do oxen
{even though oxen have a special significance in pagan religion). The
magical tree has therefore no claim to be considered by men of the
true faith. Then finally comes the crowning insult, section 29

“ Am I a self-conceited person like one who is born of a courtesan.”
The courtesan par excellence in the ancient East was Ishtar. Now
it has been pointed out that Ishtar is depicted on the Ashur-nasir-pal
frieze engaging in magical operations with the magical tree. Her
attitude is of some interest ; the goddess is holding out a ring, and the
action is doubtless intended to mean that the goddess is bestowing new
life on the tree. “ One who is born a courtesan ” — “ The Assyrian
Tree ” must surely be intended — is a bitter sarcasm on the pagan beliefs
of the Assyrians and Babylonians worthy of a patristic writer dealing
with Gra'co-Eoman paganism.

Having fully estahli.shed the character of “ The Assyrian Tree ”,
the “ goat ” proceeds to announce his own character in sections 30-2.
His kind is, for the Zoroastrians, holy. The subseipient claims are of
the practical kind, and only section 49 calls for further comment : —
” When they bring the goat to market and oiler it for sale, every
one who has not got ten dram does not come near the goat. [But]
the children buy thee for two pasiz. Wounded to the life, thou wilt
be destroyed, exterminated by the spiritual leaders."

Could any words more clearly indicate the nature of this contest
between “ the goat ” and “ The A.s.syrian Tree ” ? For one thing,
nobody, even in Persia, would believe that an ordinary fruit-tree is of
so much less value than a goat as the ratio ten dram — two pasiz
indicates. IMiat the children buy for that small sum would seem to
be bits of wood, chips from the magical tree intended to bring fruit-
fulness to the plantations. And the last sentence has but one possible
meaning : the true religion has already dealt belief in the magical tree
a fatal blow, which spells a speedy end to magical practices.

"IMien the “ goat " says (section 51) that he is laying “ golden
words " before the tree “ like one who strews pearls before a pig or a
boar, or plays the cang before a mad camel ", it is not unfitting to
ascribe the heat of his remark to religious fanaticism. It is true that in
the dialogue as we now have it there is no trace of serious argument, no
attempt by the tree to advance a defence of Assyrian religion, or by
the “ goat ” seriously to counter those arguments. Nevertheless, “ the
golden words ” in defence of the Zoroastrian faith are as relevant as

NOTES ON “ THE ASSYRIAN TREE

controversial literature dealing with religion, more especially in the
East, is apt to be. The essential point would be that the dialogue in
“■ The Assyrian Tree ’’ should, represent a triiunph of the Zoroastrian
faith over pagan beliefs. By doing that, it would ivin the favour of all
true believers.

I am not unaware of the very considerable questions that this inter-
pretation of the text raises. If the original Pahlavi text which Unvala
posits was written in the Sassauian period, the real enemy of the
Zoroastrian religion in the Tigris valley was Christianity, not Assyrian
paganism. It would be necessary to assume either that “ The Assyrian
Tree ” went back to a period when Zoroastrianism was still struggling
to suppress the Assyrian and Babylonian religion, that is to say, to the
time of the Achaemenian kings, or to a time when the Assyrian and
Babylonian beliefs lingered on owing to the favour of the Seleucid
dynasty, at latest that is to the second century b.c. In other words,
the interpretation suggested in this article would demand that the
original Pahlavi version should go back to an even earlier original. It
is well know'n that Pahlavi literature to a certain extent consisted of
matter derived from other sources, considerably older, ^^^lethe^ there
is any good cause for doubting the possibility of this in the case of
DraMt i Asurik it would be interesting to learn. Should it prove, on
linguistic grounds or for other reasons, impossible to assume an early
origin for this text, then the interpretation of passages in the text
suggested above must be imhesitatingly abandoned. If, on the other
hand, an earlier original of the Pahlavi text is possible, the
interpretation I have put forward may serve as a basis for discussion.

NOTE ON THE STATICAL AND SOME OTHER
PARTICIPLES IN HINDUSTANI

By Lieut.-Col. D. C. Phillott

(a) (1) Considerable confusion exists as regards the Statical
Participles.

On page 17d of his Grammar, Platts states : “ Rem. The so-called
Staticals differ from Continuatives in denoting temporary or accidental
state. The two fonns are clearly distinguished in most native grammars,
but are strangely misimder.stood by European grammarians, who
teach that the participle is inflected in Staticals and not inflected in
Continuatives ! Now, the fact is that it is just to indicate duration or
continuity (and occasionally a habitual state) that the particle (sic) or
verbal adjective is changed into an adverb and inflected. This is
evident from such forms as li* viUr chalte chalte thak

gayd, ‘ I wearied through much or continued walking . . ”

Platts here seems to have made a slip. Chalte chalte is a Statical,
and the idea of continuity is given by the repetition only.^ Mai chalte
chalte thak gayd means “ I got tired whilst still in a state of continued
movement ”, while mat chaltd chaltd ^ thak gayd suggests “ I got tired
after continued movement

The fact is that the Present and Past Partieiples are inflected
adverbially to indicate temporary or accidental state, the post-
position me ^ (or according to some granunarians the words — kl hdlat
me) being understood.

For the sake of a complete survey of the two participles, I will

^ So, too, in chale jdna “ to continue to go ” the idea of continuity lies in the jdna
“ vide ’■ (d).

“ When a present participle is repeated it is usual to inflect it statically, and the
hu,d is always omitted.

^ In Hindi chald chald may be used.

* As regards this omission of me. Sir George Grierson points out to me that this is
‘ ■ a convenient way of putting it and is not a true statement. Chalte, like ghore, is itself
a representative of six original Sanskrit cases, and can be used for any of them. Hence
its use by itself for the locative, is quite natural and proper, and is not added merely
because in this particular instance a defining particle is not necessary, the meaning
being clear without it. The meaning of all this rigmarole is that in modern Indian
languages, ‘ defining particles ’ are used only when the sense clearly requires it.

“ A good instance of ‘ defining particles ’ occurs in the infinitive wuh dekhne dyd.
Here it is commonly said that dekhne is for dekhne ko. It is really nothing of the sort :
dekhne by itself is a dative (as well as other cases), and as its use in this place as a
dative is perfectly clear, no defining particle is required. ...”

LIEUT. -COL. D. C. PHILLOTT —

repeat some matter that I have previously published in various
works. ^

In dealing with apparent contradictions in the use of the participles,
it must be recollected that the Statical construction is not laigely used,
that the Present and Past Participles are both verbal nouns and
adjectiv^es, that the Past Participle of Transitive verbs has an Active
as well as a Passive sense ; and that, as other postpositions besides
me may be understood, not all participles adv'erbially inflected are
Staticals.2 Further, participles statically constructed may be prefixed
to hand, to the Continuative rahnd. to the Progressives and diid,®
and to others. To form the infinitive of the Progressives and the
Continuative, the statical participle seems to be preferred in Urdu,
thus harte-jdnd (and, of course, kiye-jdnd). “ to go on doing ’’ and
karte-rahnd * “ to remain doing ”, but in Hindi kartd-jdnd and kartd-
rahnd, also occur : soye-rahnd or sute-rahnd “ to remain sleeping ”,
and soyd-rahnd, and sotd-rahnd. In other tenses of these compounds,
the present participle is treated adjectively.®

(2) The rule is, that with the Past Participle of transitive verbs
used actively i with an object, the Statical construction is obligatory, as :
Bihi shardh piye hu.e thi “ the lady was drunk ” (i.e. in the accidental
state of having drunk wine) ; mat ne bibi ko shardh piye hu,e dekhd “ I
saw the lady drimk

The object may be a clause, as : Mai samjke hu,e thd ki ivuh Hindu
hat {= mal usko Hindu samjhe hu,e thd) “ I was all along under the
impression that he was a Hindu

If, however, the participle is used in its passive sense, the adjectival
construction must be used, as : Rasid mansuM kt hu,l pahuchl “ the
receipt arrived cancelled ”.

(3) With other intransitive present and past participles, either
the Statical or the adjectival construction may be used, unless the
subject is in the Agent case with ne {vide 4). Local usage, personal
predeliction. and euphony are deciding factors. Thus '^aivrat gdte
(hu,e) d,i “ the woman came in the state of singing ”, occurs in Hindi,

1 To protect myself against a charge of literary theft I must remark that some of
this and a great deal more, has, without due acknowledgment, been plagiarized by
a Hindu gentleman and published in a book called The Pucca Munshi.

® Vide (4) Remark, and (8).

3 As in tel nikalta dtu hai aur Kadi me girtajdtd hai.

* Platts correctly calls this a Continuative, vide p. 173, sec. 212, under which
term he also includes the Progressives.

‘ Platts mistakenly calls these Staticals, vide p. 173, sec. 213.

STATICAL AND SOME OTHER PARTICIPLES IN HINDUSTANI 79

while Urdu prefers gall huj a, 7 ^ “ she came along in the act
of singing Several educated Muslims have even condemned the first
construction as quite incorrect. Similarly Larki icildyat jail hu,l, ek
hafta Baniba, i me thahri is preferred to jale hu,e.

For “ I saw him coming " mai ne iisko ate (Statical) dekhd and
mai ne usko did (adjectival) dekhd, are used indiscriminately.

(4) If, however, the participle refers to a subject in the Agent case,
the Statical construction is obligatory, as : Rdni ne hdtlii par charlie
hu,e (never charhi hu, i) alkal jxichchu ck tir chaldgd “ the Rani mounted
on an elephant drew a bow at a venture ” ; hathnd ne chinyhdrte hu.e ^
baghele jjar hamla kiyd “ the female elephant, screaming the w'hile,
charged the tiger cub ”.

So, too, if a transitive Present Participle qualifies an object, as :
(Unihu ne) Do shales ko chori karte (not kartd) pakrd hai ® “ they had
caught two persons stealing ”.

Remark. — Such expressions as jdte hi “ immediately on going ”,
and itni rat ga,e [par] “ so late at night ”, are not Staticals.*

(5) Examples of Staticals : —

Wuh bahdna kiye hu,e thd ® he was pretending all the time.

Wuh hathkari pahnd,e hu,e (or he was produced handcuffed.
pahne hu,e) pesh kiyd gayd.

Sote rahnd or soye-rahnd (or soya to remain sleeping.
rahnd).^

Jdte-rahnd (or jdtd rahnd) to keep on going ; to be lost, etc.

Ghiise rahnd (better ghusd rahnd) to remain hidden (in a hole).

Bachte-rahnd ^ always to be left over, to con-

tinue to avoid.

Js ko pakre-rah ® keep hold of this.

^ The present participle gatl hu.iis here treated as an adjective, and indicates an act
in progress without any idea of state. Sir George Grierson suggests that there is a
slight difference in meaning between these two constructions. “ The latter means
that the moment she arrived she happened to be singing and has no reference to what
she was doing before she arrived. The former means that the woman was singing and
while she was singing (or in the middle of her song) she arrived.”

But chinghati hu,i hathnl ne “ the screaming she-elephant ”.

3 Platts, p. 336.

* Platts, p. 338.

= But bahdna kartd thd indicates a particular occasion.

® Soye- or soyd-rahnd suggests an intransitive meaning, “ to be asleep,” and
sote- or sotd-rahnd an active meaning “ to sleep, to compose oneself to sleep ”.

’’ Sau rupiya Jptizdne me bachd rahtd hai, “a sum of a hundred rupees remains in
reserve in the treasury,” but sail rupiya baehtd rahtd hai, “ a sum of a hundred rupees
is always being left over or always happens to be spare at stated intervals.”

* But pakartd rah would mean, if it meant anything, “ keep on catching it.”

LIEVT.-COL. D. C. PHILLOIT

go on with your story,
go on with your book (to one in
the act of reading).

I am still going on with my study
of history.]

(the dog) fighting with them all
the way, in a state of having
saved the bread came to that
pit.

Qasim came running up.

I nearly fell off (my horse).

I got wounded whilst lying help-
less on the ground.

= tnai ne usJco sote Jin,e (or sota
hu,a) dekha.

at the last moment of going,
the ship sank hy degrees.
this disease will go away by
degrees.

I (fern.) will inquire this minute
and return without delay,
the lady said on her departure.

= hafi dhup pari hai or parti hat.

I have been living in this house
for two years,
the lady came an hour ago.

(6) ^ote that in niai ue usko dorurte Jiu^a pakra^ the Statical, owing
to its position, may refer either to the subject or the object. The
adjectival daurtd could refer to the object only.

(7) Compare ma'i koshish karte karte thak-gayd “ I got tired by mv
continued efforts and ma'i koshish kar karke thak gaga “ I got tired
bv mv revcated efforts ".

Kahe-jd

Kitdh ko parhe-jd,o

[Ham abhi histari parhte jdte hai
(Progressive)

Un se lartd hhirta ^ roti ko bachd,e
ns chdh par dyd

Qdsini daude daurte (or daud.d
daurtd) dyd ^

Mai girte girte bach-gayd
Ma'i pare pare (or pam pard)^
zakhnii hu.d

Mai ne usko soye hu.e (or soya
hu,d) dekhd
Jdte jdte, adv.

Kishtl duhte diibte dub-ga,l
Yih bimdrl jdte hi jd.egi (or jdte
jatejd.egi)

Mad abhl puchhe dti hu

Chalte hu,e * begam ne kahd
Bari dhup pate hai ®

Mujhe is ghar me rahte (hu.e) do
sal guzre

Bibi ko dde hu.e ek ghantd hu.d

1 Or statically, larte hkirte. In both cases the repetition indicates continuity
Platts explanation of this example (p. 334, Rem.) seems involved. Why not Roti ko
the object of the Statical bacha.e ?

“ But dauio. aya " hastened to the spot (with an object in view) ”

^ The repetition in pare pare or para para indicates continuitv.

* The hu,e could not be omitted, vide {k).

^ Pare hai is probably the old Present tense (common in proverbs) and not a
Statical ; it is so used by Ohalib. Sir George Grierson tells me this is still in use in
the Dakhin.

STATICAL AND SOME OTHER PARTICIPLES IX HINDUSTANI

(8) In Sikamdar ko mare hu.e hahut ^arsa giizrd the participle mare
is not an adjective agreeing with Sikaiidar. It is a verbal noun with a
post position understood, and is presnniably not a Statical, as it clearly
does not suggest temporary state.

So, too, in ‘'nwrat ko irahn jdie hu.e (not jdfi Jiu.l) (Jar lagtd hai
“ the woman is afraid to go there or while going there ’.

(9) Note that kitnb ko lige d,o come in the state of carrying the
book " suggests that the addressee is in possession of the book, since
the Statical participle is in past time, but leted,o suggests “ get it and
bring it ". The difference is slight.

The Statical suggests lifeless or subordinate objects, and for such
is preferred to the Conjunctive Participle, as ; Bachche ko god me lige
hu.e (not so good lekar) d,l “ she came carrying the child ”, but hap
ko lekar (not properly lige hu.e) dgd he brought his father with him”.

(10) The uninflected Past Participle of intransitives may indicate
general state, as ; Ma'i ne ek chirigd marl hu.i dekhi “ I saw
a bird dead ” ; mal is hotel me thahrd {hu,d) hd " I am staying in this
hoteP ” ; gird rahtd hai “ it remains in a ruined state ” ; soya aur
mu.d hardhar hold hai “ a sleeping man is the same as one dead
In mdrd phirnd " to wander aimlessly ”, mdrd is from a transitive
verb : yih ‘'au rat mdrl phirfi hai “ this woman wanders about aim.-
lessly Vide (b).

In forming the ordinary Infinitive compounded wdth this past
participle, the participle is not usually inflected Statically as in the case
of the present participle, thus bachd-rahnd, thahrd-rahnd. daurd-jdnd,
etc. (and .seldom bache rahnd, etc.).^ However, if the Infinitive is used
as an Imperative, the participle must be inflected, as : Gundh se
hache-rahnd “ avoid sin ". The reason is that in this case turn has
to be understood and the Participle must therefore be plural.

(6) (1) As in Hindustani the Present Participle indicates an act
in progress, certain English Present Participles have to be rendered
by Past Participles. These are treated as adjectives, and like the
example in (10) above indicate general state, as : W’ahd para hai,
” it is lying (in a fallen state) there ” ; dargd charhd did hai “ the river
is rising up in flood " ; Mizdne me sau rupiga bachd rahtd hai “ the sum
of a hundred rupees remains lying in reserve in the treasury ” ; id kl
pahike bhdrl bhdri aur latkl hu.i hai " the camel's eyelids are heavy

^ Ma~ is hotel me hame'<hn thakarta rahn Iw^ " I have alwav'; been staying in this
hotel.'*

- Pure rahn't is, however, common.

Vor.. IV. PAKT I. t)

LIEUT.-COL. D. C. PHILLOTT —

and down-hanging ' ; iculi waha haiihd (hu.d) Jcai he is sitting
there ’d

(2) Before jdnd, ana, daurna. bliagnci. pkirnd and perhaps others,
the uninflected Past Participle of intransitive verbs of motion is
ordinarily prefixed, as : TJrd-dnd, hhdgd-jdnd, para pJiirnd “ to prowl
about ” ; phird pkirnd “ to patrol ” ; bkatkd pkirnd “ to stray, lose
one's way ” ; and mdrd pkirnd “ vide ” (10).

If the Present Participle be substituted, it forms a Progressive, or
may rarely be used for emphasis, as : Kubutar iirtd dijd the pigeon
came flying along or flying and not in any other way However,
fau'j barkfi ckall d,i and barki ckall d,l are the same.

Danrd-jdnd colloquially means simply “ to ha.sten with an object
in view ” (and not to go running) ; ma~i isteskan talc daiird gagd may
even be said of a person driving : but mai isteskan tak daurtd gam
“ I ran all the way to the station Qdsim daurd daurd dyd “ Qasim
came hurrying along ”, but daurtd daurtd dyd “ came running ”.

(c) (1) The verb jdwrt may be a source of ambiguity, as besides its
use in forming Intensitives and Progressives, it may retain its literal
meaning. In Bagla niackkU ko ckdch me dahd,e liye-jdtd kai, the verb,
means, “ is carrying off ” ; ivuk h'lstd jdtd tkd “ he kept on laughing
or he was laughing as he went along ” ; is ko kiye jd,o “go on doing
it as before, or do it before you go, or be in a state of doing it as you
go ” : is ko kyu ckkore jdti kai “ w'hy art thou (fern.) departing and
leaving this behind thee ? ” ; sun-jd o “ hear before you leave ”, but
mai isko parktd ka turn sune-jd,o ; z«ra rdsta hatdtejdnd “ just show me
the way as you go along, or before you leave ” ; d,o bkd,i baifko,khdnd
kkdtejd,o “ comrade come and eat with us and then continue on your
way ” ; kar-jdnd “ to do before going ” ; kak-jdnd “ to say on
departure” ; u'uk ckitfki likkld gayd kai “he was wuiting when he
went (or he went on wuiting)

Ap log ab andar die jd,iye means “ do you gentlemen kindly begin
to come in ”, or if there has been a block “ go on coming in ”.

Remark I. — Kkd-jdnd being an Intensive, you cannot say kkd-jdkar ■
but le-jdnd not being an Intensive has a Conjunctive Participle ^
le-jdkar.

Remark II.-An Urdu, as in English, there is frequently no
distinction between a Progressive and a Continuative ; “to go on

' But Rajfi haude me baithta hai “ the Raja always sits in the hauda ” Sir 0
Grierson, however, points out that the root meaning of baifhnd is not ‘ to sit
“ to be seated ”. **

== Neither the eonjunctive participle nor the past participle of intensives is in use.

STATICAL AXD SOME OTHER PARTICIPLES IN HIXDU&TAXI

doing a thing has much the same meaning as “ to continue doing
a thing ”. However, in such a sentence as “ The enemy continued to
retreat ”, a Progressive is obligatory in Urdu : dushman JiaHd gayd
(not rahd). “ To remain reading ” might refer to the reading of one
page ; but “ to go on reading ” suggests progression by turning over
the page or pages. So, too, when a continued or repeated act depends on
another continued or repeated act. Progressives are obligatory in Urdu,
as in “ He kept on dictating while I kept on writing to his dictation ’.

(d) Chalnd means “ to move to come into motion, to start ’, and
chale jdna " to go on moving ”. Here chale is a Statical, and the idea
of continuance is contained in the Progressive jdnd. Chald-jdnd is
“ to travel along, to go away, to go to a distance 'V chald-dnd
is “ to come alon" The Imperative Singulars are {tu) chale-jd
“ continue to go •” and {id) cJiald-jd “ go away ”. The plural of both is
turn chale-jd, 0 .

(3) Chalnd as a “serv'ile” means “to start, to begin”, as: Pani
par-chalu — pdnl parne lagd.

(e) Strangely enough, chald-jdnd like chald-dnd and hotd-dnd may
have also a Progressive meaning. Examples : —

Mat us par mittl dale chald gayd I went on piling earth on her.®
(or ddle gayd).^

Yih kahti chaU ga,'i * She went on (continued) saying

this.

Bele hi bete hote chale ® jdte hal Nothing but boys kept on being

born to him.

Yih dastur qadlm se hold chald this custom has come domi from
dyd hai ancient times.

Tab se anyrez mu^alUni us since then English teachers h.ave
rnadrase me hote d.e hal always been appointed to that

college.

Do shikdrl kutte daure chale d two hounds are just now coming
rahe hal towards us at a run.

Dharnd clene-icdld mere plchhe the man who i.s dunning me is
lagd chald did hai closely following behind.

^ ilai raste me chald jdtd tha and Is pec ki jare diir tak cliall jdft hai .

" ‘‘ Went on in a state of casting.’’ Chald-gaya does not here mean “ went away
® From a story about an Arab who was burying his daughter alive.

* But yih Icahtl kuj chall ga,i she went away saying this Yih hahkar chaU
ga^i “ she said this and then went away The difference between these two is really
slight.

® Pincott, p. 166.

LIE LT. -COL. D. C. PHILLOTT —

Bhlr harhfi chaU jafi hai ^ tlie crowd keeps on increasing.

Pan! kheto me barha chala ata hai tlie floods keep on rising in tke

fields.

Men mahabhat is hirki se hetj kl my affection for this girl has
si hofi d.i always been like that of a

daughter.

if) Prefixed to verbs of seeming (such as ala'll inn hond, dikhdj
dend, nazar and) the Present Participle u.sed adjectively indicates
possibility or likelihood, as : Bechdra hachtd nazar nahl did “ I don't
see any likelihood of the poor thing surviving " ; ivuh hachtd nazar
dtd hai he seems likely to recover " ; ^ tjih tadhlr hantl nazar nahin
dtl “ this plan does not look like succeeding " ; ijih chdl chaJtl dikhd.i
nahi detl “ I can't see this move, this trick, coming off ".

(g) The Present Participle inflected adverbially,® when prefixed
to bannd or ban-dnd expre.=ses ability.^ as : Mujh se khdnd khdte nahl
bantd ® “ I cannot eat my dinner '' ; becharl larki se chalte nah'i bantd
‘‘ the poor girl can't walk " ; is fiharl jo nirdll chhabl hai, kahte naM
bunfi * “ the strange beauty of the moon at this season baffles
description ” ; tnnjhe yihi kahte hu.e han-dtd hai ki icah uUd kd pathd
hai “ all I can say of him is that he is a young owl " ; hd.e turn se kaisd
jdtc bantd hai “ ah ! how can you bear to leave me ? '’

(k) (1) An intransitive adjectival Past Participle {hu.d not
admissible) prefixed to jdnd and d7u~i give an idea of imminence,
indicating that an action is about to begin : —

Wuh dyd jdtd hai he is about to arrive.

Yih dlicdr girl jdtl hai the wall is threatening to fall.

Darya charhd dtd hat the river is beginning to rise.

Mai tujhe hhidd-jdtd hh I was nearly forgetting all about

you.

Mai be-dani hu,d jdtd hct I'm on the point of losing my

wind."

Bimdr achchhd hu.d jdtd hai the patient now promises to

convale.sce.

1 Piiicott, p. 103.

2 It will be noticed that thi& u^e may be aftirmative as well as ne"ative
Can this be a Statical

* Compare ilujh se khnnn khnyrt-uahl-jfitn ; mujh sr rhda iirihl jrar,. Atso the
constnirtioii Y ih daricuza mere Ihole -e iinhi khidln.

'■ Bant! fern., because of rhhatr.

- .Sir George Grier.son suggest.s that j'liiel and ana are here sifters of hnnrl " a 1
equivalent to it, which would explain thi.s idiom. ’ ‘

! But mni he-dam hold ji'itn hu " I am <:radually getting out of breath ”

STATICAL AND SOME OTHER PARI'ICIRLES IX HIXDUSTAXI

Turn hyfi ghahrdj juti ho
Piyds se dam niJcld jd rahd hod
Mai thaile me yh usd jdtdjiti

\v}iy are you (fern.) getting angry ?
I shall soon die of thirst.

I am just going to get into the
.sack.

(2) A similar meaning may he given by parnd. as ; Dlicdr yin
pnrtl hai — yirl jdtl hai : shlra uhJd paifd hai " the syrup threatens to
boil over ; hddd parna " to threaten to jump ".

(i) A transitive Past Participle, inflected like a Statical, comeys
some such idea o^ imminence when prefixed to the verbs dend. lend,
ddhid and possible some others, as ; --

Mai turn se J:nhc-detu ^ hd hi

Iliidhiid. — Is hd ndm hahe-detd
hai hi —

Khdnd Id.e detd hd ^

Mai bhi diye-deld hd
Merd lahja merl qidoM hhole detd
thd

Kau’itr hechdrl hd tnhrd chhliie
lete hai

Mai us se liye-leid hd

Mai apne ''iizrdt pesh hiye detd hd

Ghord rassl tore-ddltd hai

Is hat hlfihr majhe nidre ddltd hai

Bdyh ho nds hiye ddltd hai
1 ih (jhar mujhe hale hhdtd hai

now I'm ju.st going to tell you
(in confidence, or warning, or
in passing), that —

The Hoopoe. This name suggests
that (it is taken from its cry).

T am just going to bring dinner.^
I, too, am just going to subscribe,
my (foreign) accent every
moment threatened to let the
cat out of the bag.
the crows are trying to rob the
poor little girl of her bread.

I am ju.st going to take it from
him.

I am just going to present my
e.xcuses.

the horse i.s in the act of breaking
loose.

an.xiety about this matter
threatens to kill me.
he is about to ruin the garden,
this house oppresses me (with its
painful memories).

Rernarh . — Such compounds are used in the I.mited Provinces, but
are not usual in Bihar.

(j) A comparison of the following will sh.ow the fine distinctions
of time that may be expressed by the participles -

1 But kdh-deta hii " I tell you outright or once for all
- But khnnii Id-detd hTi I'll go and get dinner
^ Inless retined speech lata ku or layd.

I.IEUT.-COL. D. C. PHILLOTT —

(i) Pucfihkar a,o “ go and inquire and then return There may
be a considerable interval bet%veen the two acts.

(ii) Puchh-a.o “ inquire and return quickly There is practically
no interval of time between the acts.

(iii) Pftchhe-d,o “ inquire and return immediately ’’ (i.e. return
while still in the state of inquiring).

{k) There seems to be no rule for the insertion or omission of
hi{,d. In chaltd (hu.d) kdr-khdna “ a thriving business and martd
(hu,d) hjd na kartd “ what w ill not a dying man do ”, the hu.d may he
optionally inserted after the adjectival participles. So, too, it is
optional in Mul ne u.-; bastl me hijli girii {hu,l) or girte [hu,e) dekhi
“ I saw a thunder-bolt fall in that hamlet ”.

It is omitted when the Present or the Past Participle is rejieated.

It is oniitted before a postposition.

With the ])repositions Inn and ba-ghayr it is optional, whether these
precede or follow the participle.^

The hii,d can always be omitted, if the omission causes no
ambiguity or does not sound awkward.

In chalte hu,e begam ne kahd the example near the end of (n) (5),
the participle is used as a verbal noun,^ and not an adjective. The
omission of ku,e would at least sound awkward.

(1) (1) When in English a Present Participle qualifying a nouu
indicates an action in progress, or a temporary quality, it may he
rendered in Urdu by a similar participle, as : Bhdgtl hu~i fawj “ the
fleeing army ” ; lartd ke jnrhhe hhdgtd ke dge ® “ a laggart in fight, a
leader in flight, in the rear of the fighters, in the van of the fleers ” ;
martd kyd na kartd ^ “ what will not a dying man do ? ”

(2) If, however, it indicates an innate quality or a habit, it is
expressed by the noun of agency, especially in the case of transitives
as : Gosht khdne-ivdle jdntrar flesh-eating animals ” ; jugdti karne-
wdle jdnvar “ animals that chew the cud ” ; mere ihsdn karne-wdle
d'jst ne kahd “ my benefacting friend said ”.

BoUi hu,i maind or bolne-irdll maind are, however, both correct
for “ a talking maina ", but the latter is preferable.*

^ The post-position ke in such instances is omitted.

2 It is often supposed that the hu,a conhnes the participle to its adjectival use

2 The noun “man” and “men” is under-stoorl, as the participles here are
adjectives. You cannot say marie (or larte) ne kaha. These two examples are perh
exceptional phrases. "

‘ Sir George Grierson suggests that there is a shade of difference between the t
the former really signifying “ a chattering (or loquacious) maina ” and the latt
maina who is a speaker (i.e. who can speak).” ®

STATICAL AND SOME OTHER PARTICIPLES IN HINDUSTANI 87

(m) A curious construction occasionally met with in the Panjab
is the use of the Past Participle with Jiu,a after the Agent, as : J yydm-i
jairdnl me Jaitte tie apne aqd hi hhidmat hi Jiu.i tJil aur ma’^riha he shikar
mare hu,e (he “ in youth the dog had served its master well and killed
a goodly rjuantity of quarry : us ne chitthl lihhi hu,i hai “ he has
already written the letter

This is incorrect in good Urdud

(n) It is hoped that the notes given above will prove of practical
value. They are, of course, open to criticism.

^ So, too, the Panjabi construction of putting the subject of a simple passive verb
in the accusative, as Usko mara-gaya, Usko qatl kiya gciyiiy however, is correct, in
Modern Urdu.

BENGALI BALLADS
By W. Sl’ttox Page

/^X the occasion of a wedding, a piija, or any other festival, it is quite
a customary thing for a well-to-do man in Bengal to engage a
hithak or a pahckali or ijdtra party to give a performance or a series
of performances in the courtyard of his house, where a considerable
portion of the population of the village a.ssemhle.s as an audience, and
sits, often right through the night, li.stening to .song and .speech, dialogue
and story. It is for the most part by means of such performances that
a knowledge of the myths and traditions of Hinduism is preserved in
the mind.s of the illiterate mass of the population of Bengal.

In the jjdtrd. which usually represents scenes from Hindu
mythology, the players are men and boys, dres.sed and made-up to
suit the parts they play. There is no attempt at sceuerv or stage-fittings,
and the action is interrupted at frequent intervals by the master-singer,
or some other member of the party, who comments upon, and points
the moral of the story. There is. of cour.se. a certain amount of spoken
dialogue, but the most attractive feature of the piitrfi is the singing,
which is accompanied by a ban<l of musicians. In fact, the performance
is in a crude fashion operatic rather than dramatic, and it is upon
the songs and the music that the attention and criticism of the
audience are mainly concentrated.

Besides the ydlrd parties there were also at one time, though they
are now e.xtinct. bands of minstrels called hthiiiulds who worked up
the operatic element in the palms into a separate class of songs, usually
describing incidents in the life of Krstm.

The pahchdli was given its present form by Ddmrathi Rap, who
was born in 1804. It is very similar to the kabi type of performance,
from which it is distinguished mainly by the peculiar Icind of doggerel
in which the songs are written. The song, or pahchdU proper, is inter-
spersed with choruses sung by a party of singers accompanying the
leader. In the kabi and palichdli performances, though they are
.‘-emi-dramatic, no costumes or disguises are used.

Still another class of entertainment which includes a ballad-
element is that provided by the kathak, or professional story-teller.
People of this kind are mentioned in the Rdmdpana, and numbers of
katkaks are still to be found in Bengal. The kathak tells in vernacular
stories from the Srlmadbhdgavata, the Rdmdpana. or the

prose

W. SUTTON PAGE

Mahabhamta, and his narrative is interspersed with songs, sung
sometimes by himself, and sometimas by a party of singers
accompanying him.

The kathak is generally a Brahman, and the leader of a pahrhftU or
ycitrd part}' is, nowadays, at any rate, a man of more or less education.
But, besides these there are to be found in many villages, especially
in Eart Bengal, parties of quite illiterate mimstrels. The bead of each
of these parties is called a ydi/nn, and the members of the chorus of
eight or ten men led by hinr are known as pnile {== pulijid. from pula,
turn or song). These (jnijans and pdiles may be either Muhammadans
or Hindus ; many of them belong to the Namaiddra. Ilarl. Dorn, Jcle,
Pdlanl. or other low castes. They ply their ca.ste trade or occupation
by day. and at night are engaged to sing their songs in some house in
the neighbourhood . Most of them are amateurs, and receive no payment
for their performances, beyond an ample supply of pan and tobacco.
Profes.sional parties are sometimes paid a sum fixed in advance,
generally about ten rupees for one performance. In some cases no fixed
charge is made, but each mendjer of the audience is expected to con-
tribute a few pice in return for the entertainment. The money thus
collected is called pehl in East Bengal, and phird in M’est Bengal.
The songs of the pdile party are sung to the accompaniment of cymbals,
drums, violins, and nowadays the harmonium.

The songs are of the ballad type, and consist of material that has
been handed down by word of mouth from one generation to another,
suffering change, no doubt, upon the way, but, nevertheless, preserving,
as the ballad doe.s in all countries, most valuable information about
the life a^ thought of earlier ages. The original authors of the ballads
are o^rti unknown, though sometimes at the end the “ signature ”
of ibe author, or at least of the reputed author, is given in the same way
as in the songs of the Vai.pfava padakarttds. But whoever the authors
may have been, many of them were without any considerable
knowledge of letters, and it is safe to say that until the present centmy
mo.st of the songs sung by these pude parties had never been committed
to writing.

In these more sophisticated times the entertainments given by these
rustic minstrels are going out of fashion, and there is real danger of
the songs they used to sing being lost as (jciyan after gdijan dies without
passing on his material to any successor. Fortunately, however,
Dr. Dineschandra Sen, to whom all students of Bengali literature are
already so much indebted, has turned his attention to the subject, and

BENGALI BALLADS

is doing something to rescue this invaluable material from oblivion.
In this he has had the help of a young man named Chandra-
kumiiT De.

Chandrakumar was born in a small village in the district of
Mymensingh. His only education was received in an elementary
village school, but he had a true poetic instinct and early realized the
value of the rural songs of the Gayans. Some magazine articles written
by him on the subject brought him to the notice of Dr. Sen. with the
result that in 1921 he was appointed by the University of Calcutta
to make a collection of these songs under Dr. Sen's directions. He has
travelled all over the countryside, with great perseverance in the face
of great obstacles seeking out those who remember the old ballads.
It has been the exception for him to find one man who knows a whole
poem ; he has had to piece the songs together bit by bit as he has been
able to recover them from the lips of one and another with whose death
they would otherwise have been lost for ever. The firstfruits of hi.s
labours are to be found in two volumes prepared by Dr. Dlneschandra
Sen.i One of these volumes contains the Bengali text of eleven ballads
recovered by Chandrakumar De, and in the other volume Dr. Sen has
given an English paraphrase of the ballads. This paraphrase (it is not
strictly a translation) gives a very inadequate idea of the charm of the
original, as, no doubt, Dr. Sen himself would be the first to admit.
In particular it does not reproduce the artless simplicity of the ballads,
which are composed in the Bengali of the people, and have nothing in
common with the Sanskritic vocabulary and the artificial style of such
poets as Bharatchandra.

The metre throughout is the common payar (8-6-S-6). The social
customs and religious outlook reflected in the poems are very different
from those of orthodox Hindu society. This is particularly noticeable
in the freedom with which youths are represented as making love to
maidens of an age at which the daughter of an orthodox Hindu fandly
to-day would be safely married and hidden away behind the parda.
Glorification of the Brahman priesthood and sectarian propaganda
are conspicuous by their absence. Astrologers and soothsayers are
caricatured and ridiculed and the caste spirit is very little in evidence.
The explanation of all this is probably to be found in the fact that the

’ Eastern Bengal Ballads, Jlymensing, Ramtanu Lahiri Research Fellowship
Lectures for 1922-24, in two part.s. Compiled by Dineh handra Sen, Rai Bahadur,
B.A., D.Litt. With a foreword by the Earl of Ronaldshay. Published by the
University of Calcutta, 1923.

W. SUTTON PAGE —

area in whicli these poems had their origin ^vas for a long time very
little, if at all, affected by the Hindu revival under the Sen kings.

This part of the country developed and for many years maintained
a distinctive culture of its own, in which one may trace three main
elements — old Hinduism,, as distinct from the Hinduism of the Hindu
Revival, Buddhism, and an aboriginal element contributed by the
Koches, Garos, and other non-Hindu tribes who are still to be found in
large numbers in this area. It is this old-world culture and outlook that
is reflected in these ballads.

One of the most charming of the ballads tells the story of
Chandravafi and Jai/dnanda and their ill-fated love, a story which i?
still known and sung in one form or another all over Eastern Bengal.
According to the signature at the end of this poem it was composed
by Naydnchdnd, probably Naijdnchdnd GJios, who is said to have lived
in the beginning of the seventeenth century.

Chandravafi herself is an historical character. She was the daughter
of a Brahman called Bcuitsidas, who about 1575 wrote a Manasdr
Bhasan or Manasdmahgal in the composition of which Chandrdmti
herself collaborated with him.

Perhaps the best way in which to give the English reader some idea
of the charming simplicity of the poem will be to give an English
translation of some parts of it. Xo attempt has been made to rhyme
the lines as in the original, but the metre has been reproduced as far
as that is possible in English, and the version seems to be nearer both
to the spirit and to the meaning of the Bengali poem than the more
prosaic paraphrase of Dr. Sen. The poem opens in dramatic form.
Chandravafi, who may be thought of as a girl in her 'teens, has come in
the early morning to the edge of a tank to gather flowers for her father
to use in the worship of Siva. There she meets the youth Jaydnanda,
who is also gathering flowers.

Chaxdr\v.\tT

■Who are you who break the branche.s.

You who pluck the blossoms
Of the chain]);! and nagesvar,

Growing round this pond, sir ?

JayInaxda

There is your home, yonder iny home ;

'Twixt them flows the river.

Tell me. maiden, why you gather
Garlands of the jasmine.

BENGALI BALLADS

ChandravatT

I have come this morning early
Here to gather flowers
For mv father, when he worships
In the shrine of Siva.

The poem now assumes a narrative form.

So they pluck the choicest blossoms
Pluck the scarlet jab/l.

Jaycutanda gathers flowers.

Lays them in her basket.

Many kinds of flowers they gatlier

Marigolds and champds

And the choicest jasmine blossoms,

Mallikii and mdktii ;

And they jfluck apardjild
And the fair dtnsi.

Gather all the flowers and blossoms,

Light and happy hearted.

One by one, as days fly past them,

Every morn and even

Thus alone they gather flowers,

With no eye to see them.

While the maiden Chandrdvatl
Plucks the jasmine blossom,

Her companion Jaydnanda
Bends the branches downward.

Till one day she gathers flowers,

With them weaves a garland.

On the neck of Jaydnanda
Throws the garland gaily.

Jaydnanda writes a letter
To the maiden Chandra,

Writes a letter on a flower-leaf,

Just a little letter.*

In his letter Jaydnanda

Tells his heart's great longing—

“ Ever, ever plucking flowers
You are weaving garlands
On the garlands you have wo\ en
All alone I’m weeping.

Darksome grows the blossomed bower
When you leave me, maiden.

1 In the original an epistle of two and a half letters ”.

\V. SUTTON PAGE —

All I feel I dare not tell you.

Dare not tell you, maiden ;

All my secret love and longing
Words can never utter.

Stern and pious is your father,

High and holy-minded,

You. his daughter, Chandruvafi
Are his precious treasure.

I, an orphan live all lonely
In my uncle’s homestead.

How can I pour out my secret
Tell you all my longing ?

From the day when fir.st I saw you,

Saw your face so moonlike.

From that day I walk distracted,

Maddened by your beauty.

What is in your heart ? 0 tell me.

Tell me truly, maiden.

All I have to you I offer,

If yourself you give me.

From to-day with you I’ll gather
No more flowers and blos.som3.

Distant lands I seek, 0 maiden,

Far away I wander.

But if you to hope would bid me,

Write to me a letter ;

At your feet, a slave, 0 maiden,

I will stay for ever.”

At their next meeting Jaydnanda hands the letter to Chandravati
and she ties it in the corner of her sari, and when her father is busy in
the w'orship of Siva, praying the god to send a worthy bridegroom for his
daughter, she hides herself in her room to read the letter, weepin"
tears of mingled joy and sorrow. She vuites a reserved and nom
committal answer ; she is but a girl, and what can she say ? But all
the while she is praying to the gods to grant her Jaydnanda as a
husband. She sends her reply to the youth, but does not herscdf go any
more to the pond to meet him or to gather flowers, but contents her-
self with those growing in the courtyard of the house. Meanwhile
a ghatah or match-maker, calls on Bad, sidds and proposes Jaydnanda
as a suitable bridegroom for his daughter. The astrologers are called
in, and after consulting the horoscopes of the two youna people and
examining their palms, they soleimJy declare that a happier marriaae

BENGALI BALLADS

was never indicated by the planets — a rather bad miscalculation in view
of the subsequent course of events. For meanwhile Jaydnanda has
seen a beautiful Musalman girl at a bathing //Acft on the bank of the
Eiver Sioidhd. and, forgetting all about Chandrdvatl, has fallen so
completely in love with her that for her sake he gives up home and
caste and all.

The news reaches CJiandrdvnfi ami her father only on the very ev'e
of the day fixed so confidently by the astrologers for her marriage.
For many days to all around she seemed like one turned to stone, but
lu'ght after night she spends in weeping over the tender memories of
the past, and her shattered hopes. In course of time fresh offers of
marriage are made on behalf of one youth after another, but she
declares that she has \’owed she will never wed.

Marriage olfer.s come in plenty
Come from many places ;

Bamsidas sits gravely iiondering
One by one these offers
But the maiden Chandravatl
Speaks thus to her father,

" In this life I'll never marry
I will die a maiden.

All my thoughts I give to Siva ;

At his feet I'll worship.

Father, grant me sorrow stricken,

This request I proffer.

So the father grants her prayer
Saying to his daughter,

“■ Worship Siva. In his service
Write a Rdmuynna." *

One day there comes to Chandravatl, as she is busy with her worship
of Siva and her work on the Rdmdyana, a messenger bearing a letter
of confession and penitence from Jaydnanda, who begs for a last sight
of her before he goes to meet his death. She consults her father and in
accordance with his advice replies refusing to see the youth. But later
he comes to the Siva temple, where she is meditating and praying and
calls to her to open the door. Absorbed in the trancedike devotion of
yoga, she does not hear him ; so he takes the red blossoms growing
beside the temple and with their juice writes upon the temple door
this farewell letter ; —

1 The Ramayana of t.'handramti i.s still in existence. It has never been printed, but
it is widely known amongst the women of the Jlymensingh district and a manuscript
copy of it has been secured for the Library of the Calcutta University.

BKXGALI BALLADS

■■ Playmate of my happy childhood.

0 my youth's companion,

Chandravaft. grant me pardon.

For the wrong I did you.

Since you could not grant the prayer
Prayed by one so wicked

1 to you. my ChaiulidvaH .

Bid good-bye for ever."

Chandirivftll reads the me.ssage
Written by her lover.

And she deems the shrine polluted
By the sad in.scriptioii.

In her arms .she takes her pitcher.

Walks down to the river.

There to bathe and make atonement
In the holy waters.

Weeping, weeping ChatuhavuH
Walks down to the river
As the mighty tide inrushing
Brims the banks before her.

To the riverside all lonely.

Lonely comes the maiden.

There the corpse of Jaydnnnda
Floats ujron the water.

Ah. how fair he was to look on I
Moonlike in his beauty I
Like a full moon floating sadly.

Floating on the water.

And without an eyelid's flicker
There all speechless stood she.

As in trance she gazes on him
By the silent river.

" All our laughter, all our weeping.

Is a dream," sings Naydnchand.

■ ‘ Ah ! the sorrow of each bosom
How can others understand ? ’’

It is to be hoped that Dr. Sen will be able to carry out his intention

of giving us still further specimens of these delightful ballads for a art

altogether from the information they give of many vanish^ or fTst-
vanishing phases of Hindu life and thought, they are in themselv '
worthy of a high place in Bengali poetry, and in the treasurt™!f IT
ballad literature of the world. ^

A SELECTION FROM THE T UXG SHE BY CHOU TZU
Y’rriL COHMENTABY BY CHU HSI

Tianslated from the Chinese with ex[,lanatory notes bv
J. Percy Bruce

Chou Tzu's Text

lie Jl

m A 2.

II.

iif!

. a 2,

ill

III.

it 11 ft, ^ jE

, M Wt

IV.

tllo

lie

- m - z

aH it=

^ # tHo iS ^ 1

tii-.

VI.

ISK ^ Mj

M Z

VII.

tfe # tilo e i

If. ^

Truth I

I. Triitii ' is the fuiichimental attribute of the Saint.

II. It i.s said. “ Great is tlie Principle of Origin indicated hy Ch'ien,^
from it all things derive their beginning " ; here Truth is presented to us
as it is at its source.

III. It is said, " It is the law of Ch'ien. by its changes and trans-
formations to impart the Xature and Decree in their perfection to
each individual thing ' ; here Truth is presented to us as it is in its
accomplishment.

IC. Thus Truth, in its beginning and in its consummation, is
the pure and spotless, and the supremely good.

Therefore it is said. " The alternation of the negative and positive
mode.s is what is termed Moral Law : the eltlu.x v hich ensues is Good-
ness ; the resultant entity is the Xature.

\ I. The principles of Origin and Development are the procession of
Truth, the principles of Utility and Potentiality are its retrocession.

VII. Great is the Yi ! ^ Here is the true source of the Xature and
the Decree !

von. IV. i'.n:r r.

J. PERCY BRUCE —

U Chu Hsi's Commentary

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$ 3t +o ^ a :§: Md

1. Tmth is the absolute reality, entirely free from falsity. It is thit
perfect ethical principle imparted by Heauen and received by tlit‘ creature
All men possess it, but the saintliness of the Saiiiti.sbecau.se he alone can
embody it in its completene.ss. Note ; This work and the Diagram of the
Supreme Iltimate are mutually explanatory ; what in the latter is termed
the Supreme Ultimate is here termed Truth.

2. These two sentence.s are cited from the Yi * to illustrate the preceding

statement. The hexagram represents the perfect Yaiiq, It.s meaning

is strength, the distinctive attribute of Heaven. The passage defines the
Principle of Origin which is the law of Ch'Mt, and whence alfthing.s derive

A SELECTION FROM THE t’cNG SHE BY CHOU TZU

their beginning, as the princi])le of reality which flows like a river from its
source, and is imparted to man. This is what in the Dingmni is termed the
energy of the positive mode.

•3. This quotation also is from the Yi.^ The Decree is Truth as imparted
by Heaven, the Nature is that same Truth as received by the creature ; ®
and because, as the passage .states, owiuR to the optu-ations of CFi/'n every-
thing receives the Nature and Decree in their ])erfection. this principle of
reality becomes the controlling principle in each individual thing. This is
what in the Diagram is termed the inertia of the negative mode.

4. What Heaven imparts and what the creature receives is the ultimate
princijile of reality which is absolutely good and pure.

5. Also cited from the Yi.’’ The negative and ])ositive modes are the
Ether and pertain to the material, but that which causes them to alternate
is a principle and belongs to the immaterial. Horal Law is a irrinciple.

The expre.ssion. “ the efflux which ensues " refers to the moment of
the emanation of the Ether before anything is formed ; and the statement
that this is goodness refers to the moment when the operation of Law has
begun, but before there is any resultant entity. The statement is a
description of the positive mode — Truth at its source.

The expression, “ the resultant entity'’ refers to the individual being
after it is formed ; and the " Nature ” is Law as it is after it has become
the inherent principle in that individual being. The statement is a
description of the negative mode — -Truth in its accompli.shment.®

6. Yilan, Heng, Li, Cheng, the principles of Origin, Development,
Utility, and Potentiality, are the four attributes of Ch'ienP The term
“ proce.s.sion ” refers to the going forth of Truth and its impartatioutothe
creature, and corresponds to the “ goodness which en.sues " of the preceding
section. The term “ retroces.sion ” refers to the reception of Truth
and its assimilation by the creature, and corresponds to the “ resultant
nature ”. These four principles are the nature-principles of the Five
Agents represented in the Diagram.

7. Yi means interchange or alternation. Just as the diagrams of the
Yi Ching and the varying positions of the individual lines in each hexagram
are due to the interchange of the strong and weak lines, so the interchange
of the Two Modes and the cou.sequent all-pervading operations of the
principle of reality throughout the universe, so that the Nature and Decree
are both imparted to and received by the creature, originate in this Yi
or Flux.*^

Notes

The Author, Chou Tun-i, whose literary name was Lien-hsi, was the founder of
the Sung School of Philosophy, of which Chu Hsi was the final exponent. Lien-h.si
was born in the year a.d. 1025. At the age of 30 Ch'eng Hao and Ch’eng I became his
pupils. These two brothers handed on the teachings of their Master to posterity in
two works which they edited and which are still e.xtant, the one a diagram entitled

100

J. PERCY BRCCE —

The Diagram of the Supreme I'ltimate, with a monograph entitled The Diagram of the
Supreme Ultimate Explained, and the other Tung Shu, also called Tung 1 Shu, or
The Complete Interpretation of the Canon of Changes (ride J. P. Bruce. Chu Hsi and
His Masters, chap. ii). The selection here given is from the latter of the two work.s.

Bothworksarepublishedine^fcnaointhe.S>Hpoai«»io/Piii/o.so;,Ay{<|^ Jl[|

or in the Tti'sest (*1^ Jj| ^). The TTinjf <SA« has been translated into French by

Ch. de Harlez (L'Ecole Philosophique Moderne de la Chine), and into Cerman by
Wilhelm Grubc (Tung-Su de-s Ceu-tsi, 7nit Cu-HVs Cnmmentare, etc.).

^ The word here translated Truth is the same a.s that which in the Dnrtrine

of the Mean is translated by Legge as Siii.-eritj-. Kii Hung-mmg, however, in his
translation of the same work, adopts the rendering Truth. It i.s to the teaching of tins
work, the Doctrine of the Mean, that Lien-h.si refers, and particularly to the jiassage in
chap. XX, 18, which Ku translates thus : ” Truth is the law of (lod. Acf|uircd truth is
the law of man. He who intuitively apprehends truth i.s one who, without effort,
hits what is right, and without thinking understands what he wants to know ; whose
life is easily and naturally in harmony with moral law. Such a one is what we call a
saint or a man of divine nature.” (Ku Hnng-niing. Conduct of Life, p. .37.) Compare
also chaps, xxii and xxvi of the classic (ibid., pp. io, 47).

^ Ch'ien is the first of the .si.xty-four he.xagrams in the t 'anon of t 'htinges. Composed
entirely of the undivided, strong lines it is symbolical of Heaven as one of the Dual
Powers. Earth being represented by K'un, composed entirely of the divided weak
lines. In Chou Tza’s Diagram it is represented a.s the male element in nature. (8ce
Chu Hsi and His Masters, p. lob.)

2 By both Grube and do Harlez ” Yi ” is understood to refer to the cla.ssic of that
name, the Canon of Changes, as in the closing sentence of the Tai Chi Tu Shuo
(Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate E.rplained). in which it is undoubtedly the cla.ssio
that is referred to, and I have my.self so translated it m Chu llsi and His Masters,
p. 131. Here, apparently, it is not the classic but the Yi itself that is meant, as i.s
maiiitently the ease in the sentence following, where the Ti, Change or Flux, is said
to be the " source ” of the Xatiireand Decree. Chu Hsi here e.xplains Yi a.s though
referring to the Yi it.self, whereas in his commentary on the T'ai Chi Tu Shuo
he definitelv states that the word there refers to the cla.ssic.

^ Yi Ching, Imperial edition, bk. i.x, f. 1 ; Sacred Books of the East, vol. xvi, p. 213.
s IT Ching, Imp. ed., bk. ix, f. 2 ; Sacred Books of the East, vol. xvi, p. 213.

6 Chu Hsi elsewhere (in the says ; " The source is one, the river llowiiig

from the source divides into streams and rivulets” (-ji^ J3| bk. i, f. 18),

■So the one Absolute Reality is embodied in individual men and things.

' Yi Ching, Imp. ed., bk. Xiii. f. 14 ; Sacred Books of the East, vul. xvi, pp. 3,70-0
* Thus the sentem e, ” The alternation of the negative and positive mode.s is what
is termed Moral Law,” applies to both the statements which precede it, the one con-
cerning Truth as it is at its source, and the other as it is in its accomplishment ; while
the sentence, ” The efflux which ensues is goodnes.s,” explains the former of tfic.se two
statements only, and the sentence, “ The resultant entity is the Xature,” the latter
Hence there are three .stages in the evolution of the individual being, the source the
process, and the result. The source is Moral Ijiw, the principle which causes
the internal alternating movement in the Absolute. The resultant is the Xature which
is the law of existence inherent in the individual being. The process is the efflux
from the Absolute Being ensuing upon it.s alternating movement, the nexus betw
the source and the resultant entity. And this efflux — immanent and alkpervadiim
creative and traii.sformin.g, life-giving and life-sii.stamiiig— 1 „ wdiolly goodness ■ ' the"'
is no other Force at work in the evolutionary proc-ess but simplv goodness

» ITiaii, //«»!/, Li, are the first four words in the y,

the four attributes of Heaven as symbolized in the Ch'ien hexagram ning h’"'

A SELECTION FROM THE t’uNG SHU BY CHOU TZU

]01

meanings, “ beauty ” (ti) and ‘'development ’ (^). Here the latter meaning is

uppermost. Li is utility in the sense of adaptation to the end for which a thing is
intended. °

That is. Truth returning upon itself in order to realize itself in the individual

being.

^ iz. Love. Righteousness, Reverence, and Wisdom.

It has been shown that the sentence in the I / Ching, " The efflux which ensues
is goodness,’ expresses the all-pervading operation of Heaven's Mural Law. and its
impartation to the creature ; this is the Decree. The sentence. " The resultant entity
is the Xature, refers to the reception of this same principle bv the creature and its
embodiment in material form ; and in this aspect of it the principle is termed the
Xature. And since this principle, which in the one <’ase is called the Decree and in the
other the Xature, is the emanation which ensues upon the interchange (T^) of the
Two Modes, the 1 i is said to be “ the source of the Xature and Decree ",

Chou Tzu's Text

II.

III.

IV.
V.

VI.

VIL

VIII.

m T

m, ffii E

Z '€ Z M
m jfii Id ^ -IE iTii m m -t&„
-11 S tr. ^ a® ^ -tllo ^1! ES M lii,

ifx M au

M ^ iTri tf H.

irri m, is m m.

ft 0 - H ® E m If, ^ T 15
t: M.

Truth II

I. Saintliness may be expressed in the one word, Truth.

II. Truth is the root of the Five Cardinal Virtues and the source of
all the Subsidiary Virtues.^

III. Truth in repose is unknowable ; - it is when it is active that it
becomes cognizable.® In re])ose it is simply the ultimate, the principle
of rectitude : but in activity it becomes luminous also and can be
intellectually apprehended.

IV. The Five Cardinal Virtues and all the Subsidiary Virtues, if
Truth be absent from them, are nothing ; they are perverted, obscured,
and obstiucted.

V. Truth, therefore, is without effort.

102

J. PERCY BRUCE —

VI. But though in itself most easy of performance, in practice it
is fovmd to be difficult.

VII. If, however, it be grasped with resolution and firmness, all
difficulty disappears.

VIII. Therefore it is said, “ If for one day there be the nrastery of
self and the return to right principle the whole Empire will be restored
to the practice of Love.” *

Chu Hsi's Commextauy

1. M A ± LT ^ jH: » M rfff a m m

A @ liLo

2. A 1^0 t 31 m 1? M . HL Vr ± ft i!l, n

ft M :5: ^ Ulo K TB Jl'J S 1?;

^ fSo M W fT 1t|f

^ wj m If:] ^ n m -&0 B M ^ m m m z

M So ^ ift ffii 1^0 M # M jlfc M ^ -ULo W

hT .a ifff Bi ;t >ff 3fo is m m IE M Co Wj

m m mm m ^ ^ ^0

4. ^ M a'l a: s w n ^ mM m ii m ^

^ ULo ifff ^ jEo ik Mo m m T- m Bo ik
Ho H ':Mc

5. m I'] ^ Ji & itt — Wo ^ f# S Mo tfff

^ 4* it ^o

G. ^ m n Boik ^0 A m ^ ;to ik Bo

7. ^ m m ± iko m m m ^ ik :t ^ ^ m,

j}'] A ^ ^0

8. ^AB^ZomitiAaoAT;iSiii!L,

pT ' * H rfff ifeo ^ M A T to i 51

:zm mim

1 . What makes the saint to be a saint is neither more nor le.s.s than the
perfect embodiment by him of this principle of reality, which in Chou Tzii’s
Diagram is termed the Supreme T’ltimate.

2. The Five Cardinal Virtues are love, rigliteousness, reverence, wisdom
and sincerity, the nature-principle.s of the Five .Vgents. The subsidiary
virtues include such virtues as filial and fraternal devotion, lovaltv and
fidelity, and correspond to the myriad forms in nature. When the principle
of reality has full play the Five Cardinal Virtues are perfected and tlie
subsidiary virtues are cultivated.

A SELECTION' FROM THE t’l'NG SHU BY CHOU TZU

103

3. When there is inertia there is the negative mode. But Truth in
fact i.s never non-existent (icn). The word wu is used to express the state
in which Truth is not manifest When energy takes the place of inertia
then there is the positive mode. This does not mean, however, that Truth
then comes into existence, but that Truth then 1)ecome.s cognizable ; and
to expre.ss thi.s the word ijii is used. When Truth is in the state of inertia
and unknowable (« w) it i.s .simply the ultimate princ iple, the principle of
rectitude ; when it is in the state of energy and cognizable (yu) it is
luminous and can be intellectually apprehended.

•i. Without Truth the virtues have no reality. As has been said,
“ Without Truth nothing can exi.st,” ® Applying this trui.sm to the state-
ments of the preceding paragraph, to be in repose and without rectitude
is to he perverted, to he active and at the same time non-luminous and
inapprehensihle is to be ob.scured and obstructed.

5. Where Truth exists ail the natural principles of rectitude are pre-sent ;
not one is lacking. Thus, in their operation there is no need for thought or
effort, but spontaneously and naturally they accord with Moral Law.^

6. Tlie principle of reality i.s .spontaneous and therefore easy of
performance, but it is ca])tured by human perversity and so becomes
difTicult.

7. Resolution is determination in action, characteristic of the positive
mode : firmness is steadfa.stness in deei.don, characteristic of the negative
mode. With the courage born of determination and the strength born of
steadfastness human perversity has no power to rob us of that spontaneity
of action which is the natural property of Truth.®

8. To put away one'.s own selfishness and follow after Divine Law is
the most difficult thing to achieve in the goveimment of the Empire ; but
if for one single day, at the very springs of government, there is
determination in its acconqvlishuient, the result will be no less than the
re.storation of the Empire to the practice of Love — so free from difficulty
will the task become through resolution and firmne.ss I

Notes

' Lit. “ the hundred varieties of conduct.”

^ Lit. “ non-existent.”

® Lit. “ existent."

■* See Analects of Confucius, xii, 1.

‘ When Truth is in the state of inertia and unknowable it is in the state of pure
being {ride Grube, T’iing-Su des Ceu-isi, p. 13). Ch'eng I says, Though the eye may
not be seeing and the ear not hearing, the faculty of seeing and hearing are there, and
when they do see and hear they are the same eye and ear as when in repose ; it is not
that when in repose they have ceased to be ” gg ^ bk. ii, f. 10).

® Doctrine of the Mean, xxv, 2.

^ Chu Hsi says elsewhere, ” MTien it is said that Truth is without activity the
meaning is the same as in the passage in the Yi Ching, which, referring to the I'i

104

A SKLECTIOX from the T L'XG SHU BY CHOU TZU

(Change or Fiux), says. ‘ It is still and without movement.’ ” ( YiChing, Imp ed bk

XIV f. !,■}; Sacred Books of lU Ea^UTc,\.xxi,y.Z~0). Although the principle of relhtv

in Its operation comprises both movement and rest, its essential substance is without
activity S '}z bk. ii, f. 13). Ch’en Pei-hsi illustrates thus ; The ordinary
man is like a traveller who needs to keep his eyes on the track in order to walk in the
centre. The Saint is like the man who does not need to use his eves in this way, but

naturally strikes the middle of the road JJg ^ bk. "ii. If. 1 (_(«' ’

; Ghu Hsi adds (in the ft f^) : “ Realizing how easy of performance Truth is
in Itself we shall be resolute in the practice of it ; realizing how difficult it mav become
we shall be steadfast in our firmness of purpo.se. With such resolutencs.s- ami
firmness what difficulty can there be ? ■' ^ ^ j f

SOM?J REMARKS OX IXDIAX MUSIC
B}' S. G. Kaxheke
I

rUSIC is the natural expression of man's feelin.^s. It expresses the
sublime and beautiful inherent in man. It comes spontaneously
to all persons in all conditions at all times and in all countries, “ The
very fact of musical utterance,’’ says 8ir Hubert Pariv, “ implies a
genuine expansion of the nature of the human being and is in a varying
degree a trustworthy revelation of the particular likings, ta.stes, and
sensibilities of the being that gives vent to it.”

* * * *

Music has been in great favour with the Hindus from the earliest
times. Even the Vedas (the Hindu scripture.s) treat of this divine art.
The enormous extent to which the Hindus have cultivated this science
is proved by their attainment in it. But, unfortunately, the master-
piece on this “ science and art combined the Gandharva Veda, is
lost, and references to it in Sanskrit literature alone remain to point
to the essential principles on which the Hindu science of music w'as
based.

* if * *

In India, like all other sciences and arts, music was developed to
the full seven notes, even to half and quarter notes, ages ago. India
led in music, instrumental and vocal, as well as in dancing and in
drama.

ilany Westerners labour under the i<lea that Indian music is nothing
but mere noise. That there is no rhyme, no rhythm, and no harmony
in it. But if they experience a little, if they have patience and if they
lend a sympathetic ear, they will find that there is rhyme, there is
harmony, and that it is a highly developed and systematized art.

* * * *

There are several books written on Indian music. The olde.st authors
of the existing books are Xarad, Bharat, Hanuman. These sages have
built the system on the scanty material they found in the Gandharva
Veda, which is lost. The Xatyashastra of Bharata belongs to the fifth
centurv a.d., the Sangit Ratnakar of Sarangadeva belongs to the
thirteenth, while Sangit Parijata of Ahobal Pandit is as recent as
belonging to the eighteenth century. Quite recently there have been
several books by Indians and by Europeans in English and in
vernacular languages.

106

S. G, KANHEKE —

There are two principal systems or schools of music in India. One,
the Dravidian or Kamatic system, and the other, called Hindusthani
school. The first is confined to the south and east, while the latter to
the north and west of India. The Karnatic is quite pure and unaffected
by any foreign influence, the Hindusthani school has gone through
many phases. It is chiefly dominated by Persian music, which had
been introduced into the land by Mohammadans. As a result of that
influence its original purity is lost to a certain extent, yet in the style of
songs (compositions) known as Dhnxpad, Dhamar, Prabandha, etc.,
one may still find the pure Aryan (Hindu) style. The Karnatic .system
is based upon Hanuman school, the Hindusthani xipon that of the
Bharatmata. The two systems differ in some points, i.e. in scales, in
parent scales, in names of the Kagas, in distribution of Shruti
intervals ; both are trying, however, to accept what is good from each
other. The Karnatic system pays much attention to the strictness
of time-measures, while the Hindusthani is keen on melody. This
article is concerned with the Hindusthani system as it stands at the
present time.

* ♦ ♦

The Sanskrit term for music is “ sangit ”, which is a collective term,
embracing three arts — vocal music, instrumental music, and dancins.
Vocal music, being the chief among the three arts, commands the title.

There are seven primary notes. Shadja, Rishabha, Gandhara,
Madhyama, Panchama. Dhaivata, Kishada. The abbreviations of
these seven notes used for sol-faing purposes, are “ sa, ri, ga, ma.
pa, dha, ni ”.

The group of these seven notes is called Saptaka (octave). The
human voice being capable of singing in three octaves, the three
saptakas are named mandm (lower) ; madhya (middle), and Tar
(higher). Every Indian instrument can produce these three octaves
easily.

These notes are equivalent to : —

c d e f g a b

sa ri ga ma pa dha ni

Out of these seven notes the sa (c) and pa (g) are shuddha (pure)
or Achala (immovable) ; that is they are neither sharpened nor
flattened. The rest of the five notes, ri, ga, ma, dha. ni (d, e, f, a b)
can be modified, flat or sharp. The ma (f) becomes sharp when modified'

SOME REMARKS ON INDIAN MUSIC

]07

while ri, ga, dha, ni (d. e, a, b) become flat. The shuddha (pure) scale
is the same as the European major scale from sa to sa (c to c).

There are partial tones called shnities between these notes. The
subject of shnities is complicated, and artists and scholars have
disputed over the number and distribution of these shruties. The
generally accepted number is twenty-two, and their distribution is : —
sa ri ga ma pa dha ni

c d e f g a b

4 3 2 4 4 3 2

The measurement of these shruties is that two shruties make a
just semi-tone, three a minor-tone, and four shruties make a major tone.

There are three Gramas (collection of notes) with seven Murchhands
(string of notes) each, and jutis (mode). The idea about the Grama,
murchhand, and jdti belong to the past. The present system has
discarded these distinctive features of the art. In olden times the
Grama showed a group of notes, the Murchhand gave the lowest note
of the string chosen from the Grama, and the Jdti gave a character to it
(mode).

The present method had been practised several centuries. It has
been evolved out of the confusing mass of Grdma, Murchhand, etc.
The line of demarcation between the present system and the past lies
in the Shadja timing, which has superseded its rival the Dhaivat
tuning. It requires no acquaintance of shruties, or their distribution.
It requires the correct knowledgeof the order of major and minor tones
in every scale. The -yhad ja or sd (c) is the basic note ; the starting point
of all scales, and all other notes rise relatively in proportion.

The Gramas were three in number. Shadja grama, Madhyama
grama, and Gandhara grama. The Gandhara grama is sung only in
heaven, the sa and ma gramas are sung on earth. The difference of
shruti intervals make the difference of grama. The intervals of sa-
grama are : —

sa ri ga ma pa dha ni

4 3 2 4 4 3 2

c d e f g a b

Now, if pa (g) is lowered by one shruti and dha (a) is raised by one,
that makes Madhyama-grama. The intervals of Madhyama -grama
are : —

ma pa dha ni sa ri ga

4 3 4 2 4 3 2

f g a b c d e

108

S. G. KAXHERE —

This Madhyama Grama in shadja grama equivalents will be
sa ri ga ma pa dha ni
i 3 4 2 4 3 2

c d e f gab

In adjusting the notes of the iVIadhvama Grama, the pa (g) i.s to be
lowered by one shruti : the interval between ma (f) and pa (g) is of
four shruties. This is a major tone and quite a wide interval. The
lowering of pa by one shruti gives the measurement of one shruti
therefore this is called the Pramdm-shnili.

Both Shadja Grama and Madhyama Grama have seven notes, but
the intervals are different. To compose a melody in either Grama a
certain range must be selected out of the string of notes. This act was
known as the choice of Murchhana. The Murchhand was a scale,
distinguished by its lowest note. Each Grama having seven notes to
the octave, each had seven Murchhanas.

The use of these Gramas and Murchhanas shows that there was no
system of drone. At present they have the drone of sa (c) and pa (g),
or of sa (c) and ma (f). and all scales are made to start from sa (c). It
is an easy method of making so many scales of different varieties.
It saves the trouble of finding out the Grama, then the Murchhana
and then the Jati.

* * * Jjc

Many Indian instruments of Vina-type are having frets to them.
Those which require no shifting of the frets are called Achala
(immovable). But some have fewer frets which are shifted and adjusted
according to the requirement of the Raga. Instruments of this kind are
called cJiala (with frets movable). The frets are fi.xed. as a rule, in this
way. The open wire on which the melody is played is tuned to the pitch
of perfect fourth ma (f). The open wire gives the shuddu ma. The first
fret gives the ma (f) sharp. The second fret pa. The third and fourth
dha flat and shuddha ; the fifth and si.xth give ni flat and shuddha.
The seventh fret gives the sa (the tonic c) of the middle octave. The
eighth giv-es ri shuddha and the ninth ga shuddha. Ma (f)
shuddha and sharp have separate frets. The twelfth fret gives pa (g).
Fret Nos. 13, 14. 15 represent dha, ni. and sa. This sa (c) is of
higher octave. Nos. 16, 17, 18 give the notes ri, ga, and ma of
the tar saptaka (higher octave). These frets of the chcda instruments
are slipped up and dov n as required. To sharpen the note given
by a fret, the wire is pressed hard behind the fret, or is dragged
to one side to heighten the tension of it. An interval, however minute

SOME REMARKS ON INDIAN MUSIC

109

it may be, sharp or flat, can be produced on any fretted instrument.
Xot only that, but sometimes the artist can produce a note, two or
three notes higher than a particular fret should give. Thus, by dragging
the wire on sa fret, he can produce ri or ga or even ma (f). This action,
mend as it is called, gives another charm to the music in that it glides
from one note to another without a break. The effect of this is graceful.

Instruments played with the bow, generally have no frets. The
fingering of these instruments is absolutely guess ivork. Bv stopjiing
the wire, as on the violin, they produce a tone, hoivever minute.

The instruments of Snndi (e.g. oboe or flute) type, have no con-
venience of this kind. The degree of sound is got by blowing it
hard or soft.

*****

The notes separated by thirteen or nine shinties are said to be
consonant notes. This amounts to saying that sa and pa (c. g). ri and
dha (d, a), and ga and ni (e, b). are in con-sonance with each other. The
ma (f) is a perfect fomth, and is in consonance with sa (c) in downward
series.

The Svaras (notes) are divided again into four varieties. The first
is called Vddi, the speaking or prominent note. The second is called
snmvddi, or the consonant note with the Vddi. These two notes have
the interval of nine and thirteen shruties between them. Xotes between
which the interval is of two shruties are called V ivddi (conflicting or
discordant), and the rest are called Anuvddi or assonant with the Vddi.
*****

III

The most distinguishing feature of Indian music is the svstem of
Eaga. The word Eaga is derived from the .Sanskrit root Runj. to colour.
In the language of music the arrangement of notes which colour or
affect certain emotion of the mind is called Eaga. The definition of
Eaga given in Sanskrit books is '■ that a particidar combination or
relation of several notes tvhich is pleasing to the ear is called Eaga '.
Many conflicting explanations of Eaga given by different scholars
converge to the same centre, i.e. the pleasant effect of the arrangement
of notes. Here we may argue that an arrangement of notes which is
pleasant to one person may not be so to the other. But the writers
on the subject have devoted their powers and able pens to the
popularizing of the most difficult and complicated theory of music
and have built up a most elaborate and ingenious system.

110

S. G. KAXHERE —

We have a fanciful list of Eagas and Raginies, and their large and
ever-increasing family.

These Eagas are sung at definite times and hours of the day or
night. Some are sung in particular seasons. Some have received their
names from the name of the country, such as Kalingda, Multtini. Some
are named after their inventor's names, such as " Miyakfi Malhar ”, etc.

Leaving aside the innumerable local Eagas, if we take only those
which are in practice at the present time, and recognized all over the
country, they will number about two hundred or so.

It will be a hard and tremendous task to remember every scale
which separates one Raga from the other. The arrangement of notes
which gives a Raga its character is called That, or the array of notes
If we take about ten scales (althougli many more can be formed)
and treating them as parent scales, they will cover all the Eagas in
practice. The classification under different scales is a matter of con-
venience for the student of Indian Eagas, and it is not based on any
natural musical laws, nor has any ancient authority to support
it. One scale will serve as a parent scale from which many Eagas
can claim their origin. And this is the origin of the mythology which
gives the census of so many thousands of Eagas and their wives and
sons and daughters. I need not repeat here that these scales were
buift in olden times on the Gramas and Jaties. The ten typical parent
scales are

1 ], Bilava 1 ; 2, Kalyan ; 3, Khamaj ; 4, Bahirav ; 5, Purvi ;
6, Marva ; 7, Bahiravi ; 8, Asavari ; 9, Kafi ; 10, Todi.

Bilaval, the first scale, is formed by

sa ri ga ma pa dha ni sa

cdef gabc
All notes shuddha (natural).

The Kalyan scale requires only sharpening of ma (f).

sa ri ga ma pa dha ni sa

c d e f# g a be

When the ni (b) the sixth note, lowered by a semi-tone, it makes
the third scale, the Khamaj.

sa ri ga ma pa dha ni sa

cdef g a bb c

1 This classification and the detailed description of !he two Easras is taken from
Mr. V. N. Bhatkhande’s book entitled “ Hindusthani Sanj,dt Paddhati".

SOME EEMARKS ON INDIAN ML'SIC

111

The Bahirav scale requires ri and dha (d and a) flat.

sa ri ga ma pa dha ni sa

c db e f g ab b c
Adding sharp ma (f) to the Bahirav scale will make the scale of
Purvi, the fifth scale.

sa ri ga ma pa dha iii sa

c db e ff g ab b c

The scale of Marva has ri (d) flat and pa (g) silent,

sa ri ga ma dha ni sa

c db e f# a b c

The seventh scale of Bahiravi has all notes flat, the sa and pa
(c and g) are unchangeable of course.

sa ri ga ma pa dha ni sa

c db eb f g ab bb c

On the pianoforte if the scale from e to e played, using only the
white keys, will make the scale of Bahiravi.

The eighth scale Asavari, has the ri shuddha (d), the rest of the
notes are those of Bahiravi.

sa ri ga ma pa dha ni sa

c d eb f g ab bb c

Altering the dha (a) from flat to shuddha in the Asavari scale, makes
the scale of Kafi.

sa ri ga ma pa dha ni sa

c d eb f g a bb c

The tenth scale is a typical scale of Todi. It is very hard to sing, as
it has peculiar intervals. It is formed with ri, ga, dha (d, e, a)
flat, ma (f) sharp, and ni (b) shuddha.

sa ri ga ma pa dha ni sa

c db eb f# g ab b c

These are the ten parent scales. Several Ragas are derived from each
of these. The derived Ragas must differ in some respects from their
parent scale, as well as among themselves, otherwise they cannot be
distinguished from one another. But there is a musical affinity between
the parent scale and those coming under that scale.

Under the Bilaval scale come Ragas like Bihag. Kakubh, Durga.
Ragas like Hamir, Kedar, Kamoda, Shyama, Chhayanat, and
others come under the scale of Kalyan.

Under the Khamaj scale come the popular Ragas like Zinjoti,
Tilang, Tilaka -Kamoda, Jayjayvanti.

112

S. G. KANHERE —

Bahirav scale takes under it Ragas like Kalingda, Jogi. Ramkali,
Bibkas. Lalit, Gunakri, etc. The Purvi scale offers its scale to the
Eagas like Shree, Jetashree, Gauri, Puriya-dhanashree, etc. The Marva
scale covers Eagas Hinddl. Puriya, Panchama, Gaud Panchara.

The Bahiravi scale is used for playing Eagas like Malkos, Janglii,
Dhanashree, etc.

The Asavari scale is a very popular scale. It has Eagas under it,
Jivanpuri, Gandhari, Deshi, etc. The Kali scale cov'ers Eagas Suha.
Bhimpalas, Saranga. and the like.

The Todi scale is difficult to sing, and the Eagas under it are of the
same character. They are Gujari, Multani. etc.

*****

The following method will show how different Eagas spring up from
the parent scale.

The scale of Bilaval is ; —

sa ri ga ma pa dha ni sa ni dha pa ma ga ri .sa
c d ef gabcbagfedc
Omitting the ma (f) in ascendance will make ; —

Alliya Bilaval

sa ri ga pa dha ni sa ni dha pa ma ga ri sa
cdegabcbagf edc
Dropping ma and ni (f and b) both in ascend and descend will
make : —

Deshkar

sa ri ga pa dha sa dha pa ga ri sa
cdegacagede
Omitting ri and dha (d and a) in ascend will make : —

BihAg

sa ga ma pa ni sa ni dha pa ma ga ri sa

cefgbcbagfedc

I shall give, for example, a Raga or two in full. Raga Bihag
comes under Bilaval scale.

The scale of Bilaval is the .shuddha scale. It is this ; —
sa ri ga ma pa dha ni sa
c d e f g a b . c
The scale of Bihag is the same as Bilaval, but it is pentatonic in
ascendance, and with all notes in descendance. The ri and dha are
omitted in upward course. The scale will be : —

sa ga ma pa ni sa ni dha pa ma ga ri sa

cefgbcbagfed c

SOME REMARKS OX IXDIAX '.U '^IO

113

This Bihag is a night-siuig Bag. and every artist kno\vs it. Tlie
^^adi note is ga (e) and Samvadi is ni (b). The Vadi note is the most
frequented note in the melody. Although all notes are employed in
the downward course, however, the ri and dha (d. a) are very weak.
These two notes, if not u.sed exactly as they should be. the Bihag will
lapse into Bilaval. its parent-scale. The singers, while descending, sa ni,
dha pa. ma ga, ma pa ma ga. ri sa (c b, a g, f e. f g f e, c) linger a little
on notes ni (b) and ga (e) and soften the effect of or weaken dha (a) and
ri (d). Bihag has its individual character, and it is not difficult to
distinguish it from the other Ragas of like character. The characteristic
phrase of Bihag is ” ga ma pa (e f g). ma ga (f e), ri sa (d c) ". This very
phrase may be used in many other RAgas, but in ‘-ma ga (f e), ri sa
(d c) , the ga (e) will never tolerate itself to be a halting point except in
llihag. The absolute omission of dha and ri (a and d) in the descending
series of Bihag. will allow many shades of manv other Ragas to
intrude.

Sa ni (c b), pa sa ni (g c b), pa (g) ga pa ga (e g e), sa (c)." is the life
and soul phrase of a famous Raga skankurd, while ■■ j)a ga (g e). pa ga
(g e). sa (c)," is common in both shankard and muhtshree. There are
many other device.s to separate these two Ragas from Bihag. But
being Hepta-tonic in descendance, the Bihag should be ex 2 )ressed bv
its own figure. The frequent phra.se which characterizes Bih<Ag is
■■ ga ma pa (e f g), ma ga (f e). ri sa (d c) ". Shankard, with no ma (f)
in it at all, and )iidkisJiree. \vith .sharp ma (ff) in it. will separate them-
selves from Bihag.

The Aroha (ascend) and Avaroha (descend) of Rihag are very simple
and easy. They should be sung ni (b) .sa (c). ga ma pa (e f g). ni sa
(b c) The ni (b) being the Vadi note, should be used very frequently.
And the use of ni (b) is remarkable, and worth .studying. It is a charming
place when the singer makes a halt on the ni (b). ■' Ala ga (f e). sa ni
(c b). pa ni (g b), sa (c)." “ 8a ni (c b), pa (g). ni sa (b c) ni pa (b g).
ga ma pa (e f g), ga ma ga (e f e), ri sa ni (d c b)." Repeated jjractice
of this phrase is essential if one i.s to sing Bihag successfully. The time
allotted to sing Bihag is the second watch of the night.

Alany artists employ sharp ma (f) in Bihag. The sharp ma (f) does
iiot become a destructive element in the night-sung Ragas ; especially
in those which take ga and ni (e b) .shudda. The sharp ma (f) does not
become antagonistic if used properly as a di.scordant note.

Another example may be given of Raga Paraj, which is under
Purvi scale.

voi. IV. lAirr 1

-i. C. K'ANHERE —

The scale of Piirvi is ; —

sa ri ga ma pa dha ni sa

c clj7 e f# g ab h c

The scale of Paraj is exactly the same. The principal ilitfereiice
between Paraj and Piirvi is that the latter is manifest in the lower tetra-
chord, while the former is in the higher. Paraj reveals itself in its
descending movement. The Aroha and Avaroha (ascend and descend)
are regular. Some artists prefer to pass over the ri (d) in ascend. The
higher tonic rules supreme in Paraj and therefore it stands as a \'iidi in
the Raga. Paraj requires a tact in .singing it. It should be sung after th(‘
Purvi style. The frequent phrases of Paraj are “ ni sa ri ni sa (b c d b c).
ni dha pa (b a^ g), ma pa (f# g), dha pa (ab g). ga ma ga (e f# e)
Care must be taken that not a single note in the descending counse
should be slurred. Paraj is very similar to VasanUi. A tiny phrase.
Pa dha ni (g ab b), dha ni sa (ab b c), ni dha pa (b ab g)," will establish
the character of Paraj. This Raga is not of an imposing character, and
therefore it should not be sung slowly. If one stops a little on the higher
tonic and then sweeps the notes “ in dha pa (b ab g) this action will
reveal Paraj at once. The ascending .series of Paraj is ni .sa ga ga
(bee e), ma dha ni sa (f ab b c), .sa ri ni ."a (c d b c) and ‘‘ ni ri ga
ri .sa (b d e d c), sa ri ni sa ni dha pa (c d b c b a g) ". Some artists use
ma .shuddha (f) very ingeniously. Great .singers intentionally show the
pa (g) with special emphasis in the a.scend of Paraj. But it is not vein-
easy. The figure “ ma dha ni sa (f a b c) ", is common to both Paraj and
Vasanta. But it can be substituted by “ ma dha sa (f a c) ", or ma dha
ri .sa (f a d c) in Vamnta. In Paraj the " ma dha ni sa " (f a b c) is
so swift that the listener can hardly think of Yasanta.

Having no imposing character, this Raga has all .songs of frivolous
character. If sung slowly, or slurred in the downward course, Paraj
will tend proportionately to Vasanta. Great artists do not sing
this Raga unless they are asked to do so. The lower octave is sea reel v
entered in Paraj.

The Raga is extremely popular, and very ea.sy to sing. It is sung
ju.st after midnight. It is a kind of junction Raga. All Ragas that are
sung after Paraj take shuddha ma (f). until the Todi Raga comes to
the field. Todi is sung in the morning.

* * * 5|5

Ragas can be divided in four groups. Sampurna or Hepta-tonic,
employing all notes of the octave ; ,%adava.. or Hexa-tonic, employing
six notes : Audava or Penta-tonic. of only five notes ; and Sankfrna

SOME REMARKS OX IXDIAX MV.SIC

115

or inixecl, sometimes called Asampunia (imperfect), i.e. .some notes
may be omitted either in ascent or descent.

The scales of different Ragas given above are not strictly correct,
but only the nearest approach. They are not stated in their exact
intonation. For instance, the ri flat (dl?) given fortheEaga Bahiravscale
i.s flatter and should be called Atikomal ri. The ni (b) of Bihag is
stated to be shuddha, but it is, in fact, sharpened to a point midway
between shuddha ni and sa. The sharp ma (f) of Todi and that of Paraj
are not the same. The ni (d) of Deshakar, and that of Bhup are not of
the same pitch, although both are said to be shuddha. But this is the
question of intonation. By no means the equal temperament will suit
Indian music. Able writers, like Mr. Clements and Mr. Fox-Strangu ays,
have written valuable works and the reader should refer to them in
this connexion.

* :is * sfr

It will be noticed from the list of the Ragas above that each group
re\;eals a distinct characteristic and ne can see the musical affinity
which brings the Ragas in each group together. This classification is
based, of course, on practical theory rather than on any ancient
authority.

*****

The songs are composed in several different styles. The principal
v'arieties are Khyal, Tappa. Dhrupad. Dhamar. Trivat, Tillana,
Gazel. Hori, Thumari, Chataranga. etc.

Khyal style is very popular, and one that affords an extensive
field to the artist to improvise numberless figures and graces of the
Raga he is singing. The original .song is short and will be sung in five
or seven minutes.

Tappa is like Khyal. but its movement is not so manly as of
Khyal. It is sung with many small figures.

Dhrupad is a type of composition most vigorous. It i.s sung in the
metres (Tld) like Chautal, Dhamar. Burfak. etc. This must be sung
with great strength and sustained breath. They have a saving that a
man with a strength of a lion can sing Dhrupad. The Dhrupad style
gives a great scope to the drummer to show his art.

Dhamar — a composition of Dhrupad type, but the metre is
necessarily Dhamar. Perhaps the name of the metre is given to the
song. The rhythm metre is very difficult and coniplicatcfl. The rest of
the styles are not verv important, but they are sung for the
momentary effect.

116

K. K.VXTIERK —

Every song has two sections. The first section is called Astai, and
tlie second the Antara. Traditional Dhrupad has three or four sections ;
they are called Astai. Antara. Abhoga, and Sanchari. Ev'erv section
occupies a different part of the octave. But all come to join the Astai.

The Hori, Chatarang, have many sections. But the sections of
Hori all have the same tune, except the first.

Orxamext or Grace

Indian music is full of ornaments which are essential to a svstem
which is based entirely on melodic principle. These ornaments are
several in number. The text books give a long list of them, of which
the principal ones are as follows : —

AlnjKtnn or This is a kind of prelude to the song. The .“inger,

before he starts his actual song, sings some free airs without time
measure : these free airs arc only improvi.«ations practised on the
Raga he is going to sing. In this action some meaningless syllables are
employed, such as ta. na. de, re, na, a, la, etc. These snatches are
quite e.xtemporized, still they must be or are in .strict accord with the
Raga. These free snatches prepare the audience to listen to the Rafoi
in which the song is composed.

frino.- This is a most favourite ornament, and it shows the skill
and training of the artist. The word Tana is derived from the Sanskrit
root Tan, to stretch, or to extend. A long string of notes, of varying
degree, ascending and descending, is sung to any vowel a or i whicli
happens to be the ending vowel of a word in the song. The time
is marked by the drummer. This and other ornaments start after
the whole song has been once gone through. Small Tanas, composed
of three or four notes, often find their place in the original song
But the elaborate structure is built up after it is sung once. The soim
is merely a skeleton, and the arti.st is free to decorate it with as many
ornaments as he can. And therein lies his .skill.

Jamjanur Minlci Ghnsil, ctc.~The,se graces mo.stly beloim

to instrumental music. ' ^

Jamjamd is a kind of trill. Two succe.ssive notes such as ji «
(d c), ma ga (f e). pa ma (g f), are repeated as often as the melodv-wiie
j)ermits.

Mmh and Gilakadi are practically of the same character \h,rk:
is a figure of three notes (successive) playerl vervquicklv and GUnhn V
with four notes. ' '

SOME REMARKS OX JXDIAX ML SIC

117

G/iatiit. — After striking a wire at a certain fret, the wire is gradually
stretched and then the finger is suddenly moved along the wire to
another fret.

Grui/ak.—A note is struck on a certain fret and a glide is made to
the next higher note of the .scale by stretching the wire gradually.

% ^ ^

T.lea {The Time-Me.asltre)

AVhat metre is to the poetry, Tala is to music. Tala is the strength
giving jierfect balance to the melody. To indicate the time-measure
clapping and certain motions of the hands are employed. There are
three degrees of speed in Indian music, Vilambita (slow), Aladhya
(mifldle, or moderate), and Druta (quick). Whatever the speed is
each Jrculd (measure) consists of a fixed number of units of duration,
called matra (unit). The time is measured in this way : —

.Vnudruta

{ matra (unit)

European equivalent
. semi-quaver.

Druta

. quaver.

Laghu

1 . .

. crotchet.

Guru

■)

. minim.

Pluta

8 .. .

minim and crotchet.

Kakapada

1 .. .

. semi-breve.

Each Ararla (measure or bar) has certain definite Vibhagas (parts).
(Jne of these Vibhagas takes principal beat, the others take secondary
beat, and .some no beat at all. The Vibhaga with no beat is called Kala
or Khali (empty). Principal beat is called hinm (strong accent), aiul
other beats are called simply Tiilas. The Sam must always be on the
Tala (beat) and not on Kala. The measuring of the number of matras
in each Vibhaga and in each Avarta is peculiar. Each Vibhaga (part)
of the Avarta (measure) is indicated by the clapping of the hands and
the rest of the matras of the same Vibhaga are recorded by touching
the left hand with a finger of the right hand for each matra. The Kala
or Khali (empty) is shown by throwing both hands in the air or clapping
the back of the right hand on the left. An example may be given to
illustrate this method.

The Tala called Tintal or Tital with sixteen matras. making an
Avarta which contains four Vibhagas.

] ... -1 ... 9 ... 13 .. .

X XX .\ 0

S a. KANHEKK

1-5-9 are the beats, which are shown by clapping both hands.
The 13 is an empty (Khali) beat, and is shown by throwing both hands
in the air, or by silence. The rest of the matras are recorded by fingers.
Xo. 5 is the strong accent ; Xos. 1 and 9 are secondary or weak.

There are a number of time-patterns. The most jjopular of them
are as follows : —

Tintal or Trivat 1 .

. 5

. . »

9 .

. 13 . .

Zampa

1 .

. .

« . 8

. .

It matras

0 X

(Surfak

1 .

. 5

. 7 .

9 .

Chautal

1 .

. 5

. 7 .

9 .

. X

0 .

X .

Dhamar

1 .

. .

6 . .

. .

1 1

Ada chautal

1 .

. 5

. 7 .

9 .

. 13 .

Deepchandi.

Zumra

when quick.

Zumra

1 .

4 .

. . 8

. . .

Tevra

1 .

4 .

6 .

Dadra

1 .

. 5

It will be noticed that Zampa and Surfak have the same number of
matras in an Avarta, but the balance and rhythm is different.

Dhamar, Ada chautala, and Zumra have the same number of
matras, but the accent is different. Deepchandi is the same Tala as
Zumra, but when the Zuraara is measured very quietly it is Deepchandi

There is a popular Tal called Dhumdli which has eight matras
Titala extremely quick will be Dhumdli. Another measure is called
Ektal, which has 1‘2 matras. with three beats. This Tala is emploved
in Khyal type songs.

The Khyal type songs are in the Talas, either Tital. or Zumra or
Ektal.

Dhrupad style songs are sung in the chautal. Surfak. Dhamar or
Ada chautal.

Classical songs of Khyal or Tappa style do not require clapping cf the
hands. The singer's whole attention i.s directed towards the elaboration

SOME REMARKS OX IXOIAX' ML’SIt'

119

of the Krtga. The style of the song is very slow, and the singer is guided
by the drummer, who gives warning of the strong, accented beat which
comes soon after Khali beat. This Khali beat is most important for the
singer on his way to the sam (strong accent).

There are many more most intricate measures, such as Rudra Tal,
Brahma Tal, Matta Tal. etc. But they are not popular, and also are
not in constant use. Their Avartas are constructed with great
complexity. The songs in these elaborate Talas do not admit of much
elaboration or embroiderv.

* * * * Ht

DrUM-MIXU

Drumming is an important factor in Indian music. Drumming is
an art in itself. Also it is an accompaniment to the singer or the
instrument. Drums are of two kinds- one is called Mridanga, and the
other is Tabla. The latter is a modern form of the former. The Tabla
is in a jjair with two separate heads, one positive and the other negative.
The left-hand strokes are nearly the same as the beats of the Tala,
and the right-hand strokes form the embroidery filling all gaps. To
effect this })urpose the time-measures are uttered u ith certain technical
syllables called Bols. On the stiut beat both hands are active, while on
the khdli beat the left hand is at rest. The drummer can show his skill
in momentary pauses the singer takes. In Dhrupad styled songs the
drummer has an extensive field to elaborate the time-measure in
e.xquisite fashion.

Following are the drum-phrases which are almost universal with
slight difference in syllables.

Drum phrase for Titala (matra Ifi) : —
na dhi dhi na na dhi dhi na na dhi dhi na na ti ti na

X XX X 0

Chautal (matra 12) : —

Dha dha dhin ta kita dha dhin ta kita taka gadi gina

XX Ox Ox X

Zumpa (matra 10) : —

Dha gi dha ki ta ta gi ta ki ta

XX x ( > .X

Dhamar (matra 11) ; -

Ka dhi na dhi na dha . ka dhi 2 ia ti na ta .

120

SOMK REMAKKS OX IXOIAX MfSIC

These are original Bols (phrases) of time-measures, but they are
filled in picturescpiely and enlarged in the course of plaj’ing. These
elaborations are called Parans. These Parans, some of them, are
traditionally handed down to the pupil by the teacher. Experts com-
pose them besides, according to their liking. The right head of the
Tabla gives the tonic note, while the left head .should give the lower
pa (g).

A Specimex Ixdiax IMelodv
Ratj Bhi/j).

.Ma-ni i ili-* H'-'t s-luuM.i.

KUUDISH SToniES FHOM MY COLLECTIOX
By BaSILE XlKITlNE

rpHE sturie.s published in this issue of the BuUetui are from the same
stock as the tale of Suto and Tato given in Vol. III. Part I,
which I had the good fortune to publish with the most kind help of the
late Major E. B. Soane, whose premature de.ath we have to deplore so
deeplv. The Kurdish in which our stories are written may be termed
the Central dialect of the Xorthern group according to E. B. Soane's
classification. The author. Molla Said Kazi of Kurdistan, was a learned
Kurd from Xahri. the capital of Shamsdinan. Indeed,, we see in the
text some characteristics which can only be met with in the Xorthern
group, such as the plural in hi. the termination rd, the preposition zlie
(from), which is only used in the Xorthern grouj) and replaces ht which
has the same value ii' the Southern group : and the preterite JidbR (he
was), which only extends as far south as Rawandiz whose dialect
is decisively Southern. But on the other hand, there are some
peculiarities wh'ch lead one to think that this Shamsdinan dialect is
not a pure Xorthern group dialect, but may present a transiti(,>n to
the Southern group. For example this dialect uses indifferently as
the genitive particle d and I ; it also makes indiscriminate use
i>f the preposition zhe or la. The.se. of cour.se. are only faint signs, but
one can hope that further careful investigations mav furnish other
proofs. Anyhow, we must remember that Molla Said was born in the
Xahia of Girdi. i.e. the most southward part of this qaza.

\V ere I allowed to employ the Kurdish terminology I would .say
that the texts of my collection belong to the Zhe baba " (or “ Guran ”
group), which is a nickname given by the '• Suran ". which are called
in their turn “ Korkore " . This Kurdish cla.ssification runs as follow, s.
All the Kurds are divided, in four groups ; (1) Lur, (2) Kalhur (both
in the Kermanshah and Aoramaii provinces), (8) Suran (from
Suleimaniye to Rawandiz. Ushnu. Saoudj Bulag), and (I) Guran (from
Agra and 'Amadiya to Diarbekir. Bitlis, and Baiazid). The name
Zhe bdbu is to be e.xplained by the frequent use of zhe (from) and zhl
(also), whereas the nickname " Korkore " would have its origin in the
frequency of the sounds ^-and r met with in the Suran group (lkid<ir<i.
hihvdija, veddra).

122

BAsILE XIKirrNE -

As in the case of Suto and Tato, there is no need to stress the
value of these stories as living us a vivid picture of the Kurdisli
uientality. Both robbers Razgo and Suleiman are called " /acV
chuk ’ (literally cir bonus : are not La,tin I'ir and Kurdish n/cr closely
related ?). How far is this Kurdish ideal from the Roman rir honu.i
nemini nocens vitam honeslatn vivens ! Still, the '■ Shaikh "
Suleiman who tries in his walk to molest no being, even an insect,
reminds one of the Buddhist monks who take somewhat similar
precautions, as I am told by Profeasor Gawroiiski. In the Russian
anecdotic " folklore we finrl also .similar details in a somewhat
indecent context. I chose the story of Mir Hassan Bek of Hakkari
(cf. my “ Feodalite Kurde ", RMM., vol. lx) as a specimen of what is
considered as wisdom in Kurdish folklore. As to the subject
itself, the most fascinating article of M. S. Stasiak (••' Le Pataka,"
Rocznik Orjentalisti/czni/, t, ii, 1919 24. Lwdw) shows how high may
be the interest of all details concerning the folkloric theme of birds
of good or bad omen. )Some grammatical notes are given at the end.
Being no longer able to devote myself wholly to linguistic studies.
I hope my readers will be indulgent to this amateur " essav.

1. Mam Rezoo, the A’'oi;xg Max and the Olo Oxe

Three or four years ago in the vicinity of Diarbekir there lived
an • outlaw and a worthy man, a robber called Rezgin. Tins is
what one day his servant told me about his master. On one occasion
we went off to rob on the high road and took shelter in a gorge to
roast a lamb we had stolen. We were forty men with Mam Rezgo.
Mam Rezgo went up to a hillock. looking out on to the plain with his
glasses. All of a sudden he catches sight of a youth coming up the
jdain, carrying a Martini rifle of a steel black. like the goat’s eves."
on his shoulder, and wearing two cartridge beltii with fifty cartridges
in each of them, one on his waist and the other acro.ss his breast. He
was wearing Diarbekir shoes, a “ pestek " > from Geri Moussi,- a coat
and trousers from Dehe, and a Mossul scarf and bands around his
head. He was holding his hand under his ear singing loudly as he
went, and the Shah would not be worthy to be his servant. Said
Mara Rezgo, “ Ye crowd of .servants, this man is either very brave
or else a fool. Let one of you go and strip him of all his belono-ingt;
For it is a custom with us to go out one by one while his comj)anio"ns

* Pestek,” a felt sleeveless garment.

* Xanie nf a village renowned for its “ pe-^teks "

Kl KI'l^H sroKIKS KKO.M MV CULLKCTIOX

123

Hie looking on. " !So one of the bcrvant.s dreM' nearer to the
vouth and shouted, '■ Ho-lo-lo." The other answered “ Ho-lo-lo
■■ Lay do%vn your rifle, your elotlies on it, take off your shoes, your
■ pestek ", garments, scarf and bands, and get away wlulst you are
safe.” The other only asked, "All right, shall I also take off my
shirt and drawers (" " Xo,” wa.s the answer, " we leave them for your
sake, " All these things were brought and laid before Mam Eezgo,
Again he looked do« n the valley through his glasses. This time there
came an old man. driving slowly a donkey, a torn " aba ” about his
shoulders, armed oidy with a sword and a shield. On he went driving
his donkey- Woosha. woosh -before him. Mam Eezgo ordered
one of his men to go and strip this one too. The servant shouted to
the old man, Ho-lo-lo.” and the old man retorted " Ho-lo-lo ! Oh
you, red spider, -s'iper's venom, what are you doing here like dogs T"
■■ Now then, hold your tongue. Hand over your donkey, your sword,
shield and aba. and be off ; save your life.” " When did you bring
to me your she-dog of a mother that I should give you all this L
The serv’ant loaded his rifle and took aim at Mam Kal, but the latter
did not wait and threw himself with his sword u)^on the servant,
giving him no time to fire. So he turned and fled. Mam Kal, taking
his beard into his mouth, was after him until in such manner they
reached our gorge. The servant came among us. Mam Kal went on
to the hill. We intended to help our companion, but Mam Eezgo
would not allow us. and said I do not accept. He said to the old
man. "Mam Kal, come and eat of our ‘"kebab ”.' ‘1 would not go
with the dogs on a carrion.'” The .servants said again to their
master. " Agha, let us attack him: he brought our dishonour. "
But Mam Eezgo agadi did not accept, and shouted to the old
man, " By the luck of Allah and his Prophets, come here. " Then
the other answered, " I am just coming ; it shall not be said that I
did not dare. " He approached with drawn sword and crouched down
on his knees facing Mam Eezgo ; " What is it you want from me : 1
am in a great hurry to go on my road.” " First ])artake of the kebab,
then I will tell you.”

He began eating the kebab, and when he had eaten of the kebab
Mam Eezgo gave him some of the things that had been taken from the
young coward, and added a dagger as a jue.sent from himself, saying
in the meantime. " Go in peace, you are welcome {lil. : ' You came
upon our eyes "). may these things be of use to you. you are worthy
of them, be they blessed to you.”

12 i

BASILK XIKITIKK -

^ ^ ^iSj U^jj

^ iS ^ j Li (_r^^ ^

Jij (S^ ci’-^

<1)_J>_ y^ S' ciL>-

,u .

U f “

jj J^'

<« V

• \ - - ^ ^ - ....

iji^ j^. ‘^'* iJ-S^-i

iSjSsj—^ y^ jj S* J-^

Cj S ‘^..'^ S(J^^ (^l"L; (_^-', jJ“^'

o-=^j Ji J-i cii- cL4 Si J^J jL«

^ b-ij ‘‘■^, -j^ ^ ‘i -^’ * *

S^^, J^.-^ y^ <^t*^i y>~ -^- iS^'

^ Jr i ft

j\^> ftj Cj _/1 ^ L-v-JJ; y, y.

jL ^S^CjS' S ij S''^ <^i-^

JT Ci^-^'. ^ j^. S\^ ^5^

S' <SJy^ iS^ S^~ W^-i ‘^*•^1 V* (J'^^

iJySjJi J*> b ^\y-^ JJ J*^ iSS'lSjSy^ C[j jU jl

(jb i ‘Jl-; Sy^j C^y^ y^ iJ~^j Jli LSdi,!’

i ^'J^L jij j,Sl^\ jVl^ Jr J

^ ''a ^-: -?' ‘'^ J>^' S iSj jL ;._.ji

Kl’RDTSH STORIES IROM MY C'OELECTIOX

125

j) jj ^L. jbl ^

“Ci^Ia

j ^ j"* _?t’"->^ j oijUi

6 ^^ (S jJ ^-5

4.5- 4jIj-\j*1j) l_^ jU a Cj J j9 j! j! ^ !i

(Jlia,« 3 j\^3 4.1^1 _^5- ^ y^ ^;_ji j3

cr* y _3^ '^3j *

yy^ (Sj^ yy^ 4.«ai 4)i_) ji

^>' A4; Ia_* L- -* Aljb (S^ .yc^\j

<Ly'cj3y\ ji~ y^D ^ » y^ yy"

wT" <si^ ’^y^^ y* cj%>- y^

y^y 4, ji' j; cjL» y^ j j> y ^ y i_::>. j3 ^

yjj y ^ y'^i <« c^ 4U

ojs i}^y* jf> (syiSjy y 33 y* j_^’ ci

^— ^..■^ 3^ ^ y^ j-^ 4^1' Li. y> ji cj y y iL5^,« y^
^yy> y^ y* ^ i$s (5ji jAjc. b U) y yy'i^^

(^A>. ^ ^jj isy(S'}y yh y* y j_^

yy ^ y. 1 3

I2t;

UASILK NIKITINE

J-

^ ji.' (J j-^ ^ i3y-^ cyyj 3 j

lU^j A) ‘^*^’ c$’^ <^''\. y^'

— " ^'v' ^t}}^ iS^^ J

Jj^j^ ^

iSs^j

Jk A •

o J iSj ^ j y^ J ^ *Si ^ 1^ lyy. “^’ ^ iy'^

2. Sheikh Solevmax

It is said that tliere lived once in the ashiiet of Zibar ’ a man,
a worthy person. H's occupations were theft and robbery. He
carried out a big theft in Akra. and evidence being against him
the Government caught him. By some means or other lie
succeeded in escaping out of prison and then decided, I liad best of
ail reach Bagday - ;. there 1 shall settle near the tomb of Sheikh Abd-
ul-Kader Gilani ® called ' Markadi gawsi ‘ and lead for a time a quiet
life. I will repent and thus acquire the re.spect of the people. Then
even if I commit a big theft no one will suspect me." He got up,
put a dervish garment with a " def ” and keshkul on his shoulder,
tookthe road for Bagdad, came to settle nearthe tomb of Abd-uI-Kader,
known under the name ■' Gawseye Bagday ■, took abode there,
prayed fervently day and night. He would never absent himself from
a corner in the mosque. The jieople coming to pilgrimage began to
consider him very much. When they asked him what his name was
he would answer, “lam the dervish Soleyman, slave of God." Tie-
])eople objected. " God preserve us, what are you saying { You arc
a crown on the head of all us. you are a Sheikh Soleyman. tVe be^^
von from time to time to honour us with your visit and let everybodv
see your high presence, master of jierfection and blessiTig." He

1 y.ibar, a Kaz.d of Mos^nl Mlayct. on (lie r.'ic.at Z,ili l!.

- Kurdish for Bagdad.

3 Founder of the Q.adiriie order ot del \ i'.hce;, who dud iii Die
thirteenth century.

I'euinning o! (Ke

KURDISH STORIES FROM MY C'OELECTIOX

127

would answer, '' This sinful person is not worthy of that, and besides
there is another reason rvhy I cannot go out." " Why 1" " Because
there are so many ants (insects) crawling about on the roads. I am
afraid by God nyv feet may tread on these miserable beings, which
will die and I will be then more sinful." The jieople venerated him still
more. They were saying. " Such justice and conduct were not in
the time of Gawsi himself." They told him, Would it be possible
if we carry you on our backs, you must honour our houses." ' Xo,
I can in no way accejit to be carried on somebody's back, but for
your sake I will go out somehow. Bring to me two bells. I will sew
them on my shoes, their sound will carry, and the ants will save
themselves and my feet will not tread them. " The people said. " God
be pra'.sed, what a deep and detailed thought. They believed in
him much more. Every day the rich men of Bagdad invited him and
he was feasted. He got much fame in the bazaar of Bagdad as
" kSheikh Soleymau with the bells on his shoes “. His name was
widely known. He found many followers and companion.s, and when
he noticed that all the people believed in him and nobody had a
bad thought of him he told his rich admirers to build for him a
house outside the bazaar. " so that I may with some poor Dervishes
settle there and worshij) God. for inside the bazaar there is too
much noise and one's soul gets confused and one is not able to devote
oneself to pious thoughts." All of them said. ’ On our heads
and on our eyes, every order His Highness the Sheikh may give, we
are ready to obey him with our lives and juoperty." A big house
was built for him and he settled there with some Dervishes of his
own choice. He found a way of winning over his pupils to his cause.
One day they came into the shrine, pretexting a jiilgrimage. and
remained there for the night. They stayed there two davs and dug
into the part of the wall where the treasure was kept and took awa\’
for about one million of liras - money and jirecious stones. Afterwards
they returned home. Bheikh Soleymau and three cr four Dervishes
took a good quantity of juecious .stones and gold for themselves.
He told other Dervishes to take their share. "And what we cannot take
away go and hide underground in a far away place. After some years
in other garments and di.sguises we will come and dig it out."
He said then, " Xow let us disperse, every one going to his
country ; otherwise, of course, we would be discovered and would
not escape from the hands of the Government." They got up and
dispersed. Some davs after the "muteweli " the servants noticed

BASILS XIKITINE

J2H

tlie robbery and reported it to the Government, but it was
no use. Xobody knew where they were gone like the wolves.
I'iacli one went to a mountain, went to a cavern. Sheikh Soleyman
returned to lii.s native village, repented, bought a lot of )n(/])erty
and cattle and became a rich man.

To these davs some of his descendants .still live in the village of
Perisse in Zibar. The name of the chief of this clan is Jfolla Hadji.
The Government has as yet no influence in Kurdistan, and nobody
would be able to take this propertc^ back from this clan. In times
gone by. when jifople u.serl to .say to Soleyman : It wa< a great
sin thou hast committed in robbing the Sheikh's tomb', which
will strike thee fmorally). He wouh! answer. -’Xav. it ha.*^ been
a great good I have done, the wealth is wanted for the living
and not for the dead. If this shrine b? true (i.e.. the influence)
it would not worry about me, because it is through it that I gave up
robbery : if it be false, then it will not be able to influence in anv
way. Thus I fear nothing.” Peace be to you.

. y, • y. • iS3^ y-^ ^S3^ •

• y. (S3 ‘'J • S^sS" ^ oy*

J y^ ' y

J.* aI c^U;. -ujc. . Oj3 .

^ ^ ^-y • p-.";’ 1^1 js-

• y^J • 'if i_r^ S ^ I

y* y=y - Si S'(^"^' ^ '
S3> S3 “jyi^i..

fvUKDISH SrOKIES FROM MV t'oLLECTIOX

129

<S3

<S3 j . j^. ^jLj 411 Ui

o3 . 'jU J* 41)1 ^ . 4,_ (^0.:^-

(^^1>- . ^jJ ‘^'« c$^-“ ^-^*L> . _^rl . (^j-*

• uf^> L$ jy (S3 ^

ijy? jU>- . jLc. Lij:j -ii ii

' il5^A-.t 4j . O j~^iSj S3 • ‘ " ■‘-"^ . <zS^ j }

^ O' .^' S^ • SJ S3 J3 . 4J

J . <U_U^ jl^j ^ ^ a) 4;. 1.

■ ‘^••'^^* ■ ^3^y<^z-l J ^ c5-J ^ y (^r-* J3

S3 <3^ji «-A.;_ j jl^Li5^«aj j j! j

• ‘'i Ji SJ Sy (3^ J • 3 . i-jLaJ ) J ) . jV y 1jl_)

-X' • .. ^

Li;_^ j V Aj . J* 4,« J^l c^.i C cS .J ^

• '-^_^SJ S3 - ‘^■* oJl« 4JL^J j3-

^ ^ 0 (J'. • ^ J lT-^

1 - - ^ ^ <S^[ S3‘ Jy\ j'^-Ss j }> j,« y

S^>- ■ 0^3 ^ Cr* • 0>-L^ 3jy . c.5C;i li

J 3 • -> 3 ^^ ^9 . 4)1 jl=^^ J

VOL. IV. PART I. n

4>.

• f*'.-:* 3^ . S>

• ^3^ ■ ^3 j3~ V j_^ S^[ S^ OV

130

BASILE XIKITINE -

• (J~^ J . j^.

• J' ^ c-*-i 3 -* J Ai^JLJji ^^3 l«

• jj" L$j-_ j\ ‘'i . y. (Sj'^^

^^-53 . (J^^; (J» (jL_*_-_J,_-co , j) (S3

t-Ala- ^Lc ^1 j . j ^ 4_j j^j . A)

. j^* Jr« ^.cS'^j S 3 J J

.jl . S'-lr^ Cj~* cSSji J

• •S'^^ (J Cyy 3j Sj^ S3 ^ jr^ ^ ji JUL>. J

ex' J— ♦ • . <*)l s X jSs j>-

j'^ • o' S ‘I- - - ^

r ' • '-^y* -j^. c 5 ^«I ^ ^--'

J, 53 , 0 ^^^ S 3 y. oy* (S^'^ • <S 3 bc.ll?l y^

j^- ^<Sjj^ <

AliUOjlj Aj S' J3j . >- Uj ^ A^Llil . Jlji

JL« tij'-j^ (>; (Jjy.J Sj^-Sj£

3 . .,i . .^1 a-^> j ^

. > ^’u. A, jU jjjji, ^o 4;LLii

J ^cS^j'A-i.-. . jU jS> jLu^

KURDlsH SIORIES FROM MY CULLIiCTlOX

J31

A) j A) JLw X^ . (Jr^JL^ j3>

<6^1=- Cj_f^. 3 . ji a:^J j) .

A,« ^ a) (^:> aJI . A y, ^5"^

• jjlb • t" ^'j^>- Jk». j ^I I ^,5d.l

-^"''' • '^' -?^-: • j

C-;^lji S' Aj- . ^J.4 ^Sl>. A b ^

• S'-‘^yr^ ' S-'S-I^ yr ^:l ^ • 'JS'S^^3 • « jf

. lajj . . y'^y O-lijj _p- jL*JL«

ol: jL^j jf a! jj.« S'^i^ y.^isf^

3x* • A15_U f^3 IcUjl . A^ J|

t/r^ (S^ -j!

Sy^ • j^^,j-S'3 I' a) (JL. ,j3 t_r^ _^r' (J Lloci S'

ol JL . jL^ <6 (j[ -JTJT-

(S-) • A ^ ^ y, j> cS^

JU jbl_^ cy y oy j

y ^!>^t ^ a::^Ij ^ ^.1 JTT . aj ^ j V . a^jV
. L..-5^^j5 j ^_j jSt y^ . c.5^ I*

• ^!)bJb ^ J I' A;^ j*bU . cjS^\ S ‘-^'^ (^!

132

BASILE XIKFTINE -

3. Hassax Bek. Mir of Hakkaet, axji the Good News

Spring Bird

OF A

In former years (the tribe of) Hakkari had a '' Mir ", who wa.s
a very ^^ise man and whose name was Hassan Bek. Every word of
Jii.s was either good advice or was as good as a proverb. One day in
winter time the iieoplo were talking in Ids presence about the good
and the bad and about who is a true friend,, who is false. Eriends
and servants were talking, one of them said This man is good ".
another objected, No, that one is good.'' Mir listened and then said,
“ The one who first gives me good news of the bird, I shall give him
a reward which he will like,” Everyone decided that the Mir wa.s
thinking of the first bird announcing the coming of the spring, Thev
did not understand Mir’s object. Half of the month of Shawat pas.sed
by. The starling arrived. A servant hurried to the Jlir with the news
and said, “ Excellency Mir, I bring yon good news, the starling has
come.” But the other did not evenanswer him and made no sound. Some
thought, '• The starling comes too early, the winter is far from
being spent when the starling appears. That is why Mir said nothing."
They waited until the storks arrived, and again they luirried to the
Mir saying, “ Good news for Mir, the stork’s arrived.'’ But still he
was silent. People guessed, “ The stork comes also early, there is
much snow left, it is cold, spring has not come yet, that is why Mir
did not answer.” They waited some days. About New Year’s time all
said, “ It is time for the partridge to arrive. This is the beginning of
the spring, if this time Mir is silent he must be wrong.”

One man went and told Mir, “ Good news, the partridge has
come, the spring has arrived, the winter is gone." But Mir gave no
answer. People were a.stonished that Mir did not answer The
cranes arrived, good news was given to Mir. He .said nothing
In short, many different birds that leave for warm lands in winter
time arrived, good news was given for each of them, but Mir
gave no answer. The great and honourable pieople t.f Jlir's
assembly went to a pdac?, sat down to converse together -AVe do
not know the reason why Mir has broken his promise There must

be something else. The Mir never broke his nromi«. " tk

J ,r mi i - 7 T,. iruuuse. Iberevvasone

man named Mam Lai. a great joker. He cried, “ Get up here i

magpie flying about, I’ll go to Mir and tell him about it- G^crhe
gave no reward for the spring birds, then let me give him news about

Mam Tal. you

V ^

a winter bird.” The others laughed and told him

KURDISH STORIES FROM MY COI.LECTIOX

133

are a fool, how could you commit such an act. Mir M’ill be angry ;
may it not be.” Mam Tal said, “Anyhow, by God, even if my head
be cut off, I'll go and say it.'’ Soon he came to Mir and took his stand
near the door step of the “ Diwan-Khaneh ”, bowed his head, folded
his hands on his breast, as was the custom in those days, and
respectfully announced, “ Good news, Mir, our master, the magpie
has arrived."’ Mir said. “ This is very good news indeed, you are
welcome ; this news proves your cleverness and understanding. Mam
Tab” Mam Tal thought Mir was only joking, but no, Mir was not
joking but quite serious. He ordered his servant to give Mam Tal a
vest and a pair of trousers. These were brought and given to Mam Tal,
and Mir said to him, “ Be this reward blessed to you." The peojile of
Medjlis were greatly amazed and said to Mir, “ ilany nice and beautiful
spring birds ha^'e arrived, they were announced to you and never did
you reward anyone. Xow you have given a reward for the magpie
that is always here and feeds on dirt and scratches about in the
rubbish heaps. IVe do not understand it, it is very peculiar.”

Certainly you cannot understand it, you would rather understand
the contrary.” They said, “ M’hat is the reason ? M'e do not realize.”
“ Unless it is e.xplained to you, you cannot understand the reason
(d this. The spring birds fly about of their owui free will, as long as
it is warm and pleasant here they stay ; when it is winter time
and cold and dreary they fly away following their inclinations.
The dirty magpie is always with us. in good times and in adversity,
quite content with the rubbish heaps ; a trustworthy friend, never
fearing the winter cold. It is our true friend, for in happine.ss and in
sorrow it always equallv shares our lot. That is why I gave the reward
for the magpie.” All the people approved Mir's saying with all their
heart.

{<S jW.

. o jLil i . <Si >■* • y.

y ■ • y • by

jU (J. 3 . 3 . J.' J^3

134

BASILE XIKITIXE —

^ Ai . Cj _^<S^ 4^1 • ^ ^ ^

jjt> . o j^A • iS j

iJJ (S^ (S^ • ‘'^^^::V. Cr* y-

iSj^i^, <Sj(^ ^r/S* ^ y-^ iSJ

’ • (j'“<*^^* (3

. Ai >_«<..^ . 4.A-«^_>- ^ 1Ax_) ^Jki . t"-)L A

' '^’ ^ . CjIa ^

}} (Sj^ ‘'^.._^"J • u ^ i^sCj i . ijk

4_^ 5 j ^-« j I . (^L^ <-Al5^li*uj i" .*. i fc , 1^,.

• iSJ^, ’ Jj • *^-J-J • *— jIa . . J j\^

,^-< . X_J

. CjU * J I ^rv« ti-^ ci::?

{^-5 • 0;j Jj (_$^^^X.) ^ . i-\j l«_>i_^ i

• ‘'i • i ^^A b"U

. CjLa jT^ tijij J* • 4>/> jij . (^* i^l_^

• • ‘'i C^jLa,; ^ b"lA J ^0^

ij^y* '^j-^' cjL_a y^sjA . Ai>. ij . ^ ^

. jll«j . djl^_ (^A)J . CjU jT^y

tiJ '•^‘ v'-^-=r jCi=L

KURDISH STORIFS FROM MY f'OLLECTlOX

135

'~^y* *"^i. • 03^ ■ ^ ^

^1 fjf j-^\ JiJ • C^i^J j ^-1

' — ^ A) i jl ^ ^Jn. 1 jl

^ . ■^. >A_) ls^‘ oAcj , ^ . ji jU As- . aJ

1*^ J' • jb ^ jS^. y, t ^ • j! . JL“ jlL« .

^ y. li -5 . C.La . ^

'^.. ^ \:^ y* ^ ^ tiJ o'. • CSy-J>- ,_$ji«. (5^

• y • ^ ij'^j

^U c^}j djl , c^_ J-« ^ J (S^ jy . s ' <-^-^ '-^•^

• J^LXlj . ^ ^ <S^ ^y. >S S''^ • C^ S' 1^

S-^ . ^ .oU JL" ^U

• yy ^S''-'^\c^ j^ (S^ • jt"l:> ^ (J ^ j li-J
(sSj-* ^ Is^ • ^ ySjy ■ Cil-A SSlS (J.^- j*
y^ • ^s^Sy* <j-^ • (^. j^. tsjfi y •

‘^’ 'y ^ /IXlU

y i <s } <J^ ^ L.* — li^L” j J.9I

• y, Ai l_/\i . . cS'^ y

JC ^U y^ ^ -J yS Lu. A ^ A)

(i^' ‘■^^. A. J I A> . J S'^ . iS 3 A)’'i jL:il . <y_

136

HASILF. NIKITINE

• *S *-U* J I ^ a:j" j

• J *‘^„J

• .j . 4» Ajb ->! • <j'^ ‘

^ iji^^ J>^— « ?“ ^

• c5=r (Ss yy> Cj ji~> jL5Cl,_*is^

■ ^s^ . (j ^ ■ y _;-5^ A»' Cj^

. j jSCiA y l;:>- 4!iJl . O ^j'::* • 0^"^' ^ ^
^ aJ ^Ij JCj^j I

• 0.^ J-^ ^ -r^ ^ L-wyh ja)

• jy {j^^j j -J iS^

L^i c;?"^ • ^ (sh ^ J

(^' J • \ (i-^ ^ (3** (ST

A o5^ ^ (3^*^ • Ai^j . A,« ^|.5^ 5 (J?^j-J

S^ cr: • ‘^•<' 0;Cjs^

• . OA. ij^ 'Ly^

JA) o>^y A* i.;;^ (3n*J

•^3Uljj jJ^j,

A^dj

XOTE.S

' '««-. young, youngsttr, may be compared witb/dicA, child. Maid uned here in tl c
sense of jiianmer, brave ; cf. Persian J/nrdri/injr. d/e/m, Persian ‘o/,)» f ini'l' '*'

call, as in Russian jax^- ' "**'

= mzikit, a plural of «««•, near, considered here as a noun, neighbourhood •
should say in French anx eiu imiii. We see the same in the case of Idvedrira tl
having a plural form la wan ddrdn, cf. Persian nnja, Snjdhn. ’ ' ' '

KURDtSH S’l OKIES FROM MY C'OLLECTIOX

137

* Oskar Manii {Die JIundart Jer Miikit-Kurden, Toii i, Berlin, 190(3, p. xlix) says :

'■ Zum Aiisdruc-ke des unbestimmten Artikels wird das (unbetonte) Zahlvvort -ilc als
Suffix den Xomen angefugt.” Then nirurck ~ a man ; mruveki with an I giving an
idea of more indefiniteness ? Or of a singular number ? E. B. .Soane {Kurdish
(frammar, London, 1913, p. 8) says final ek and final f as distinctives for the

singular . . . mir, man ; miri, wirek, one man. Thisform must not be confused with the
diminutive termination, and its use with it is very frequent . . . ; whenever it is desired
to form the singular of a diminutive noun the singular termination in f is used . . . ;
the singular form of the diminutive gives also a certain indefiniteness to the statement. "
\Ve have thus three ideas connected with the suffix ek and I : (1) singularity; (2)
indefiniteness; (3) dmiinutiveness ; the last one having also a sense of contempt.
Compare with Persian yiik martikd (H. Mas.se, C'onte.s en per.-an populaire," J.A..
t, cevi, n. 1, p. 81), un bonhomme,’’ which could be expressed htmiikai. Anyhow
absolute clearness does not exhst on this point in the Kurdish grammar. .Says 0. Mann
(op. fit., .xlvii) : " Im Mukri linden sich, wie auch in den vorher bekannten Kurdischen
Dialekten zum Teil, zwei bislang nicht richtig erkanntc .811111x0 zum .Aiisdrinke dcr
Determination sowie des unheslimmlen Artikels am .Substantivum."

* This habii is peculiar to the northern group of Kurdish dialects, (t-ays 0. Mann
(op. cit., Ixxxi) : In dcr Bedeutung " existieren ” crscheint die auch im per.sischen
hdstand, aus deni Altpersischen erhaltene ah . . Der .Stamm ist , . . in das Prateritum
ubertragen worden : hnhCt " es cxistierte, es war einmal " (haufig als Eingang von
Erzahlungen).

’ ili-gotlne, they called him ; he wa.s called (cf. Persian tniyoftiinda-'h). The final
I- = him. .Says 0. Maim (op. cit., Ixi) ; " Ziir Erklarung des pron. pers. iii haben wir
von dor sufligierten Form -1 auszugeheii. Die.se Form --cine Art .Schibboleth Kurdischer
Dialekte in Persien gegciuiber dem reinpersischen suffix scheint mir mit den
.Avestaformen him, hi u.sw. in Verbindung gebracht werden zu mii.ssen, wahrend das
persische -.Ai auf die ent.sprechenden altpersischen Formen shim usw. zuruckgeht ;
»’? reprasentiert cine aus dem altpersischen (Jenitiv Arahyn entstandene i’erm des
r)emon.strativums, dcren i sich vielleicht imterdem Kinflussede.sdancben gebraucliten
i, de.s pron. suff., erhalteii hat.” I always heard e in my dialect and not ?. (C f. (). Mann,
op. cit., Ixxviii, § (37 ? ” An venschiedeiic Verba wird in alien Formen ein mtr unerkldi-
hrhes ^ angefiigt ... In Soujbiih'iq w iirde mir diese-. c als ein Pron suff. der 3 sing,
erklart.”)

' bakhe, his nia.ster.

" chtl huind — rafta budliii. The sufli.xed « in 4ii(«o,as thought (). Mann(op. cit ,
Ixxvi), is indicating the movement (we have gone to a robbery ...);“ die im .Sprechen
stets wie ein Enklitikon zur Verbalform gezogene Praposition d ‘ nach ' (aus alteni
nhhi), .siehe ZDMG., xlvii, p. 700) nach Verbeii, die eine Bewegung ausdrucken.'
.8ay.s E. B. .Soane {Grammar, p. 90, preposition.s) ; “ d, to, for. Often demanding a
final i to the noun. Ex.: Initiwd .sAuri I came to tow n.”

* bl-aul-rii, a kind of locative {on the shoulder) not mentioned by E. B. .8oaiie
(op. cit., pp. 1,7, 16), who i.s giving for the X.O </( before the noun and dri after it, w hich
would give us di-md-da.

® To notice in this case that the second part of a locative form, I mean dfi, i.s not
■separated from the first tai {te). Taidd means in.side (.Soane, op. cit., p. 93) : ' . . .

generally used with the meaning of ‘ at the bottom of May w e compare it w ith the
Persian tdh {dz tahd ddl) ?

*” sdld didrbekre, .shoe from Diarbekr. .Soane (op. cit., p. 15) says that this d form
of the genitive “ also very common in the X.fl. even more so than the precoding
(» form).” Ex. : haspd ilukho Muhammad’s hor.se.

'■ Idwzhd, song, plur. Idwzhit; cf. Arab. lafz.

die hlld khdtrd ta bm — this let be for your sake . . . Hm in plural, instead of
bit .sing., being accorded with lards 1/ ddrpeidv.

]38

KURDISH STORIES FROM MV COLLECTION

eh lira rnret, a pair of rhyming words such as is met with also in both Persian and
Turkish, the second amplifying the meaning of the first, while without signification
itself (.Soane, op. cit., p 13S. n. G).

' ‘ Cf. above, n. 2.

*■’ dil^na, after, behind; Soane (op. cit., p. 172) duint, iliimti. O. Mann (op. cit.,
.\h) speaks about the .same long vowel which he transcribes ne, ex. : khueii.
Persian khun.

hntrdr, help, cry for help ; Soane (op. cit., p. 210) gives it as a S.G. word.

nwern, from icerln, to dare.

** ruhii'iht, cf. n. 1.5.

dz bd-hiz-im ; hz kJt'in, hasten (Soane, p. 215).

zh-iitk-kkiu-rd, from himself (az ndzda Ichud ) ; Soane (op. cit., p. 16) notices this
ablative as being particular to the Bitlts district of the X.G., a.s — bainin zJievilitrd,
bring from the country.

du' ttaJildna, these things ; to notice the termination n, which has to be compared
with the .similar d in dio mruca, this man (twelfth line in the Kurdish text). 0. Mann
(op. cit., p. xlviii) thinks that“ Eine zweite Determinativ-Endung i.st -d, die aber nur
eincm bereits mit dem Demonstrativum verbundenen Nomen angefugt wird . . .
liu jddiv'd, ‘ die.ser Mann ’ (pidu)." Cf. n. 3 (the first “ Determinativ-Endung ” is -dk-d).

wd for u'd 10 = Persian f« towr. I do not think this wd is connected with the
dtfdrmui (cf. 0. Mann. p. Ixxiv, about “ ein Prafix wd- ” having the sense of
reciprocity).

kur, deep, also kid S.J. ; hdW, fine (cf. n. 15).

2* pishk, part, from phhirln, separate ? ; scorpion, diip'islik.

” dS . . . ddmi, I will give him ; cf. n. 5.

gotd mir, he said to the Mir. Unlike the d (cf. n. 7, above) there is here no veib
indicating movement.

bazi, from bazin, to run.

chd jdwab nddd, he gave no answer ; negative sen.se of chd can be noticed also in
rhd dang ndkir, he gave no sound, remained silent ; chdjdrdn, never, etc.

’’ gold wan, he told them, of. n. 26. _See also further bddainu in, let us give him ;
golind main tdl, they said to Mam Tab

hatd nd Mta birln kin ii, until it will not be explained. Passivum is formed by the
verb kidl'in, to come, to become. Rhea, in his grammar, speaks about this form, ex.
kidtln l-kushfin, to be killed. In our dialect we have not this I affixed to the verb.
Says 0. Mann (op. cit., p. xevi) : “ . . . Nun wird wie H. Schindler in einer Anmerkung
angibt, in den persischen Dialekten haufig das Verbum rdjtan in Sinne von shoddn
und wie dmdddn im alteren Neupersisch, auch zur Umschreibung passivischcr
Ausdrucksweise verwendet.” A resemblance can be noticed then between the use ot
hdltn in our dialect and dmnddn in early New Persian for the same purpo.sc.s.

SOME XOTES OX THE PEOXUXCIATIOX OF THE
KAXUBI LAXGUAGE OF WEST AFBICA

By Ida C. Ward

[The phonetic symbols are those of the International Phonetic
Association, see Ecriture Pkone'tique, 1921. Tones " high level,
' falling, unmarked mid or low level.]

TI) Y the courtesy of the Commissioner for the Nigerian Section of
the British Empire Exhibition at Wembley, I was able to make
the following notes on Kanuri, after about a dozen sittings with a
native of Kano, in 1924, and a few more in 1925. The native, whose
name is Arigana, spoke no English other than a few isolated words
such as i/es, good morning, come, sit, etc. I knew no Kanuri at all, nor
Hausa, which he could also speak. Mr. Nicholson, who was in charge
of the natives in 1924, explained to Arigana what I wanted, and I
worked on the following plan. I had Krinnri Readings, by P. Askell
Benton, and Koelle's Grammar of Kanuri. In the first of these books
several stories are written in a Eoman script, with a word for word
and a free translation, a Kanuri-English and English-Kanuri
vocabulary, the latter a particularly full one. Between the summers of
1924 and 1925 I also used Noel's Petit Manuel de Franeais-Kanuri
and von Dnisberg’s Kanuri-Sprache.

I began by picking out words from Benton's English-Kanuri
vocabulary, saying them as they are transliterated, but the sketchy and
often inaccurate accounts of Kanuri pronunciation in all the hooks
was of little value. Arigana repeated each word, and I imitated his
pronunciation, analysed it as well as I could, and wrote it down
phonetically. He was, fortunately for my purpose, not too easily
satisfied with my attempts at either the sounds or the intonation. In
this way, working from the vocabulary, it was possible to build up
sentences such as those given in the first section below. The second
section is a story taken from Benton's book, differing in a few
particulars from the original, because Arigana either did not under-
stand the words or would not have used the construction given in the
book. It is, of course, quite probable that some of the words may not
be correct as they stand. With no means of explanation between
us, it was not pos.sible to discu.ss the meaning.

The difficulty of Kanuri pronunciation lies in a few consonants
which Europeans cannot make easily, some vowels of an obscure
quality, and the musical accent of the language. No mention i.s made

14U

IDA C. WARD- -

of tones or intonation in any of the books I used, but there is no doubt
of the existence of particular tones in the language. Kanuri, however,
does not seem to be like Yoniba and some other West African languages
m having a complete tonal .system with many words differing in tone
only. But it has a decided musical accent, which may be found to have
definite rules. I also found several pairs of words which were
distingtiished by tone alone.

pi (mid-level tone) (he, she, it), and pi (foot).

kwblo, saucepan, and kwolo (both mid-level tones), little drum.

kuli, insect, and kuli, thigh.

duno, thigh, and diino, .strength.

namnbskin, I break, and namnaskm, I .sit down.

kamnaskm, I cut, and kamnaskin, I meet, catch.

bead?.!, called, and boad^i, part of the verb to lie down.

naidalamba, here ? and naidalamba, not here.

In the vocabulary of Noel’s book are given a number of pairs of
words spelt alike with no indication that the difference between them
is one of tone. Some of the above examples are taken from these. There
are many others which it was impossible for me to verify without an
interpreter, e.g. tpa and tpa were recognized by Arigana as two
words (mana mdi), but which means formerhj and which free, the
meanings given in Noel. I was unable to find out ; and in the same wav
tamnaskm and tanmbskm were two verbs, the meaning of which
I could not discover, llany times I tried a word or phrase with different
'■ times ”, in order to test whether Arigana would accept more than one
kind of intonation, and he invariably refused all but one. He was in
fact, much less particular about slight variations in vowel sound than
about “ tune ”. The time given to this work, however, was much too
short to allow of anything more than my recording as accurately as
I could the tones I heard in the sentences transcribed. No attempt at
classification or analysis was made.

Consonant Sounds . — The consonants recorded are : p, b t d k
g, b, dz, tp, m, n. p, q, 1, r, 1, t, u, s, z, p, g, h, w, j. There
is no doubt that further analysis would prove that several of
these consonant sounds, as well as the vowels, could be grou ed
together as single phonemes, but it would require a very much longer
period of work' and a large number of texts before such classification
could be made.

(n) Plosive Consonants.- - 1 was sometimes not exploded, e.g ^it

SOME NOTES ON THE KANURI LANGUAGE OF WEST AFRICA 141

(quite). In some \N ords Arigana Avoukl use b or u. e.g. bibinemm or
uiuinemm (you spoil). Such words are invariably written with b in
Benton. In the same way g and g were interchangeable, e.g.
ba;goa or ba:goa (not), k and g were occasionally palatalized. What is
written AasAe (mine) I heard as kas^e, cltesdnk 't (he erected) as sazaggd.

(6) Nasal Consonants. — m, n, ji, and g all occurred, and all but p
could be syllabic, e.g. samgin (to divide), qgala (good), pinde (our feet).

(c) Lateral Consonant. — 1 finally and before consonants was of a
■■ clear ’’ variety, e.g. kalkal (same), goldzo (he said).

(d) Boiled Consonant. — r was fully rolled. It could be syllabic,
e.g. Frgaimi (claw). In the word duri, the r was slightly palatalized
and strongly labialized ; the lips were rounded and the bottom lip
touched the top teeth.

(c) J. — The sound represented by this symbol is by far the most
difficult in the language. It seems to be articulated by the tongue-
tip striking once against the teeth ridge, like a kind of one-tap r (I
could see the tip in a gap between the two front teeth), while at the
.same time a little air escapes along the .sides of the tongue. This gives
the impression of an 1 and r. If the lateral element was too strong,
however, i.e. if it sounded too much like 1, or if there was anything
like a rolled or fricatix-e r, Arigana would not accept it. In all the books
this sound is represented by r or 1, and sometimes by both as if they
were alternative pronunciations, e.g. baJi (to-morrow) is written by
Benton as iari and haVi ; while konduJi (hair) is written as
kunduli, and korguJi (lion) as htrgnri. I found I in all these words.
It is not surprising that this sound has been taken for 1 or r, as the
acoustic effect is sometimes like the one and sometimes like the other,
to an English ear, but there is. I think, no doubt that .1 is a separate
phoneme of the language and not merely a weakening of 1 or r.
comparable to the weakening of b to u (see («) above) though of
course there may be dialectal variants. A curious confirmation of this
is found in comparing Benton and Noid ; in the former the verb riskin
is given for “ I am accustomed ”, and liskin as " I learn ”, while the
latter gives liskin “ I am accustomed and riskin “ I learn ”. Arigana
would accept Jiskm only for I learn And the words written as
rineskin I am afraid ” and rinneskin " I take off (a garment) ”
were pronounced by him as rmaskin and Jinnaskm respectively.

( j ) Fricative Consonants. — Bi-labial / and v (f and u) xvere very
common, e.g. Fa:to (house) nuua (share). Two sibilant sounds occur
in the language s, p. p is a sound articulated between s and /, as in

IDV C. W'ARII

U-2

Polisli, and in Maiidariu Chinese (where it is generally roinanized as
//•S') ; the voiced equivalent ?. was found only in the affricate
I found h in one word only, allaho (God).

(g) Affricate. — te, tp, e.g. bXkfeY (hit), goldzb (.said), ^ezo

(he killed), ngan^i (chest).

(k) Semi-Voivels. — w and j. e.g. whrugam (you grew up), dunja
(world).

Vou'els . — The vowel sounds recorded are placed on the cardinal
vowel figure below. They show an abnormally large number of
centralized ^ vowels, whose quality is somewhat obscure and difficult
to register. In Benton and Koelle the vowel written as e and described

To.xuue Positions ok tuk Kanl’ui Vowels

Front

Diagram illustrating the tongue-positions of the vowels of
the Kanuri language of West Africa, by reference to the
Cardinal Vowels. (The dots indicate the positions of the
highest point of the tongue.)

Kanuri vowels, red.
Cardinal vowels, black.

1 A centralized vowel is one in which the highest part
front nor hack, hut retracted from a front, or advanced fr

<jf tlie tongue neitlier
om a back position.

some notes on the KANURI EANCJUAGE of west AFRICA ] 43

as the sound in the French nord Je is the only central vowel indicated.
In words containing this letter e in the book, I distinguished
a centralized close e (written e), a a neutral vowel similar to the English
vowel in about, and t a vowel in the neighbourhood of cardinal
0 made with unrounded lips and centralized. It is most probable
that many of these sounds can be grouped into phonemes, but the
phonemes of the language have not been worked out, and I can
only give here the individual soimd I heard in words and phrases,
and hope that they may help someone else towards the work of a
frdl phonetic analysis of the language.

Vowels in the neighbourhood of nasal consonants were nasalized
to some degree, and sometimes the final consonant disappears, e.g.

•hcou'

was jironoimced ggar

an or ggara.

Emm pies

aui;ma, nothing.

bararo, hunt.

tpintan, far.

jaskk, three.

ptm, eye.

zoma, Friday.

dela, jackal.

kiira, big.

dagartb, division.

ggari, gazelle.

penne, get ready.

mar, king.

madam, priest.

riZEi, teared.

golcbo, he said.

kimeagEi, red.

tilon, eleven.

boa^i, called.

Short Phrases and Sentences
wu muskojie mdi, I have two hand.s.
wu pipe mdi, I have two feet,
musko komburam, the right hand,
mhskd woFila, the left hand,
aui sedin, what is she doing ?
pi saga^m, she is weaving,
pi saga^m Fadolan, she is weaving in the house,
bali naidero jiskin, I shall come here to-morrow,
hda wa:tu, good morning,
sai jim la, good-bye.
wuro kannua, I am hot.
wuro ka:kua, I am cold.

Fero kurh, the girl is tall,
tada kuru, the boy is tall.

144

ll>A C. WARD —

ade tpita bu ba, that is a book.

wu kanuri diskm, I learn Kanuri.

wii nasara Jiskm, I learn English.

jii nasara limm, you learn English.

namgin, I sit.

namne, you sit.

naptpY, he sits

and! uamjan, we sit.

nandi e nanmo, you sit.

sandi e napsa, they sit.

(.'onnected Test of a story taken from Benton's Kanuri Readhiys

kurguii(ua) ma:lani dela(«)a kaneriua jaskv barairo

lion priest jackal ground-squirrel three hunt to

lezCi. kurgulie ggara(n) tpezo dela:e ggari ^ezo,

went. lion bu.shcow killed jackal gazelle killed,

kanjerie targdna Ipezd. kurgudie madam delaa boa^i,

ground-squirrel hare killed. lion j^riest jackal called.

madam dela are ago randeina duri. madam dela.e

priest jackal come thing we get we divide, priest jackal

ggaran khra a;de, nuua mai-ue goldza. ggari a.de

arose, busheow big that share king-of he said, gazelle that

nka kas^e goldzb. tar(g)dna aide niiia kaneri-ui

share mine he said. hare that .share ground-squirrel-of

goldzb.

he said.

kurguiB

gargaizY pirn zf

tilda

raromzy

sandi

mdi

lion

was angry eye his

one

opened

them

two

soa sari,
looked at.

pnnzY kime tpit,
eye his red quite.

kannd

fire

kimeagei

red

tporimja

when they

saw

sandi mdi so rizei. kanjeri tcezi ja madam dela
they two him feared, ground-squirrel arose oh priest jackal

ape jii madam gapi. ipedia kurna-ua kusulu-ua

indeed you priest not. Beneath kuma-tree kusulu-tree

uen wnragam.
you grew up.

SOME NOTES ON THE KANURf LANGUAGE OF AVEST AFRICA 145

auiima nonomi guldzb. nu:ua mai-ue uiuinemin darad^a
nothing yon know he said, share king of you .spoil honour

ba;goa,

tpine naidan namne.

madam dela tgezy

not

arise place that sit down.

priest jackal got up place

tpintan

naptpi. qgaran kina ade nuiua

mai-ue

gima

for

he sat down, bushcow big

that share

king of

tpezo

dag arte ba(g)o. qgeri

a:de nu:ua

mai-ue

guldzb.

killed

divi.sion not. gazelle

that share

king of

he said.

kurgu.li

garga:zY. ginzy tilan sandi-a wu^i

saudi

indi-so

lion

was angry eye his one

them looked

they

two all

riZEi.

kurguulie madam delaa baktsy

tpezo

Faktsi.

feared.

lion priest jackal hit

killed

joined.

kanjerie ja mai dunja samma ui jifenne samghi
ground .squirrel oh king world all of get ready divide

guldzb. qgala samne, guldzb. dela gia namzodi-e
lie said. good divide he said jackal him foolishness his

tpEZb adije niiua mai-ue. bargbna adije niiua mai-ue.

killed

that

king of.

hare

that shart'

king of.

tilb

ade

niiua kaskje

guldzb.

kiu’gii;die

gargaizy

leg

one that

share mine

he said.

lion

was angry

kundudi

-nzy-a

sazaggji.

Frga:mi

-nzy-a

sutuli.

hair

his

he erected.

claw

his

he put out.

kanjeirie tpezV. ala jiiro kanadi h^o jsi tilb adje

ground-squirrel arose. God you jiatience give, leg one that

nu:ua

mai-ue

guldzb. ja max

daade

kumbunde

gapi-

king of

he .said. oh king meat that

food our

not

pi-a

bujeja,

kasua ggan^i-ue

andi-a

setEi

kunduli

if we eat

sickne.ss chest of

us AV

ould catch

hair

tigi-ue samma rid^i. ja

mai

dunia-ui

kunduli

body of

our

all would fall out. oh

king

world of

hair

zanna ma-ue guldzb. kunduli -nzT boai^i. Frga:mi nam

paradise of he .said. haA'e his lay down claw your

VOL. IV. PART I.

] If) SOME NOTES ON THE KANVRl LANGt'AGE OF WEST AFRICA

aide Frgaimi zanna- ma-ue guldzb. plm nam aidie pim

that claw paradise of he said. eye your that eye

zanna- ma-ue guldzb. pimzir zaktpi. kanjeiri sagask

paradise of he said, eye he .shut, ground-squirrel ran away

bala:ga-ro

ga;i(gaigl)

kanjeiri

are

guldzb.

hole-to

entered.

oh ground-squirrel

come

he said.

subana

(a)lla.:hi

kam Ji^ga

sobazana-ui

ala

barganzTi

without sin

God

mail you

is friendly of

God

bless.

kam peiro namwaladi sadana-ue ala barganzT-a goazu

man you .service does of God blessing-his put

amana baigoa guldzb. kurguidie le^i. dai^i.

confidence not he said. lion went awjiy. finis.

THE OlilGIXAL HOME OF THE IXDO-EUROPEAXS

Tiro Lectures delieered at the School of Oriental Studies, I^ondon, on
iidh and- \lthJun'', 1925.

By J.\RL Charpentieii

rpHE que.«tion concerning the location of the original home of the
Indo-Europeans — hy which name i.s designated, not a certain
race or people of which no trace.s have .so far been found, hut the
peoples or tribes who did at one time speak the no longer existing
Indo-European language— has at time.s aroused great interest and vivid
di.scussion amongst scholars. While at one time the consensus
omniuni .seemed to vote for an Asiatic origin of the Indo-Europeans,
and even, owing to a misundenstanding of the linguistic affinities of
Sanskrit, looked for their old home within the borders of India, general
opinion seems, since the time of Latham, to have decided for Europe
as the cradle of Indo-European-.speaking peoples. But as to where in
Europe the starting-point of the migrations of these tribes should
be looked for no uniform opinion is .so far on record. The idea, certainly
imjios.sible,! that the “ Urheimat " should be looked for in Germany
and then probably on the southern shores of the Baltic, has long been
in favour with German .scholars who saw in the ideal old Teutons
described by Tacitus a real counterpart of the ’ Indo-Germanic "
ance.stors ; and Scandinavian archaeologists and philologists have been
strongly inclined to adopt this rather fanciful theory and to look for
the " L rheimat " not only in Germany but also on the Danish islands
and in the southernmost province of Sweden. Other .scholars looked
for a centre of spread in Hungarv. and this theory ha.s cpiite lately been
advocated in an able way by Dr. Giles.- The late lamented
Professor Schrader, in his sound aiul thoroughly critical way. tried to
e'^tabli.sh that South Russia, the rich corn-land to the north of the
Black Sea. was the original home of the Indo-Europeans ; but he was
not quite averse to the idea that they might at one time have extended
over areas to the east of that part of Europe. There are other theories
as well, but they do not need to be taken into consideration here.

The present writer is well aware that at this very moment no
solution of this problem which might be considered a thoroughly

^ ( 'f. fie Morifan. La P> (h ttaffilc , i. 191.

“ Cf. ( '(intfiriiltff llt'ifonj (tj htfhn. i. (»."> s(j ; An* nut History, li, 20

14S

JARL CHARPENTIER-

sati'faetorv one can possiblv he offered. Hut lie would like to uiuler-
line in the followiiu; some points of view which .seem lately to have
been somewhat overlooked by comparative philologists, and which
appear to go rather a long way in contradicting the hypothesis of a
European origin of our linguistic ancestors. He would also like to
state at the verv beginning that he feels convinced, as far as con-
viction goe.s in a case like this, that the home of the tribes who once
spoke the Indo-European language is to be looked for in. and in tin*
neighbourhood of t'entral Asia. Such a theorv. although looked upon
with suspicion and disapproval by most comparative philologi.sts,
is not fpiite obsolete. It is upheld by at least one great historian.
Professor Eduard Heyer. of Berlin, and also by a very sound and
recognized jihilologi.st. Dr. 8. Fei.«t, author of .several valuable works
on Indo-Eurojiean prehistory : but the reasons on which these scholars
base their conclusions are .scarcely rpiite valid.

Before starting upon my real topic first let me add a few remarks
of a more general nature which seem, in this case, to be somewhat
neces.sary.

*****

The main foundation of comparative philology is the di.scovery
that the ancient Indian and Iranian languages are closely connected
with the main groups of European ones. viz. Greek. liatin, Albanese,
Keltic, Teutonic, and Hlavonic languages. Armenian, a language
spoken since some 2.500 years in its present home, originallv belonged
to invaders from Europe whom Herodotus calls “ coloni.sts of the
Phrygians " (tjjpvyojv diroiKoi). Recent investigations in Central
Asia have brought to light great remnants of a hitherto unknown
language, which so far is most aptly de.signated as “ Tocharian ",
and which .seems to be in .some .strange way connected with the
languages of Western Europe,' though its affinities are by no means
clear. Excavations in A.sia Minor have unearthed a great number
of documents pertaining to the ancient and mighty empire of the
Hittites, documents compo.sed in a series of different language.® ; and
among.®t these two at least .seem to contain a good deal of Indo-
European linguistic material. Other branches of older Indo-European
languages, as that of the Illyrians, Thraco-Phrvgians, etc. have
disappeared wdth the exception of some scanty remnants.

Of who is the real founder of a developed comparative philology

1 Cf. C'harpentiPr in tlie Zulsrhrift iler ,hut-rhfii Ce.vlUchnft

K-xi, 377 sq ' ^ '

I HE ORIGIN '.L home OF THE IXOO-EUROPEAXS

149

there cannot be the .slightest doubt. That honour is due to the famous
German philologist, Franz Bopp (1791-1867), ivho first of all. in his
monumental comparative grammar, published a detailed review of the
phonetic and morphological affinities of the main Indo-European
languages. But the main idea, that of the connexion between
on the one side Sanskrit and Persian and on the other the
European languages, is of a considerably older date.

It is Cjuite well known that Sir AVilliam Jones, in his presidential
address to the Asiatic Society of Bengal, outlined the connexion
between the Indo-Iranian and the chief European languages in some
short but masterly lines ; and his sagacious words have recently been
brought back to memory in a very proper place.* But even he was not
the first one who had a presentiment of the great discovery ; fc)r, as
has been well known for a long time and has recently again been laid
stress on by M. de la A’allee Poussin, the .Jesuit father Cmurdoux
(d. 1779) in a letter to his friend Anquetil Duperron in 1768 drew uj) a
list of correspondences between the San.skrit and the clas.sical languages,
many of which are quite coincident with what is still thought sound
and well-established within comparative philology. To M. de la A'allee
Pous.sin. who. in his otherwise e.xcellent work, lays slightly too much
stres.s on the achievements of French philological investigation, it
seems clear that this Jesuit father was the first one to give vent to
the idea underlying comparative grammar : but that is scarcely the
case, for even Father Coeurdou.x had one or two predecessors. One of
those was Thomas Stephens, S.J. (Ib49-1619). an Engli.shman who
spent the last forty years of his life mainly in Goa as a missionary,
and is ra.ther famous as an author of grammatical works on Ivonkani
and of the large text called the Christian Puraiia In a letter to
his brother, dated 1-583, he gives expression to the idea that the Indian
and the classical languages were closely connected with each other.
Another one seems to have been Filippo Sa.ssetti (1540-88). an Italian
merchant and literary man. who lived for several years and e\'en died
at Goa ; he, uo doubt, had a smattering of iSanskrit, and seems to have
suggested some connexion between it and the clas.=ical tongues.

Hs * * * *

Archaeological researches seem to have e.stablished the fact that in
neolithic and protometallic times a rather uniform culture was .spread
out over a very extensive area comprising different parts of Asia and

' C'f. CatiihruUji: Hi.-'tri’-ii -if hi-lia. i, t>3 m|.

- {'f. this Bulletin, TI, sq. ; Hf. 159 >q. : IV, 2:il

150

JARL CHAKPE.M'IER —

Eabteni Europe. Traces of tliis culture have been found in Kouinaiiia
and Southern Ru.s^ia (Tripolje, etc.), in Susa, in Baluristan. in India,
at .Vnau in Turkestan, etc. ; and the re.searches of Swedi.sh scholars- -
Professor J. G. Anderson and Dr. T. J. .\rnc— have succeeded in
establi.shing the pre.sence of this same culture also in the interior
province.s of China. It seems scarcely jwssible that a culture spread
over such a vast area could have originated with one people only ; and
if such were the case we do not in the least know the racial or linguistic
connexions of that peojde. Nothing at all goes to prove that the
upholders of this culture were at any place tribes of Indo-European
stock ; and from a chronological point of view such a suggestion seems
to the present writer to be wholly improbable.

So if archiculogy does not so far help us to try a reconstruction of
Indo-European conditions we may feel inclined next to turn to the
evidence afforded by historical documents. But oven hero we are left
.sadly in the lurch. Peoples .speaking Indo-European languages enter
at a late date on the stage of history, aud Irtstorical documents written
in such languages cannot at all compete for age with the chronicles
(jf Egypt and Babyh.inia. The Veilas and the hymns of Zoroa.ster,
though both probably of considerable antiquity, can aff’orfl us no
hi.storical clues concerning the age of an unbroken Indo-European
unity ; some ancient Greek inscriptions, the hi.story of Herodotu.® and
the edicts of the Achaemenians in reality are the oldest historical
documents in an Indo-European tongue, and it goes without .saying
that they have preserved no single trace of the age of their common
ance.stors.

Conditions being thus desperate, there is nothing to do but to turn
to comparative philology and have recourse to a purely linguistic
reconstruction of Indo-European times. The value of such an
investigation is not to be over-rated ; for it is quite clear that a great
mass of lingui.stic material dating from Indo-European times has been
lost in one language or another and can no longer be got at. But. on the
other hand, the value of linguistic reconstruction must not be under-
rated. for it is, as we have seen, our only means for arriving at certain
conclusions concerning the place where the Indo-Europeans had their
home and the mode of life they were leading.

But if linguistic reconstruction is to be of any value it must of
course, be attempted with the utmost care : and here the sins of
comparative philology are many and not easilv to be forgiven
ETnfortunately philologists have generally been considerably ^more

THL OR[(:iXAL HOMK OF THK IXDO-EUROPi: AXS

151

at home in the European languages than in the Indo-Iraniaii * ones,
and they have consequently neglected the evidence of the later ones.
Thi.s. of course, is a capital mistake, as it is only the Indo-Iranian
languages whicli. as far as we know, have never been s})oken in Europe ;
and this makes the material offered by them for comparison to be of
the utmost importance. Further, comparative philologists are often
satisfied with root-relationships between words said to belong to the
Indo-European language and denoting natural or artificial objects,
the existence of which in Indo-European times is to be proved. This,
also, is cpiite wrong, and we must strongly insist that, in cases like
these, not only the root must be the same, but that the words
which are to be compared mu.st be identical with each other.

I .'^hall try to make clear by two examples exactly what I mean.
Much fuss has been made about the name of the beech-tree, which
in Europe does not grow to the east of a line somewhat schematically
drawn from Koenigsberg to Odc.ssa.- If the name of the tree could be
proved to have existed in the Indo-European language, this would,
of course, be taken as a proof that the people who s])oke that language
difl live to the west of the Koenigsberg- -Odessa line : but.
unfortunately, this is not the case. The plain facts are these : there
exists a Greek word <f}rjy6s {(fydyos), a Latin fdipts. and a Teutonic
*bdka-, which do all together go back to a common source and tlo
undoubtedly prove that at one time the ancestors of Greeks. Eomans.
and Teutons lived in a country where beeches were found growing.
So far everything is all right. But then the late Professor Osthoff
and some still living scholars in Germanv came forwanl to tell us that
also a Kurdish word — to be found only in one single dialect of
Kurdistan— meaning ■'elm-tree " (buz or u'Ciz). and a Eussian word.
bozu " elder ”. should be connected with the already established name
of the beech ; and so the proof was there that this tree had really
existed in the home of the Indo-Europeans, which must. conse(juently.
have been located in Europe. This, of course, is pure nonsense, and neeil
not trouble us at all. For nothing is won by drawing conclusions from
words which can be kept together neither from a linguistic nor from
a semasiological 2)oint of view ; the one thing we can safely assert is
that linguistically there is not the .slightest proof that a name of the

^ T throuiihout in^e tlic tona J mlo-Irantftn and not Anfcm : for, while on the
continent those two are nowadays generally taken to be identiial, Atyan in Kneli-h
generally means the same as Jndo-Europeaii.

- Details need not he Ldven h.ere : they can be jrathered frcmi o tr. Nthrader.
ReaUe.rik'on der indngermanh'^chf.ii AltertumsKunde. 2nd e<\.. s.v. Bvf'hf:.

152

JARL CHARRE.VTIER -

beech-tree exitfletl in the Indo-European language. The legitimate
inference so far is that the people who spoke that language did not
e\'en know the beech-tree.

A second example is afforded by the name of the metal " gold ",
a.s some scholars will assert that comparative philology proves it to
have been known by the Indo-Europeans. Thi.s, however, is not the
case. There is no doubt whatsoever tha': the Indo-Iranians knew
gold ; this is definitely proved by the nearly total identity of Sanskrit
hiranija and Avestan zaranjja} But then this is all. The Greek xpvoos
quite obviously is of foreign origin, and the Latin aurum belongs to a
totally different group of words. As for the Gothic gull’ and the Old
Slavonic zlato (Russian zoloto), they are undoubtedly somewhat nearer
connected, though not wholly identical. But the original sense of the
words is simply “ yellow and so the Teutons and Slavs called
gold the “ yellow ’’ metal ; and with this fact taken into consideration,
it cannot be further upheld that there exists a common Indo-
European name for gold. It may well have been known by the
Indo-Europeans, but it is methodically wrong to conteml that this can
be proved on purely linguistic rea.sons.

If, with all the necessary precautions, we now try to establish
which names of natural phenomena, of animals, plants, artificial
objects, etc., were to be found in the original Indo-European language,
and may consequently have existed in the home of the Indo-Europeans,
the results are not very far-reaching. But they are, according to my
opinion, quite sufficient for allowing us to arrive at certain conclusion.s
The home of the Indo-Europeans was undoubtedly situated in a
region where snow, ice, rain, and thunder were well-known; and we
find very clear designations of the three main seasons of a temperate
climate, viz. spring, summer, and iiinter, while a name for autumn
is wanting — a fact recurring in several other languages as well. There
is scarcely any need to underline that the Indo-Europeans had special
names for sun, moon, and stars. But it may be worth while to point
out that amongst the different constellations it is only the Great Bear
that can be traced back to the dictionary of the Indo-European
language ; ^ besides, it .«eems possible that our ancestors looked upon

' Acfordinn to my opinion the words may originally have liem completelv identii
as I venture to think tliat hhatiya may be a later development of an older *har *

- Professor Bartholomie, in Indijijenniuii.-rhp For^rhunijm x.x.xi ‘f, '“'.'I/"-

to prove the e.xistenee of an Indo-European name of the Pleiads , but (f,
a fallaov.

^q.. ha.s tried
isisapparentlv

THE OKIGIXAL HOME OF THE INDO-EUROFEAXS

153

the Milkij 11 «// as a way or rather a river on the vault of heaven, but
no linguistic facts are there to prove this suggestion.

The land uhere the Indo-Europeans lived seems to have con-
tained mountains and mods, rivers, and brooks. But linguistic facts
seem to establish beyond doubt that there were scarcely any lakes,
and that this laud, wherever it was situated, was far from any great
sea or ocean. Fords, by which to cro.ss the rivers, were apparently
well-known, but the language doe.« not prove that htidges were Icnown ;
nor does it establish the acquaintance, in Indo-European times, with
dug, or otherwise constructed, irells.

As for animals and plants, it is quite obvious that the Iiulo-
European language did not know such ones as are characteristic of
tropical climates. Names of the elephant, rhinoceros, tiger, lion,^
etc., are absent, as well as those of rice, sugar-cane, palm-trees, etc.
This, of course, tallies well with what has already been pointed cut
as indicating a temperate or cold zone as the original habitat of the
Indo-Europeans.

Comparative philology shows us that amongst wiki animals the
Indo-Europeans knew the bear, which did certainly already at an early
date play a great part in animal lore, and the molf ; and one may feel
tempted to suggest that at a very early period the idea of werwolves
was by no means unknown.- There are, moreover, names of the fo.r,
the otter, the beaver, the rat, or mouse, the htre. and possibly the
■squirrel, though this is fairly uncertain. Language further testifies
to the acquaintance of the Indo-Europeans with some cervine animal-
possibly. but not necessarily, the elk — and the swine, which was
certainly the wild ami not the domesticated one : for. the Indo-
Iranians certainly never kept tame .“wine.® just as little as this
seems to have been done by the Semitic and Turko-Tartaric peoples.

There is no certain indication that the Indo-Europeans kept Uduc
fowls ; and the name of our tame lien presents serious difficulties and
is probablv a very old loan word from a Semitic or Rumerian source.
But language proves that there existed in the Indo-European home

' There are, hoHCver, lOitaiii indu atiuii-> that >()iue ^leat aiiinidl of the > at-spCLies
was perhaps not unknown.

" Cf. the well-known pa^safie in Heroilotii.s. iv ln5 ; Aeyoi'Tat yap vtto ZKiSean'
Kal ’EXXiqvoji T^v €v rfj EkvOikt} KaTOLKrm^vwv €T€0? eVaarou arra^ twv NevpoA’
‘KaoTos XvKOb y!i’€TaL rjp.'pas oXiyag >cai auris ottktoj e? tojvto Kar/araraL.

This fact is not contradictetl by thebn^uisticalh valuable discovery li\ .lacobsohn,
Anfi- 7 ind Vgrofinnfn, p. ISo sq.. that a word < orrosponding to Latin pr.)cn-< etc., tlid
once exist in the Iranian languages.

1.31

CH.'RPKXTIKR

rhe ijoo^e. tile dufk. the '/</'///. the n'lld /iii/eon. and al'O a bird tliat may
have been either the )i\yjd'-ock. the parlri'li/e. or «ome bird nearly related
to the^e : its name is apparently onomatopoetic and rontains
the .'■ounds t-t-r.

Oi other animals language indicates acipiaintaiice with the ■'H’l jirut.
the ant. the/y, thvfm. the irorm. the rnii/Ji>ili. and the ird.sp. It seems
remarkable that we find an Indo-Knropean name for hoyinj. but so far
none for bee : this curi{ju.s fact may admit of different explanations
which need not be gone into here. AMiat is further to be strongly
taken into consideration is that the Indo-Eiirojieaiw liad a](parently
not onlv no name for fish in general, but also no name for .■.'ingle
species of fish. It is only among.^t tlm Indo-European tribes living on
the North Sea and the Jlaltic- the Celts, the Teutons, and the Slavs --
that we find certain corre.spondences amongst the names of fishe.-'.
but these names generally seem to be of foreign origin ; this tallies
well with the existence, proved by archieological researches, etc., at
different parts of the countries bordering on the Baltic and also on the
mouth of the Rhine, of prehistoric fish-eating populations. The f'eda
and the Avesta do not betray any acr(naintance with fish di(d,nordo
the Homeric poems convey to us the impre.ssion that fish was at that
time any common .sort of food. Taken all together, the facts seem
to indicate that fi.sh and fi.sh-eating were alike unknown to the Indo-
Europeans,

A.s for the domestic animals of the Indo-European age, tliev were
about the .same as they are in our own days, with certain notable
e.xceptions : for, neither seems the ass to have been known - though
it was certainly known to the Indo-Iranians -nor the cat, nor the
rabbit, and it ha.s already been mentioned that the strine aval tame birds
were probably not kept. But the dwj — probably the oldest of domestic
animals, and at one time kept also to be eaten — wa.s there, and the
sheep, the goat, the cow, and buU,^ and. above all. the horse. The last
one, no doubt, was the most important domestic animal of the Indo-
Europeans. In Europe the horse was probably for a long time hunted
and eaten, while in the interior of Asia the Mongolian peoples had
already at an early period begun to domesticate the animal and u.se it
for riding purposes. This difference probably originated in the

1 In the Iti'loytrniaiiisihe Forsrhumjtii, xli, 175 t-q., Dr. Ip»en has tried to prove
that the name of the cow ia orimnally a loan word from .Sumerian, This, icema to me
a wholly unnecessary .suggestion ; on the other hand, the name of the bull (Indo-
Kiiropean is probaWy a very old loan.

THE ORIGINAL HUME OF THE JMUO-EI ROPEAN’S

155

exi.stence of dift'erent races of horses, a heavder Western one and a
lighter Eastern one ; and it seems not wholly improbable that these
two races had entirely different names, of which one still survives
in the French cheval. the other one. e.g., in Per.sian nsp. The horse was
long unknown to the great nations of Mesopotamia and Egypt ; it
may have been introduced from Iran into Babylon about 2000 B.r.,
or slightly earlier, and was there called " the ass of the mountains ".
It seems a permissible suggestion that it came to Egypt with the
Hyksos.

If. now, we turn from the animal to the vegetable world, the results
are far more scanty. It .seems established beyond any doubt that the
Indo-Europeans knew the binh — and not necessarily the common
Betula alha — the H'iUon:. and some species of fir-tree : and. besides,
there is a widespread word w hich did originally no doubt mean simply
■■ tree, wood, timber ", but which has later on in certain languages
adopted the sense of either oak " or " fir-tree On the other hand,
there is no name of any single plant or flower : nor tloes anything in
the language indicate that the Indo-Europeans had the slightest
acquaintance with the cultivation of fruit-trees or vegetables.

It has frequently been contended that the Indo-Europeans were
well acquainted with agriculture. But this is a fallacy owing its origin
to the fact that word-comparison has chiefly been limited to the
European languages. As a matter of fact, there exists nothing but the
single name of a cereal — most probably corn {.Skt. (juva, etc.) — and a
verb denoting a very primitive method of crushing the grain, which
points to Indo-European acquaintance, not with agriculture itself,
but with one .single product of agriculture. It seems quite obvious that
it WTXS only after the separation of the Indo-Iranians from the other
branches of the Indo-European tribes that the latter ones took up
agriculture — probably on the fertile soil of South Eussia. Language
does not prove that beans were known in the oldest time ; but there
.seems to be a very old idea that the .souls of the dead sometimes
took up their lodgings in beans, and this idea may date from Indo-
European times'.''^

The Indo-Europeans are generally said to have been living at a
neolithic stage of culture. But this suggestion is modified by the

^ This verb oeours in .Skt. Latin pht^o, etc.

- As for cucumbers, it is very tempting indeed to coiinei t, as ha^ been done, Latin
•‘iicurbita with Sanskrit carbhafa " Cuciimis utilitesimus " ; but the Sanskrit word is
very late and doubtful. Anyium , it is a remarkable fa» t that no species of cucumber
is indigenous to Europe.

J56

JARL CHaRPENTIER -

appuiviit fact that tlicv were well acquainteil with one of the metals,
\ iz. copper. The name of this metal is contained in .Sanskrit
in Latin aen. in Gothic (liz, etc. It has recently been suggested that this
word is in reality nothing but an ohl name i f Cyprus preserved in
Egyptian and other documents. This suggestion has been contested ;
but although it cannot probablv' be proved, it remains a very
fascinating one. That r/oW cannot be proved to have been known I
have already pointed out ; as for .'iilver there e.xist two quite different
sets of names, but the conditions are too complicated to be gone into
liere. especially as the inference is that the metal in question cannot
be proved to have been known to the Indo-Europeans. There is no
name of any mineral pre.served from the common language. And it is
certainly a fact not to be j^assed over that while the European
languages have a common name for salt (Greek aXs, Ijatin sal,
etc.) this is not shared bv the Indo-Iranians, who denote this stuff
by wholly different names. This fact, seen in correlation with certain
other ones, seems to betray the curious circumstance that the Indo-
Europeans did not really know .salt, and that it was only the
European branches amongst them who became acquainted with it.
This they probably did on the northern .shore of the Black Sea. where
already some thousands of years ago enormous salt-mine.s were known
to e.xist.^

That the Indo-Europeans could perhaps dispense with salt seems
to be explained by the fact that their food was chiefly, if not exclusivelv,
obtained from their domestic animals and — though apparently to no
verv great degree — from the products of hunting. Language indicates
that the food did chiefly consist of meat and null: ; and though a name
toT flour seems to be in existence there exists none for either bread ox
porridge. As for butter, it did certainly exist, but was scarcely much
used for food : classical writers remarked that the barbarians used it
as a cosmetic — especially perhap.s in a state of rancidity — and this
seems to have been its oldest use. There is no proof whatsoever of the
existence of cheese. Xor does language testify to the acquaintance with
either ale or ivine ; “ but honei/ apparently was in extensive use. and it

* Cf. Herodotus, iv, 6Xts re rVi tco aToiLart atrov {ir. rov BopvoOeKos)

avroparoi TlijyvuiTai arrAerot.

- It seems by now to be fairly well establishid that the names of the wine
Indo-European languages (Greek otras. Latin tiHitni. Armenian ijuu. etc,), as well
.Semitic *vainu are ail derived from a Cauea^.ian .source of which traces do ne 1 ■ ' ^
.still exist.

THE ORTGIXAL HOME OF THE rNnO-EmOPEAXS

157

seems quite probable that the Indo-Europeans knew how to produce,
bv the fermentation of mare's milk, an alcoholic beverage. ^

Simple as was the food were certainly also the other conditions of
life. Language testifies to no luxury in either dre.ss — which seems to
have consisted of skins or woollen stuffs, linen and cotton being
apparently unknown — or housing or furniture and utensils. The
houses, to judge from the well-known house-urns, seem originally to
have been of a stack-like or tent-like shape ; and they sometimes
perhaps consisted only of cave-like rooms beyond the surface of the
earth, with possibly a plaited roof to cover the entrance from above.
(If implement,? few were apparently known, of weapons only s}>C(ty
and arrow — which, of course, also implies the bow — can with certaintv
be said to have been used. But apparently the Indo-Europeans,
whatever else were their achievements in the mechanical arts, were
quite clever wainwrights : wagons and carts were well known and
frequently used, and there are .several Indo-Euro])pnn names of the
different parts of the.se conveyances.

Scant and .simple as seems to have been the material culture of
these Indo-Europeans, they were probably still superior to their
neighbours in one way. viz. by the pos.session of their herd.s of
domesticated hor.«es. which made them able to move about at

great .speed, and, consequently to develop a considerable militarv
superiority. One cannot help feeling that a description that would
probably have well suited these roving tribes with their riding men and
their women, children, and household goods loaded on carts and wagons
is the one given by Herodotus (iv, 10) of the nomadic Scythians :
T<U Zkv diK(v yerel' ee per to /ifyiarov to>v avd pcjTTTjLwv

TT p-qyfxaTiov ao^cbraTa Trdrrtor e^evprjTai tcov ppeis I'Spei', ret pei'TOi
aAAa OVK ayapai. To Se peyfcrTor ovtco dvevprjTai wore

anoefivyeZv re pi^Sera irreXOoj’ra drri a<f>€as, prj ^ovAopeiovs re
i^evpeOijvai KaTaXa^eZi' prj oiov re eirai" ruZai yap pqre darrea
pqre T€L)(€a fj eKTicrplva, dAAd (fr^pfoiKoi e’o'rres- Trarre? eojcn

ImroTo^oraL, ^6 jtt€S p-rj drr' dporov dAA’aTro /erqi/ecoi'

' Ot.KTjlJ.aTa T€

a(f>i. fj i-rrl Cevydaii', kois ovk dv eiTjaav ovtol dpa)(ol re Kal arropoi

TT pocrpLayeiv.

Simple and undeveloped was certainly also the spiritual culture of
the Indo-Europeans. There are so far no indication.s that anv impor-

' The liquor denoted in .San.skrit by *«n/, in the .A vesta by hunl po.ssibl\ originally
meant a beverage prepared from mare’s milk. Later on '«m eertainly means ' rnc
wine" or" riee-brandv ", ef. Laufr'r, Stuo-lrnnira. pp, 240, .4.SI.

jarl Charpentier —

taut spiritual innovations originated with the Indo-European tribes ;
and when we look hack upon the brilliant reconl of the Greeks and
remember that they did already at an early date attain a very high
degree of culture, we must also remember that they succeeded, at the
time of their migration into Greece, to the splendid civilizations of
Mvcene, Crete, and A.sia Minor. Social institutions as well as judicial
j)roceedings seem to have been of the simplest sort with the Indo-
Europeans : and the greater part ol those legal jxjwers that we are
nowadays used to see vested in the State were at that period
managed by the individuals or the family. That blood feutls belong,
in an extensive degree, to the institutions of a primitive age is too
well known to be .specially underlined here.

As for the religion of the Indo-Europeans, little is so far known.
But those scholars who totally deny the possibility of arriving at anv
sound conclusions concerning that topic are proba])ly just as wrong as
those who think that quite a number of individual gods and of
very detailed myths can be traced back to the remote age of Indo-
European linguistic unity. To the present writer it seems to be a
legitimate conclusion that the Indo-Europeans had a cult of the spirit
of their ance.stors, though they did not. as a rule, consider the dead as
malignant and bloodthirsty beings, as is e.g. the case with the non-
Aryan tribes of India, But higher than these spirits of the dead seem
to have soared, in the Indo-European religion, the great powers of
nature and especially the vault of heaven, the h-uVAo? nds rov ovpavov,
which was, according to Herodotus (i, 131), the highest god of the
ancient Persians. There is not the slightest indication that the Indo-
Europeans possessed either temples or idols, just as little as did the
Persians or the A'edic Aryans.^ They probably worshipped their gods
on certain sacrificial grounds, where the fle.sh of the animals and the
other gifts were spread out on grass and offered to the divine powers •
whether they made use of sacrificial fire.s is a question open to doubt
as there will always be a difference of opinion as to whether the Persian
custom of not using the fire for sacrificial and sepulchral purposes is
the original one or not. According to the opinion of the present writer
it may well be an innovation ; and the Aryans in India mav con-
sequently have preserved in their fire-ritual an inheritance from the
age of their Indo-European ance.stor.=.

> What ha.s been addured to prove that the Aryaii.s of the Vedic tiiiie-
and uor.shipped idols (cf. e.g. Konow, /«,/. xxxvui, U.') si,.) is «hoPv

We have no mention of idols in San.-knt literature earhei than J>,i„ini v 'i'w" '

THE ORIGINAL HOME OF THE INnO-F.rROPEANS

159

Many more or less important facts have had to be omitted from this
review of the conditions prevalent, according to linguistic evidence,
in the home of the Indo-Europeans. But what has been said may still
be sufficient to convey the impression of a people living in a temperate
climate where snow and ice were at times to be known and .surrounded
by the animals which are still found in sucli a zone of the earth. Also
the few trees which are proved by etymology to have existed in those
•surrounding.s — viz. the lurch, the willow, and the fir-tree— are such that
are usually met with in countries with a rather severe climate.

These tribes were ap])arentlv leading <a very simple life. Their
chief ])osse.ssions were their domestic animals, their sheep, goats,
cow.s.and oxen. dogs, and above all their horses, fleet of foot and trained
as well for the purpose of riding as for being yoked to carts and wagons.
These p(;ople kmnv corn, and a very primitive method of crushing
it, but no proper agriculture : their food consisted chiefly of the meat
aiifl milk yielded by their cattle and horse.s. Xo salt, no sjuces gave
to their simple food a more excpiisite flavour, nor did they seem to
have possessed any ale or wine ; hut probably some drink prepared
from honey, as well as fermented mare’s milk, at times allowed them to
indulge in some simple bacchanalian pleasures. This mode of life
undoiditedly points to a fairly primitive ])eo]»le with nomadic habits,
roaming, by hel[) of their horses and wagons, over great di.«tances and
feeding their animals on different pasture-grounds where at certain
times they fi.xed those tents which, like the >Scythians of Herorlotus,
they used to move with them loaded on their heavy carts.

The spiritual culture of these tribes was also a fairlv primitive one.
But a.s far as anything can be known concerning their religion, it seems
to have been rather a sublime than a repulsive one. They worshipped
the spirits of their dead ance.stors, who were, at time.s. undoidrtedly
considered to be rather dangerous customers, but who were, on the
other hand, never looked upon in the .same way as that crowd of
malignant and blood-loving ghouls that are haunting jungle and
village over the greater part of India. But above all the Indo-
Europeans worshipped and offered their .sacrifices to the majestic
powers of nature ; and their highest deity seems to have been the lofty
vault of heaven, which, according to Herodotus, the ancient Persians
considered to be the counterpart of Olympian Zeus. It deserves to be
remembered that ance.stor- worship and worship of Heaven seems to
be characteristic of the religions of Central and Cpper .\sia and even
of that of the Chinese.

JARL CHARPENTIEK

IfiO

Keepiii" in mind our main thesis that the Indo-Euro])eaiis were a
nomadic people probably roamiii" over very large areas, let us now
consider briefly the chief of the variou.s theories concerning the
original home of the Indo-Europeans. That home, of course, has to
be looked for either in A.sia or in Enroj)e; no other continent could in
earnest be taken into consideration, nor has this, to mv knowledge at
least, ever been done.

At the time when Sanskrit became first known to European
scholars — the beginning of the nineteenth century ’ — .“ome leading
authorities advanced the idea that the ancient language of India was
in reality identical with that of the Indo-European.“. Tliis theory,
which was undoubtedly a retrogression in comparison with the
sagacious ideas of Sir William Jones, naturally led its propagators
to look for the home of the Indo-Europeans in India pro})er. But it
was soon established beyond the po.-^sibility of doul)t that Sanskrit
was not the stem from which all other Indo-European languages had
branched off. and that, consequently, the difficult idea of locating the
■“ Urheimat " in India had to be given up. But scholars still clung to
the hypothesis that the cradle of the Indo-Europeans was to ))e looked
for in Asia ; and in that way the Pamirs, the O.xus region, and Central
Asia all found favour with comparative philologists as having a claim
to be considered as the original honre of the tribes s])eaking the Indo-
European idiom.

A reaction set in. in the middle of the last century, with Ijatham,
who pleaded on various reasons for locating the homestearl of the
Indo-Europeans within our own continent. And ever since that time
the idea of a European ” Urheimat " has won more and more favour
with scholars who have tried to adduce more or less valid reasons for
e.stablishing this new hypothe.sis. Amongst most .students of com-
parative philology nowaflays it seems to be a sort of article of creed
that the home of the Indo-Europeans was situated somewhere in
Europe ; but I have already mentioned that .some few notable scholars
do not even now share this opinion.

The majority of German and Scamlinavian scholars seem, as has
already been mentioned, to look upon it as an established fact that the
Urheimat ’’ is to be found on the shores of the Baltic. It has been a
favourite idea with German scholars since days long gone by to try

1 fertain imlividuals, .-specially some -lesuit fathers, had, however, po.ssos.sed more
than a smattering of Sanskrit al.so during the previous fcitunr-s.

THE ORIGINAL HOME OP THE IXDO-ErROI'EANS

161

to identify Teutons — as described by Tacitus ’ — with Indo-Jiuropeans.
Archajological arguments, chiefly furnished by the great Scandinavian
archieologist? of the last half century such as Montelius and others,
seem to prove the existence, in parts of Xorthern Europe, for more
than 3,000 years, of a somewhat uniform race ; thi.s evidence has been
misunderstood or misinterpreted by certain German scholars, and it
has far too easily been taken for granted that this race was identical
with the Teutons, a hazy and vague conception which has not been
sufficiently defined. One has also tried to adduce linguistic arguments
to prove the presence, since times immemorial, of the Indo-Europeans
on the shores of the Baltic. AVe mav well indulge in a quiet smile
when a German archaeologist goes to the length of suggesting that
the Teutonic languages should represent the original Indo-European
idiom from which languages like the Indo-Iranian or the Greek have
considerably deviated. But even more earnest arguments no
doubt prove to be fallacious. A favourite one is thi.s ; the Lithuanian
languages are recognized to be of a very old-fashioned structure,
though the olde.st proofs of these idioms pre.served to our time are only
a few centuries old : consequently these languages cannot have moved
far from the place of their origin, and the Indo-Europeans must then
have been living near the present dwelling-places of the Lithuanians.
But the scholars who adduce this argument do not seem to have taken
into consideration that the Indo-Iranian languages are still more old-
fashioned, and that, were their theory a correct one, the tribes who
spoke those idioms must ha\"e migrated thousands of miles from their
original abode. Isor does it seem to have occurred to them that the
Teutonic languages which are, .since long ago. in a state of utter
destruction should, according to their views, still be spoken within the
very area of the Indo-European language.

Some evidence has also been brought forth to prove that the
Indo-Europeans were agriculturists. But as such arguments are
wholly built up on etymologies from the European languages with a
wholesale neglect of the negative evidence furnished by the Indo-
Iranian dialects they need not detain us very much. The facts collected
above undoubtedly point to the Indo-Europeans as being a nomadic
people, and no nomads could at any known period have had their
abodes on the shores of the Baltic. Xor does anything at all go to prove

^ In this connexion one bcems totally to have forgotten the otherAvise obvious
fact that the description given by Tacitus is very strongly idealized in order to put up
the life of the Teutons as a standard to his demoralized eountryir.en.

VOL. IV. 1>AKT I.

lh-2

•fARI. CHARPEXTIF.R

that the doinestiration of tlie horse originated in that part of the
world, while it i-' a well-established fact that the people.s of Central
and Ujjper A.sia have .since times of yore been possessors of tle(‘t and
well-trained horses.

Further on, the Indo-European language did not. as far as we are
aware, posses.s any name of the .sea, which is rather remarkable,
])rovided its ])earers should have lived on the .shores of the Ifaltic.
Nothing in the language indicates that the Indo-Europeans were
acquainted with ships and the art of sailing, which would also be rather
remarkable had they been living amongst the sea-faring nations of
the north. A most astonishing fact also is that the Indo-Europeans seem
to have had no knowledge of either fish or shell-fish ; ' for had they been
living at the period sugge.sted by Scandinavian and German scholars,
on the shores of the Baltic they would undoubtedly have succeeded to,
or oth^"rwise been in conne.vion with the prehistoric people of the
kitchen -middens who.se .sole food seems to have consisted of fi.sh,
oysters, and cockles. Nor could a people live for centuries on the
shores of the Baltic without it.self taking to fi.shing. even if it had not
been taught to do so by its coime.xion with other tribes. Nor has
any one of the scholars who advance the Baltic theory tried to deal
with the question of the amber. Archmological research as well as
historical evidence have establi.shed beyond doubt that amber was,
since prehistoric times, found, used and e.xjmrted by the tribes
inhabiting the shores of the Baltic : but, notwithstanding this, there
cannot be found even the .slightest trace of an Lido-European name of
this precious material. Does Jiot this strike one as being rather
incongruent with the hypothesis of a Baltic home of the Indo
Europeans 1

If, finally, we add that the theories of the spread of the Indo-
European tribes from their home on the Baltic --theories that need not
be repeated here —are totally unhistoric and have been made up with
the help of fallaciou.s parallels relating to a far later period, no more
need be said concerning the Baltic •' Erheimat The .sooner a theory
like this disappears from the handbooks of comparative philology the
better.

Another hypothesis, advanced by .^om-,‘ earlier scholais and quite
recently ably defended by Dr. Giles, gives it that Hungary was the

‘ .San.skrit .anil if' Kiiropean rolatK.ii,

apparently do not moan tlie eatable sheU-fi-h, but
various purposes.

(e.,o.

the

•■reek soy^os. Koy^i), etc.).

THE ORIGTXAL HOME OF THE INnO-El'KOPEANS

163

country from which the Indo-Europeans spread over Europe and part
of Asia. There is something to be said for a theory like this, and it
will be seen presently that to the present writer it appears probable
that some branches of the Indo-Europeans did at one time live together
in Hungary. But as the starting-point of the whole migration this
country does not seem to come seriously into consideration. The
Hungarian theory, just as little as the other European one.s, counts
with the migrations of the Indo-Iranians into India and Persia, for
those tribes have, to our knowledge, never had their abode within the
limits of Europe. Xor does it seem plausible that tribes of nomads
could during any prolonged period of time have had their dwelling-
places on the fertile soil of Hungary ; and it would certainly be remark-
able if they had not. at an early time, learnt to supply their means of
e.vistenco from the innumerable shoals of fishes of the Hungarian
rivers. Altogether Hungary was fairly certainly a halting-place on the
way of the European migrations, but it was certainly not the starting-
place of the whole movement.

Much better than the Hungarian hypothesis is the one defended by
the late Professor Schrader with his great resources of learning and
sound judgment. His theory is that the Indo-l'iuropeans had their
chief habitat in Southern Russia on the northern shores of the Black
Sea, where did, at a later period, dwell the Scythians, known to us
from the masterly descriptions of Herodotus ; and from there they
•spread in an easterly and a westerly direction. Professor Schrader
was not even averse to the idea that Indo-European tribes might have
been living to the east of what Is strictly called South Russia, but he
did not e.xactly tell us what he meant by that somewhat ambiguous
e.xpression.

It will be seen presently what an important part South Russia did,
according to my opinion, play in the history of Indo-European
migrations. But it seems to me that a peojile unaccpiainted with
agricidture, fi.shing. and the use of salt cannot have had its original
home in a land which was already at a very early date one of the chief
cornbins of the world, ^ from which the peoples of the Mediterranean
drew their chief supply of dried and cured fish, and where salt was
‘"by itself produced in illiniited quantities". Xor coidd. at any
conceivable time, a people of nomads have been roaming about on the
fertile soil of South Russia with its woods and wheat-lands.

* Cf. the ver_\ important linok by Ro^tovtzeff, Iin/iiniit, nml Crcfl. ' i» South Eusnid,
p. 01 .»([.

164

.TART. OHAKl’KXTtER -

The present writer has already declared it as his opinion that the
home of the Indo-Europeans was in Asia, and in that part of the vast
continent where were found wide grasslands on which to roam al)out
with their herds of cattle and horses : where the climate was a
temperate, or, at times, a cold one. and where were found the animals
usual in .such a zone and among trees the birch, the willow and the
fir-tree. No part of Asia answers cpi'te to this description e.vcept the
regions to the ea.st of the Ca.spian 8ea, which are generally called
Central Asia, with the neighbouring plains of Turke.stan, where
formerly conditions of living were far easier than nowa<lays. It is in
these parts — and perhaps also in regions a little to the north of them
that according to my opinion roamed the nomadic tribes speaking
Indo-European with their horses, cattle and wagons. They were
probably near neighbours of the Mongolians, Huns, etc., tribes who led
the same mode of life ; and like those roving nomads they were
certainly at times a cause of trouble and fear to their more peaceful
and settled neighbours. No dates tell us since what time the a ay
has been used between Mesopotamia and the Far East, the way which
at a later time ran through part of the regions in which the Iiuhe
Europeans had their dwellings. But nothing so far prohibits our
thinking that this way may have been used — at least at intervals— since
time immemorial ; and along the western part of this road raw
materials and implements from the highly cultivated peoples of the
'Eastern Mediterranean region may at times have been imported to the
nomads in the plains of Central Asia.

* * * * :(e

From Upper and Central Asia streams of invasions have at certain
periods hurled themselves towards the west and south-west. M'e have,
of course, no knowledge of the oldest of these outbursts from the
interior of the enormous continent nor have we any di.'-tinct idea of the
time when these eruptions .started ; but we have still some knowledge
of such migrations from a fairly early time, and some of them mav
briefly be remembered here.

The Greek author Aristeas from Prokonnesus (seventh century B c )
was the author of a poem on the Arimaspeans which has, unfortunatelv
been lost but for a few fragments. But the brilliant investigations of
Toma.schek ^ into tho.se scanty remnants have unearthed the fact that
Aristeas told of a great - Vblkerwanderung " belonging to the eighth
century b.C., which started somewhere in the interior of Asia and the

1 Ci. ,SUz><n'j--,hfri>/-le ih, ]) iri„ r Aka>l. lUr ll(i(l,sS8) p 71,5 vq

IHK ORIGJXAL HOME OF THE [NOO-EL'ROPEANS

105

ultimate result of wliicli was that the Scythians of the Jaxartes region
turned westwards, invaded the east of South Russia, and ou.sted the
Kimmerian.s, who had, until that time, for a certain period, had their
home there. But the barbarian nomad.s of Central and Cpper A.sia
not only wanted to turn towards the we.st and south ; they also
cheri.shed an indomitable longing for the rich and fertile provinces
belonging to the Son of Heaven. Finally at the end of the third pre-
Christian century, a Chinese emperor had to begin the building of the
famous wall which was to protect his subjects from the inroads of the
northern and western barbarians ; and it ha.s been said, with a certain
amount of truth, that the erection of this protective wall did strongly
influence the later fates of the Roman Empire. For noAv the turbulent
elements of the interior of Asia were driven to re-sort to the southern
and we.stern areas of expansion, and the results of their furious
onslaughts were soon felt both in Iran, India, and throughout the
\\'e.stern world.

Already in the second century b.c. a movement start eil amongst the
Hiung-nu (Huns) near the Chinese frontier which Anally ended in
destroying the Greco-Bactrian empire, in .strongly menacing the
existence of the house of Ar.sakes. and in landing crowds of Central-
.\sian invaders within the borders of India. Less remarkable
movements may have occurred during the following centuries, which
were but incompletely noticed by We.stern chroniclers. But in the latter
half of the fourth century a.d. the Huns cro.ssed the Volga and began
to pour into Europe, driving subdued and ousted tribes in front of
them. A little later on another branch of them, the AVhite Huns, or
Hephthalites, flooded the .south of Asia ; and about the time when
the last legions of Rome shattered on the plains of Chalons the motley
hordes of Attila. the AVhite Huns had begun to tread Sassanian Persia
under the hoofs of their horses, and were soon to sma.sh the
Indian empire of the Guptas into pieces. AA e may then pass by the
movements of the various tribes of Turks, of Chazars. Magyars, etc.,
only to remember the hitherto last ami probably most horrid of
invasions from the East, the inroads of the Mongols letl by Chingis
Khan and his successors in the thirteenth century. It may be true that
these had mainly the character of military inva.sions. and wotdd not
perhaps have been so disastrous had they not been led by a nundier of
ureat and .skilful generals. But. on the other hand, the enormous
(expansion of the Mongols would scarcely have been po.ssible if their trii n s
had not, at that time, grown very .strong in men and horse.^-e For, at

16(5

J A KL t'H A KP KX'l 1 E K —

the I)ottoiii of iill these various iiioveiueiits lies the fact that at certain
periods and within certain regions in the interior of Asia there had come
to be a great surjtlus of men and beasts that nmst needs find new
pasture-grounds within the territories of their neighl)ours : and thus
started a migration which spread like the ripplings of a wave over great
parts of the Asiatic ami, at times, even the European continent.
*****

These historical parallels are not to be left unnoticed when we try
to make out a theory concerning the migrations of the Indo-
Europeans. If, as is the opinion of the present writer, the centre of
these movements lay somewhere in Central Asia, it seems highly
probable that disturbances of the .same sort as have been alluded to
above, may have been the ultimate cause of the whole of Indc-
European migration and expan.sion. It must be willingly admittetl that
nothing of this can be proved with the help of our present means of
investigation ; but if, on the other hand, the earliest Indo-European
migrations did, as seems possible, occur at a time scarcely more than
4.0(X) years ago there is no rea.son why they should not be treated as
parallel with migrations of a later date which are known to us through
the evidence of history.

The present writer ventures to think that the Indo-European
movement did perhajrs start with the Indo-Iranians moving towards
the south and crossing the Ja.xartes, thus entering the fertile province
of Sogdiana. From Sogdiana their way lay across the Oxus into
Bactria, where they may perhaps have dwelt for some considerable
time ere one branch of them struck towards the south-west, directing
itself against Media and Mesopotamia, while other hordes took to the
south-westerly way and invaded India through the pass-ways of the
extreme north-west. But not all of the Inde-Ironian tribes crossed the
Jaxartes ; some of them, later on known as the Scythians, continued
to roam as nomads to the north of the river and to make frequent
inroads on the cultivated lands of Sogdiana and even Bactria. The
Gathas of Zoroaster tell us of the hatred felt by the settled agricultural
popidation towards the plundering and cattle-slaughtering hordes from
the north ; and the traditional life-story of the prophet of Iran has
vi\ddly depicted the invasions of Arjasp, the chief of the barbarous
horsemen from the other side of the Oxus and the Jaxartes.

The late lamented Professor De Groot thought that he had found
Scythian tribes mentioned in Chinese sources belonging to the twenty-
third century b.c.; 1 but, unfortunately, this was probably a mistake,

1 Cf. Sitznn'phn-irhte def PreVKS. .-tiW. df, ]j(2]

IHK UKIGiXAL HOME OF THE IXHO-EUROFEANS

167

However, since Iranian names are found aniong.st the Kas.sites in the
eighteenth centurv b.c., and since the horse was probably brought
into Mesopotamia by Iranian tribe.s about 2000 b.c. or slightly earlier,
it seems a legitimate inference that these tribe.s may have invaded the
Oxus-Jaxarte.s country during the latter half of the third millennium
B.C., probable about 2400-2300 b.c. The age of the older hymns of
the Rigveda is unknown ; but .so far there are no obstacles for assuming
that the Aryans may have entered India at about 2000 b.c. or perhaps
one or two centuries later. ^ As for the Pontic Scythian.s it is worth
while to remember that, according to Herodotus (iv, 7), they reckoned
a period of a thousand years from the reign of their first king. Targitaos,
to the time of the Scythian cam 2 )aign of Darius I (about 513 b c.).
It is, of course, very uncertain, but it may be jiossible that their
traditions did in reality go back to about 1500 b.c.

The migrations of Indo-Euro])ean tribes toward.-^ the West probably
started about the same time— i.e. ju.st about 2000 b.c. or slightly
earlier — as the origin of the movement wa.s presumably the same one,
viz. jDressure from the nomadic population.s of Upper Asia. It seem.s
possible that the first hordes of invaders who 23as.sed north of the Caspian
Sea into South Rmsia destroyed the .so-called Tripolje culture and
erected a number of kurgans throughout the land of .Southern Russia.
Though part of the invaders may already at this remote jieriod have
begun to settle down on the northern shores of the Black l^ea. the
first swarnrs may pos.^ibly have gone on through Roumania into the
Balkans, from where they cro.ssed to A.sia Minor and destroyed the
second city of Hissarlik about the year 2U()0 b.c. For. between this
foundation and the town of Priam there only .seem to have e.xisted
minor cities, which jjoints to the fact that a higher culture had been
superseded by a lower one. The.se early invaders may jjerhaps have left
traces of their language in the Indo-Euro[reau elements fouml in
te.xts of the Hittites.-

At a much later time— probably about 12(M) b.c.— the Phrygians
seem to have crossed the Helle.spont and invaded Asia Minor ; and
their descendants, the Armenians, did, according to Professor Eduard
Meyer, enter their native country .some six centuries later. A.s for
the Greeks they did perhaj)s never 2 )a.s.s through Hungary, as has been

* The exorbitant theories of Profes.'or .Jacobi ami the late Lohanianva ]5. (■'.
Tilak eoacerninu the age of the Riftvecla tan no Icnirer be uphehi. A.sforthe rtcent
hypothesis of Professor Heitel, aecorilin,!; to ninth the hulk of flic jiyiniis slimild
tlate from about .)W n.f. or even later, it eannot, of eonrse, be taken into serious
t onsitieration.

- As for this theurv ct.. lion eti i . the it i cut aitn It- 1>\ ITotes^oi P. .Meet i m the
Sitzungsbtrichte of the Berlin Aeatlemy. p 244 .-tj

1G8

JARL CHARI'KXTIEK

■suggested by various scholars ; they may just as well liave passed
■Straight through Roumania to the Balkan peninsula, where at one time
they settled down in Epiru.s. Exactly at what time the Greeks occupied
the country that bears their name may be uncertain. But Hittite
documents, but recently deciphered by Dr. Forrer. seem to speak of a
great Greek kingdom with extensiv'e connexions in Asia Minor about
the year 1300 B.c., and so the tribes who founded this mighty state
may have arrived in the country possibly some centuries earlier.

To the north of the Greeks lived the Illyrians, tribes of whom, the
Messapians, did even cro.ss the Adriatic into Italy. The conclusion
seems to be legitimate that the ancestors of the Illyrians came into their
later dwelling-places through Hungary. This country must also at
one time have been the common habitat of the later Italians, Celts,
and Teutons, who may have spent some considerable time together
on its fertile plains. Later on the Italians went away towards the south-
west and invaded Italy, where they found before them the Ibero-
Ligurians, tribes belonging to Western Europe, and the Etruscans,
certainly invaders from Asia Minor. At what time the Italians arrived
in the valley of the Po has not yet been settled ; but exaggerated
dates are to he avoided here as in the case of other Indo-European
peoples.

The Celts during the first milleiuiium b.c. had an enormous
expansion over Brittany, France, the north of Italy — where they seem
to have arrived about 400 b.c. — and parts of Spain ; at a somewhat
later date Celtic tribes even went as far as Asia Minor (third century
B.C.). The Teutons, who are first spoken of as Germanic by the famous
scientist Poseidonius of Apamea (d. 40 b.c.), seem to have gone due
north from Hungary towards the shores of the Baltic. At one time of
their development they .“eem to have been under the cultural, and
probably also political, supremacy of the Kelts. Pytheas from
Massilia, about 300 B.c., seems to have found them living to the east
of the Celts about the mouths of the Rhine. The exact chronology
of the early Teuton migrations has not been fixed ; but seeing that the
Celts spread over AVestern Europe about the period 800-400 b.c. no
dates going beyond the first millennium b.c. can well be taken into
consideration.

As for the Lithuanians and Slavs they enter on the stage of historv
by far the latest of all Indo-European peoples. It has been the
custom, at least, since the days of fiafaryk, to find in some of the
peoples described by Herodotus as living in the interior of Russia and
Poland, Slavonic tribes; so e.g. the Nevpoi (iv, 17, 100 sq., etc.) are

T1!E ORRiIXAL HOME OF THE IXUO-ECKOPEAXS

169

presumed by most scliolars to have been real Slavs. But the reasons
adduced by them to prove these suggestions seem to be wholly futile,
and. as a matter of fact, there seems to be no evidence for their having
been present in Europe in pre-Christian times. According to Xiederle
their presence at the mouths of the Danube can be established in the
second century a.d., and it consequently seems quite probable that
they did not enter Russia from the east until a few centuries before that
date. Most scholars are convinced that the Lithuanians are described
by Tacitus ^ under the name of Aestii. It i.s certainly curious that the
Roman author should describe their language as being Britannicn
propior. for at no date could there have been any very striking similarity
between the Lithuanian and Celtic idioms. But this, after all, may be
a mistake and the common identification may hold good. Tacitus
further tells us that the.se Aeslii gathered the amber on the sea-shore
but had no general idea of its use or its intrinsic value ; ipsiis in nuUo
mu: rude legitur, informe perfertur. pretiumque mirantes necipiunt.
But no people that had lived for a prolonged period on the shores of
the Baltic, the most valuable product of which was amber, could have
been strange to its use or ignorant of its value ; and the legitimate
inference is that these Aeslii had at the time of Tacitus rather recently
arrived in their dwelling-places to the east of the Baltic. Altogether
the Slavs and Lithuanians were, according to the opinion of the present
writer, the very last tribes to leave the ancestral home in Central
Asia. If so it seems highly probable that they were in their turn driven
out by some migration of the peoples of Upper Asia — perhajD.s the
one that originated in connexion with the building of the Chinese
wall. Linguistic facts seem to prove that the Slavs did for some con-
siderable time live in close affinity to Iranian tribes, probably Scythian.-^ ;
and this was almo.st certainly the case, though the linguistic evidence
has quite recently been treatetl as doubtful. “

As for the " Tocharians ” their presence in Turkestan during the
centuries after the beginning of our era still remains inexplicable.
The Tocharian language undoubtedly shows strong affinities with the
Western Indo-European ones, but the explanation of this very remark-
able fact still remains a complete puzzle.

*****

A short time after delivering these lectures the present writer began
to read the posthumous work of the late lamented Jacques de Morgan,
called La Prehistoire Orientale, tome i, Generality, Paris, 1925. The
main theories of this great savant concerning the tlepopulation and

^ ('i. (iermantn, ch. 45.

“ Of. M. St. Mladenov in the Revue des Etudes pSlnves. iv, 19U sq.

170

THE ORHUNAI, HOME OF THF. IXI)0-EI ROPKAX-^

repopulation of the eartli during the glacial pciiods must luulouhtedly
he judged mainly hy geologists; an<l some of his archaeological
arguments are perhaps rather adventurous. But it was a great jdeasiire
to the })resent writer to find that de Morgan docs not at all douht
that the Indo-Europeans had their origin in Asia : and though he does
not perhap.s .state it expressly it goes without .saying that, according
to his opinions, they must at one time have heen living in. or in the
neighbourhood of. Central Asia.

As for the various European theories <le .Morgan treat.-- uith
ridicule the idea of an I’rheimat " on the shores of the Baltic ([>. 191) ;
and on that same page he says a.s follows ; '■ II est done certain
([ue la steppe du Sud de la Russie n'a etc pour les Indo- Euro])ecns>
venas dans nos pays, qu'un foyer secondaire de <li.-per.sion, ct fine co
foyer n'a rien a voir avec le.s mouvena'nt.s (h's Pcr.ses et des .\rvans
de rinde." This tallies almost word for word u ith the modest opinions
expressed above by the present M’riter.

May I also be allowed, at the end of this short paper, to give another
quotation from the important work of de Morgan.^ which sums up, in
an admirable way, the historical point.s of vieu- that 1 have tried to
underline above : " Je ne m'etendrai pas sur le detail des invasions
qui se sont produites tant en A.sie anterieure qii’en Europe depuis
que I'Histoire les enregi.-tre ; mais je ferai observer que toutes celles
dont nous connaissons le cours se sont produites (best en ouest avec
parfois inflexion vers le sud et celles que nous enregistrons dans
I'Histoire, depuE le ii« millenaire av J.-C. jusqu'au v^ et vi” sidcle du
notre ere ont toutes suivi ce meme chemin depuis I'Emba et le lleuve
Oural jusqu'au has Danube. La Scythie qui s'etendait depuis les
bouches du Danube jusqu'au pied de I'Alta'i et du Pamir les a vues
toutes passer. Cette loi est absolue durant toute la periode historique,
e'est-a-dire du vii'= siccle avant notre ere jusqu'au .xvii® apres. pendant
3-dOO ans. II n'est pas admissible qu'elle n'ait debate qu'avec les
temps pour lesquels nous possedons des notions precises, alors que ses
causes sont infiniraent plus anciennes. Nous devons admettre sa
contimiite et, par conseciuent, la faire remonter jusqu'au temps oil
se sont produits les phraomenes naturels (|ui lui ont donne naissance.
e’est-a-dire la refroidissement de la Siberie et I'ouverture des porte.s
entre le Nord de I'Asie et I'Europe. Les Lois natiirel’es sont int.angible.- :
et si la linfjuistique eprvuve le hesoin de supposer des migrations de
grande encergurc d Ouest en Est r est qu elle ne salt pas interpreter
lesfrarjiles documents sur lesquels elle base ses evnehisions.'’

^ Loc. fit., p. ISJ..

HEVIKW!S OF J^OOKS

The KAVERt. the ilAUKHARI.S. AND THE SaXHAM AgE. Bv T. (J.
Aravamuthax’. Thesis wiiicli was awardetl the iSankara-Parvati
Prize for 1924 by the University of Madras, p}). iv ; i y i 4- Pll,
1 map. Madras. 192“). 8vo.

The ordinary student of liistory. who on the basis o^ Bana's
Hnrm-carita and a few inscriptions th'nks of the Maukharis a.s located
somewhere in Northern India, will opine on reading the title of this
work that it is a far cry thence to the Kaveri. Mr. Aravanuithan,
however, may fairly be said to have established at lea.st a possibility
that it may not be very far after all, and in doing this he has written
a very interesting and able book. The hypotheses which he maintains
are the following : ( I ) the great Cola king Karikiilan built embankments
to check the floods due to the occasional overflow of the river Kaveri,
and in this work he compelled many tributary kings and their subjects
to render personal service ; (2) among his tributaries was a prince
named MuJcari. who failed to obey this command, and was punished
by Karikalan with the lo.ss of an eye. according to Jayahgondan's
Kaliiiijattu-iKtrani ; (3) this Mukari was probably one of the Maukharis
of Magadha, for the Silappadhikdrain asserts that Karikalan marched
into Northern India and concpiered Magadha ; (4) such an invasion by
Karikalan is possible, and the statement is paralleled and confirmei.1
by the references in early Tarnd literature to similar expeditions
by the Cera kings Imayavaramban and his son Sehguttuvan : (5)
the distance in time between Karikalan and Henguttuvan is only
about fifty years : hence if we fix the probable date of these invasions
we have appro.ximately the period of the Saiigam literature ; (b) the
only periods in which such e.xpeditions coidd have been successfidly
carried out were from 20(5 to 184 b.c.. from 148 b.c. to the beginning
of the Christian era, and the third century a.d. : hence the Sahgam
cannot have been later than the third century a.d. In addition to the
discussions of these theses we have a chapter investigating the ancient
geography of the river Kaveri. with a suggestion that the river may
have changed its course a few' nules to the west of Kumbakonam. and
another on the hi.story of the Maukhari dynasty. In the latter he points
out that the historvofthefamilymaybe with much probability carried
back as far as the century of Asoka. as a clay seal found at Gaya bears

172

KEVIKWS OF Bf)OKS

the leiieiul 111 earlv Hrahuu script Mnkfiulniinii. which !s lun.^t naturally
interpreted as lueaii'iig ■' of the Maiihharis He then exaniiiies all
the epigraph'c and literary data bearing on the faindy. and with
great ingenuity endeavours to reconstruct their history, leading up to
the tentative suggestion '' that the Mauk:haris were the jirecursors
of Harsha and could have laid jireteiisions to he the Emperors id
North India " (j). 1 1 1).

The first of these hypothe.ses may be jirovisionally acce^ited ;
the tradition of Karikalan's embankments i.--- ancient, and puite reason-
able. The second presents more difficulties. The passage numtiomug
Mukari as having lost an eye for failing to obey Kariki'ilan’s command
to work at the embankments of the Kaveri occurs in the
partnii of Jayahgondan. a poetical panegyric of Kiilottiihga Cola I.
who reigned from 1070 to e. 1118 .\.i>. It is correctly translated by
Mr. Aravamuthan : ’‘(He recorded) how (Karikfdan) directed a

portrait to be drawn of the Mukari who had not followed (the others)
to the Kaveri. the banks of which were being made by kings themselves
who had made obeisance (to him), and how. looking at it and saying
‘ this is a superfluous eye '. he rubbed it out here, and (lo !) it was
extinguished there." But we venture to think that he has mussed the
exact nature of the episode here described. To the classical student
JayaiigoiK.lan's words recall the well-known story of Thrasybulus
striking off the tops of the corn told by Herodotus (v, 92. § 0). which is
told of Periander by Aristotle (Pol., jip. 82'“, bub*), and. again,
with a slight variation, of Tarquinius Superbus by Livv (i. .54). As
Jayahgondan conceived it. the episode seems to have been as follows.
Karikalan wished to punish Mukari for his disobedience, but for
-reasons of policy he did not dare to pa.ss an overt .sentence upon him.
He therefore had recourse to iipdmsu-damja . as recommended by sages
like Kamandaki for crushing men who were too popular or too ,‘^trong
to be overtly destroyed,^ and kio/ed at an act which was promptly
executed. He caused a portrait of Mukari to be painted, and with
a.ssumed innocence smeared out one of ibs eyes, observing ; " this eve
is superfluous." The hint was at once understood bv his henchmen,
who accordingly waylaid Mukari and ilestroyed one of his eyes, thus

1 iU. .^'-avamuthaii -ee-ms al^o iiu lined to dully with the theory that the name
Maukhari is a variant of Uroinja, which is phonetically impossible.' The .sme/estioii
of Mr. .Jayaswal, which he accepts, that it survives in the name .VanharT borne hv
a modern caste of Baniaa in Gaya needs further investiujition.

Nitisara, sarqa xviii, § x.xv.i, 11; uhefyanfe h'lHir Idko ,jr,ir ye .^qur

nrpaeallahhah] ha'lhante ’hfiyatlhik’i yr. tu texiipehniu prusu'-vetf-.

THE KAVRRT. THE MArKHARTS. AXI> THE SANGAM AGE

173

saving Karikalan from the odium of tlirect responsibility for the deed.
This gives us a verv intelligible story ; but it must be confessed, in
view of the Crreek and Latin parallels, that the story reads like fiction,
the more so as Jayahgondan is a writer of comparatively late date.
Hence the only reasonably safe inference that we can draw from it is
that Jayahgondan was thinking, more or less clearly, of the tradition
of the conquest of Magadha by Karikalan. which is mentioned in the
StlappacUokflmm , and that he as.sociated Magadha with the Maukharis.
Postponing for the moment the question of the date of the
Silappadhikdmm itself, we may say that the tradition of Karikalan s
northern expedition is old. and may possibly be trne ; and the same
may be said of the northern conquests of Imayavaramban and
Seiiguttuvan. which are attestecl by poems which unquestionably
belong to the Sahgam age. After all. it is as easy for a southern king
to march into the north as it is for a northern king to march into the
south ; and Rajendra Cola I seems to have done it. Such expeditions
were, of course, mere demonstrations, and had no permanent results.

But. grantuig this, can we accept Mr. Aravamuthan’s suggested
limit of date for these movements, and hence for the Sahgam poets
who record them 1 I venture to doubt it : the evidence, though
seductive, is not quite cogent. Our knowledge of hi.story is liardly
sufficient to justify us in as.serting that such raids could har’e taken
place only in the periods that he .selects. Caution in this respect is
necessarv, especially as most of the detailed information concerning
these invasions is given in the Sihippadhihardm, which, as I have
elsewhere remarked, cannot be in its pre.seut form A’ery early, since it
mentions buihlings in the Gurjarn style of architecture (xviii. 115. 152).
The Sihippadhil'drain likewi.se brings on the .scene certain kings called
N firrmrir-K/uinar, who .seem to have been ruling in Eastern Malwa
and thereabouts, and Mr. Aravamuthau pleads ingeniously in support
of the view that this name is a Tamil rendering ofSdtnkarni. If it is so,
Xdrruvdr-Kannar is a mistranslation, for it can only mean '* The
Hundred Kaunas ’. Avhereas Sdlaknnu .signifies a descendant of a
Sata-kaniu 'V and Sala-kanja means either " he who has a hundred

* .Mr. Aravamuthau .‘fiiece.t.-- tno alternatives to meet this ditticnlty, spcIhiiL'
the name as Sidahirni : (1; that idnii means" an arrow ". nliich is imiieated by the
use of the arrow as a svmbol on I'oins of the dynasty, or (2) that it signifies a ship
or steersman, whitli is indiiated by the fieiire of a 'hip on some Andhra .oins. Hut
both these meanintrs seem rather artificial, and the second is most improbable in
view of the fact, proved by Ur. SiikihanKar, tliat the dynasty seems to have had
its original home in the reupon of jlellarv. and were tlms iandhii(b>'rs. besides, the
original spelling is not Siil»hniii but S'llnknr'ii.

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REVIEWS OF BOOKS

ears an epithet perhaps referring to the vigilance required of the
perfect king, or pos.sihlv " he who is equal to a hundred Karnas .*
The fStlappadhiknmm, then, either misunderstood the name, or meant
.some other kings ; and even if it referred to the Satakarni.s. its own
date is so dubious that we must not attach too much weight to its
evidence. We like not the security.

The chapter on the Maukharis is an able one. and justly emphasizes
the importance of that dynasty. But Mr. Aravamuthan seems to us
to exceed the bounds of probability in some points. There is no reason
to suppose, as he does, that .Sarvavarman of the Xirmand grant was the
Maukhari l^arvavarman. or that Purnavarman of Magadha was a
Maukhari, or that R:-uvataka and the re.st of Kathiawar were ever
under Maukhari rule ; hence the area which we may safely infer to have
been under the domination of the dynasty reduces itself to a triangle
of which the ape.x is Ahicchatra and the base a line drawn from
Asirgarh on the Tapti to Xalanda and Ajihsad in Magadha. E\en
this, however, is a dominion of imposing dimensions, and there is some
probability in our author's ingenious suggestion that Harsa laid the
foundation of his empire by a.ssuming the position of Kunidm of the
Maukhari kingdom in nominal subordination to his widowed sister
RajyasrI, and that after a few years, when he felt himself strong
enough, he took pos.se.ssion of the throne as Maharaja.

These and several other points in the book we would gladly discuss
at greater length, but firaiithaajdaram-bhaijdd we must desist, with an
epilogue of thanks to Mr. Aravamuthan for his erudite and attractive
study.

L. D. Rarxett.

Die Ari.sche Feuerlehre. I. Teil. Yon Johaxxe.s Hertel.
(Indo-Iranische Queller und Forschungen. Heft vi.) pp. 1,S8.
Leqizig, 1925. 8vo.

We have already had the pleasure of noticing the first three Hefte
of Professor Hertel's IIQF., in two of which he pursued at various
angles the study of his theory of early Indo-Iranian ^Telt(um■hauH}HJ.
The present volume continues these researches by examining from this

])oint of view certain Yedic and .Vvestic words in their context. viz.

Vcdic ifaWt, dhhid. rdau. Av. ridra, duPnd, vahi - in order to show

1 The epic hero Kama was very popuLir, ami is constaiUlv cited a.s a tvpc of
princely genero.sity in inscription.s.

DIE ARISCHE FETERLKHRE

175

that their primitive meaning, from roots denoting light or fire, i.s
suitable and necessary in the Veda and Avesta. and tlverein he
finds corroboration for his theory.

Professor Hertel'.s doctrine, the FeuerJehre, is re-stated by him a.s
follows ; *■ The conception that fire surrounds the world and pervades
every individual being is alreadv Ai van. and. in all probability, already
Iiido-Germanic. Likewise Indo-Germanic is the identification of fire
with under.standing (wisdom, reason. j)rudence) and power. The
Indo-Germanic incarnations of the heavens (Zeus. Indra = Bi'lias
pati) are at the same time stornr-gods (givens of rain and fire) and
embodiments of the highest wisdom and power. Their opponents are
the powers of darkness. Thus also dualism is already Indo-Germanic,
and does not begin with Zoroa.strianism, The Indo-Germanic Deva-
religion has come down to us in its purest form in the Iigveda, and in
its next best form in the older Ya.sts (in the latter, of course, apart from
the Zoroastrian additions) , . . Heaven [as conceived by the early
Indo-Iranians] consists of a vast transparent mountain-range, upon
which dwell the powers of light (rfew, \ cliv = vdsu. \ ' vas) in an
atmosphere of light and warmth . , , The woild of these beings of light
is designated by the snb.stantive div. ' light." That these conceptions
were already Indo-Germanic appears from the etymologies of dpi.
dn'i ; Zevs. hippiter. Diespitrr. Tijr. Tiir. Zlo. and from aldqp. That
the mountain-range is transpaient . . . appears from the fact that from
the earth one can see the heavenly river (the Hilky Way. Avestic
li'jdv/ surd andliita) pouring down towards the west and the east upon
the earth in two or more arms on each si<le. and the heavenly lake lying
in the middle of it {sanuidrdh. 'niijo voandak’iu). on the shores of which
stand the palaces of the devds. Liider the summit of this mountain-
range, which is called in Vedic ddri. ixirmta. dimnn, dmn, and in Old
Persian asman. Avest. n^nn (the A'edic words Vdrd and Vald and the
Ave.stic word V(im also . . . denote the .same), there is a cavern enclosed
all round by it. the ground of which forms the world of man. It was
without light and water until the highe.st of the heavenly gods enabled
the heavenly light and the waters .streaming from the heavenly river.s
and heavenly lake to pour down upon the earth by cutting with the
vnjra (= Avest. v<tzra) channels through the mountain-range, viz.
the sun, moon, and .stars. These channels likewise form the gates of
Heaven " (pp. 8-13).

In the main and with some reservations in details, we believe this
reconstruction of the Indo-Iranians" pJuj.'iim to be quite correct. The

176

IJKVJEW.S OF HOOKS

cosmography in it tallies on the whole with that of the Sumerians and
Semites, and readily explains a large number of otherwise obscure
passages in the ]!g-veda : and the conception of Fire as a universal
])o\ver in macrocosm and microcosm enables us to correlate the Vedic
Agni-cult with the fire-worship of the Avesta and the Greek ideas
which underlay the Eleusinian legend of Demeter passing Demophon
through the fire and the speculations of Herakleitos. But it is possible
to carry this principle sometimes too far in the interpretation of words ;
men might naturally use words denoting brightness to designate
happiness, prosperity, etc., without holding any doctrine of a Cosmic
Fire, and moreover we must make due allowance for the Vedic
poets' love of riddles. Nevertheless, we fully adnrit that Dr. Hertel,
in operating with his hypothesis, has given a more plausible and, on
the whole, probably more correct interpretation of many passages
in the llg-vcda and Avesta than hi.s predecessors.

^Vith regard to the reforms of Zarathustra, Dr. Hertel propounds
some interesting and valuable suggestions. Zarathu.stra, he maintains,
preserved the ancient conception of the heavenly Fire present in the
world and in man and embodied in the God of Heaven, but he deprived
the latter of all naturalistic attributes and made him an embodiment
of wisdom and power, creator and ruler of the world (Mazdah =
intelligence, Ahura = lord), who is lord of the x’^aOra. “ place of the
good fire, " and corresponds to ^ ed. Brhas jjati. This “ good fire "
is also the fire in the human heart, dania, like Yed. hrrihrna ; rea.son and
fire are one (pp. 11 f.). Guided by vohu rnanah, " bright thought.
Zarathustra declared the daPms to be not benevolent embodiments of
light, but malignant powers of darkness, for they incited their
worshippers to acts of pillage and violence, to sensele.ss sacrifice of
cattle, to drunkenne.ss and debauchery ; the true ruler of the world
is the pure Spirit, Mazdah, " M isdom, ' who acts through truth
(aram), “ bright thought ” {vohu mnnah). good government, and
promotion of settled life and cattle-raising, and who will receive into
his fire-heaven those who live according to His will (pp. 96 f )
Zarathu.stra based his doctrine not upon faith and emotion, but upon
reason: his Supreme Being is “Lord Wisdom", ahum mazdah
(pp. 145 f.). And this seems to us a very reasonable view of the case,
whether we accept Dr. HerteTs theory of Zarathu.stra's date
or not.

The book contains three appendices, one on the passage from the
mortal to the fiery (spiritual) body saj^posed to be effected by

A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF INDIA FROM 1858 TO 1918 177

cremation,^ another on the “ miracle of the cow ”, i.e. the mystery of
the growth of warm milk in the cow's body, on which some Vedic
poets dilate, and a third on the use of the term vnnasp'iti = agni.

Here for the present we must say farewell to Dr. Hertel, with
a cordial hope that he may sjieedily complete his FeuerJehre and
continue his researches in germane fields as heretofore. His indomitable
energy and profound learning are most admirable, and even where the
reader ventures with all respect to dissent, he has learned much.

]j. D. Barnett.

A Sketch of the History of India from 1858 to 1918. By Henry
Dodwell. pp. viii + 326. With six maps and a bibliography.
Longmans, 1925. G«.

As indicated by its title, the theme of Professor Dodwell's new
work is the development of India from the time of the extinction
of the East India Company's control down to the formulation of the
llontagu-Chelmsford programme. During this period, as the author
observes in his introduction, "the forces of change have played
unceasingly upon India, with far-reaching consequences, political,
moral, and economic." and his aim has been to " show the effects of
these modern influences, firstly on the executive government and its
administrative policy, then on the foreign policy of the Government
of India, and lastly on the political development of the people and
its reaction on the structure of the government.” Deliberately
designated a “ sketch ”, the volume does not attempt a detailed
history of the period, but e.ssays instead the far more diilicult task
of tracing the underlving forces which have brought about the
transition from " a centralized despotism, under which, however much
might be done for the people, nothing was done by them", into a
svstem having as its recognized aim ” the progressive realization of
responsible government in India as an integral part of the British
Empire ". The result is an acute analy.si.«, ba.-ed on wide knowledge
and full of shrewd touches, impartial, yet showing a sympathetic
understanding of Indian sentiment. It is a book warmly to be
commended not oulv to the .student but to the general reader, and
above all to the politician, both in England and in India.

William Foster.

^ Tlii."? i' broucht by Dr, Hertel into connexion with lii.i view of the Avestic
doctrine of tlic SiKiiiidiit . .n term whii Ii he intcriircts as “ he nho .-liall .set on fire ”
[the world], the Redeemer and Judge (pp. 1,S, l.it;).

VOL. IV. PART I,

178

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

A History of the Maratha People. By C. A. Kincaid and D. B.

Parasnis. Yol. III. pp. xii + 254. Milford, 1925. IO 5 . 6d.

This new history of the Marathas, at last completed by the present
volume, though interesting, and to a great extent based on material
not yet available in English, will not supersede the classic history
of Grant Duff. It is too much designed as a popular histor}' to achieve
that feat ; its author dispenses with the usual apparatus of the serious
historian; and at times is scareely critical enough of his 'evidence.
An interesting case is afforded by his narrative of the events preceding
the battle of Panipat in 1761. After the Maratha leaders had come
clamouring to Sadashiva Rao to be led to battle, we are told a council
was held at which the principal leaders all advised a retreat on Delhi ;
this course was decided on and orders were issued accordingly ; but
these were revoked when Ibrahim Khan came and declared that he
would betray the plan and desert to the enemy unless a general engage-
ment was ordered. Thus the main responsibility for the battle is
cast on the unfortunate Gardi. But, one asks, why did the leaders
so suddenly change their minds when they got into Council ?
Mr. Ejncaid does not attempt to explain the inconsistency. For the
present Duff’s account seems preferable.

Again Mr. Kincaid holds the odd, and, we think, unjustifiable
view that the defeat of Panipat led to the ultimate subjugation of
the Marathas by the English. But even had they won the battle,
would they have escaped from those ruinous jealousies and divisions
which really led to their downfall 1

The death of Savai Madhava Rao is a question on which Mr. Kincaid
dilates at some length, and comes to a conclusion different from that
of Duff. Did the prince fall from the balcony by accident or design ?
Mr. Kincaid thinks by accident. But here, after all, in the case of
a prince fast dying of disease, nothing much depends on the solution
we adopt, and the matter is fitter for discussion in a footnote or an
excursus than in the text.

As a final example we may quote a case where Mr. Kincaid has
not perhaps recogmzed the interest of a find. He tells us that Balaji
Rao set up an establishment for the training of revenue officials.
This was surely one of those things deserving to be worked out with
aU possible fullness. But we hear nothing more about it. Perhaps
there is nothing more to know ; but in that case Mr. Kincaid might
have said so.

These details all illustrate what we take to be the principal weakness

THE HISTORY OF BURMA FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES

179

of this work — a lack of critical judgment. On the other hand it is
interesting ; it includes original documents which are not to be
found elsewhere in English ; it narrates a most complicated story
with great clearness ; and so long as the reader keeps on his guard
against slips, he will find Mr. Kincaid an entertaining and, generally,
an informing companion.

H. Don WELL.

The History of Burma from the Earliest Times to 10th March,
1824. By G. E. Harvey, I.C.S. pp. xxxi + 415. Longmans,
1925. 21s.

Me must warmly welcome Mr. Hars'ey's volume, which will fill
a long-felt gap in our historical literature. It incorporates the results
of the work that has been done since Pha}'Te's Histor;i was written some
forty years ago, in assembling, deciphering, and classifying the principal
Burmese inscriptions, and thus affording data for checking the
statements of the Burmese chronicles, all of which are comparatively
modern. The appearance of the work marks therefore a long step
forward toivards placing Burmese history on a sound foundation.
It is, however, as Sir Richard Temple points out in the preface which
he contributes to the book, not only a work of scholarship but also
one of sympathetic understanding. Its writing has evidently been
a labour of love, and it will, we hope, be studied by the administrator
as well as by the scholar.

M"e do not propose to follow Mr. Harvey through the complicated
and blood-stained annals of Burma, from the rise of Pagan through
the perplexing period of Shan dominion down to the two great dynasties
of modern times. The earlier part naturally abounds in legend and
miracle rather than in sober history. Jlr. Harvey apologizes for the
way in which he has found himself obliged to mix up fact and fancy.
But we do not think the apology was necessary. These legends are
hardly capable of analysis ; and the author's choice really lay between
omitting them altogether or giving them, wonders and all. Moreover
they enshrine a number of curious details. From these and other
sources Jlr. Harvey has assembled a number of allusions of great
interest to the folk-lorist as well as to the historian. M e find curious
detail, for example, about the Ari worship and the Buddhist Naga
cult ; striking illustrations of the practice of human sacrifice are
afforded by Anawrahta's Shan queen in the case of the weirs built
by him on the Panlaung river, or the child buried alive in

180

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

the foundation? of the Ananda temple at Pagan. Tlie saying that “ he
who skyeth a king becometh a king " recalls many jiages of Sir .Tames
Frazer’s. And here, too, are survivals of matriarchy, and of the
practice of royal marriages with .step-mothers and half-.sisters.

The Chine.se sources, which ilr. Harvey ha.s been able to use
from the translations cf ilr. Parker in the Eangoon Secretariat, offer
at times curious accounts of the early .state of the country, ."ueh as
the account of Prome under its king.s of Indian name and po.s.sibly
of Indian blood, of whom we know also by urn-inserij)tion.s of the
eighth century. The Chinc.-e chronicles ])rf)bably constitute a source
which merits further e.xploration.

In spite of this, however, ilurmese culture fiwe.s more to India than
to China. Apart from the great eift of Puddhism, .Mr. Harvey has
many other instances to cite — Purme.se kings who di.stribute their
wealth like Harsha, and Burmese laws derived ultimately from the
Manavudluirmaiihastra. The looiu-ta.x, liy the way, which ilr. Harvey
mention.? as almost the last word of fi.scal opj)re.ssion, was familiar
enough in India, where it was not considered peculiarly burderrsome.

The volume contains .some curious slips in the account of the part
played by the Europeans in Burma. Mr. Harvey will do well to correct
these in a new edition ; and he will find it possible to correct his
principal authority, Dalrymple, for this part of his work. The
French chief, Bruno, is persistently misspelt Burno ’’ ; the
Ostender, Schonamille, is disguised as “ Sconenville ” ; and it is a
little .startling to read that the French had to evacuate India in 1703 —
the year in which the Treaty of Paris readmitted them to that country.
Nor do we like Mr. Harvey's rather complicated and unusual system
of references. These are, however, but trivial defects in a work of
great value.

H. D.

My Bkother’.s F.vce. By Dhan Gopal Mukerji. pp. 288.

Butterworth.

This book describes the e.xperiences of an Indian returniim to
India after some years spent in the LTiited State.s. The author e.xpected
to find a changed India, and in hi.s wanderings he was constantly
on the watch for changes and their significance. M'e hear a good deal
about Mr. Gandhi, but we hear more of a certain teacher, ascetic
and saint at Benares ; we listen to the adventures of the author’s
brother, who had played a considerable part in the political plots

THE INDIAN BDDDHIST ICONOGEAPHY

181

of 1914-18, but who bad abandoned tlie creed of violence for social
service ; we visit at the houses of the merchants who made great
fortunes during the war and are bent on industrializing India ; we
go to see Tagore's remarkable new university, the Vishwa Bharati ;
and we find the author's native village altered out of recognition by
the economic revolution actually in progress. How far we are to
take all these scenes and the incidents woven round them as literal
transcripts of fact does not appear ; but they seem to us at once
characteristic and true. Especially pleasing are the glimpses we
catch of family life in a well-to-do Brahman household — not the less
pleasing to the present writer because they reminded him of the
subtle and serene atmosphere surrounding another Brahman family
in a very different part of India, and yet evidently instinct with the
same type of culture. To those who wish to learn something of the
inner life and spirit of modern India this book is warmly to be
commended.

H. D.

The Indian Buddhist Iconography. Mainly based on the
Sadhanamala and other cognate Tantric te.xts. By Benoy’TOSH
Bhattachary'ya. M.A. pp. xxiv — xxix -r '2-0. 10 pi. London :
Oxford University Press ; Calcutta printed, 1924. 4to.

This book is a really useful contribution to a very important
branch of knowledge. Mr. Bhattacharvya has inherited from his
distinguished father, Maiiamahopadliyava Haraprasad Sastrl. a keen
interest in the history of Buddhism, and the present work is a testimony
to his efficiency in this study. It consi.sts. for the most part, of
renderings from the Sadhana-nulliJ. a manual of Northern Buddhist
devotions, in which a large number of deities of the Northern pantheon
are addressed and the attributes with which they are represented in
painting and sculjiture are named ; and with each of these descriptions
Mr. Bhattacharvya has coupled, besides his own notes, a picture of
some actual representation agreeing with it. Mo.st of these figures
are of icons in stone or metal, but a certain number are taken from
drawings by modern Nepali craftsmen, amongst whom the ancient
traditions still linger. Speaking generally, this part of the book is
excellent, vividly illustrating the manifold phases through which
Northern Buddhism passed in the course of its assimilation to Saivism,
phases that range from serene beauty to horrors before which Grand-
Guignol pales. The introduction is mainly devoted to a survey of

182

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

the historical developments of Buddhism, which is able and interesting,
though marred to some extent by a slight lack of precision and
definiteness. A particularly valuable suggestion is the hypothesis
that Mafijusri, now one of the most popular deities of the Xorthern
pantheon, was originally a foreign Yogi ; if this is right, as we incline
to believe, it will add another instance to the already long list of
gods of human origin.

L. D. B.

The Moderx Gujarati-English Dictionary. By B. X. and
B. B. Mehta. 2 vols. pp. 1609. Published at Baroda in
March, 1925.

The authors are to be congratulated on having supplied a long-
felt want. Their Dictionary contains 51,595 words, whereas the
valuable Xarma Kos, the fir.st effort in Gujarati lexicography, has
25,268 only. Belsare's and the Gujarat Vernacular Society’s
Dictionaries contain 35,138 and 35,678 words respectively. Still
there is a considerable gap, as the authors believe that there are
some 75,000 words in use in the Gujarati language. Considerations
of economizing space and saving expense have prevented them from
further expanding their work. Some day, it is hoped, a lexicon as
comprehensive for Gujarati as Candy and Molesworth’s is for Marathi,
will see the light of day. The typing is clear and the English renderings
are idiomatic and concise. The work has e\idently been carefully
revised for printer's errors before issue, but in a few instances the
English equivalents are not given in either of the cross-references ;
e.g. sarJgat and sarlgat (partner) ; visat and visdt (worth, value).

The authors need not have feared the charge of over-Sanskritization.
The present-day tendency is to enrich the higher literature and poetry
with Sanskrit tatsamas : witness Govardhanrama's popular Sneha-
Mudra. Apart from dialectal considerations Gujarati spelling is still
in a state of unstable equilibrium, despite the somewhat pedantic
unifying efforts of the Bombay Text-books Revision Committee.
Spelling still varies from district to district. Xarmadasankara
proclaimed from the house-tops the pre-eminence of Surati Gujarati
Dalpatrama championed the cause of AhmedabadI speech, while
lesser lights still go on their way cheerfully, unmindful of the Pandits.
Nagar Brahmans insert the “ fleeting h ” sound wherever they can •
Kathiavadls elide it whenever they dare. We must therefore be

THE MODERN GUJARATI-ENGLISH DICTIONARY

183

grateful to the authors for giving alternative spellings in numerous
instances.

Every lexicon-user will hail with delight the authors’ abolition
for orthographic purposes of the distinction between anusvam and
anundsika. Reference might have been still further facilitated if,
instead of placing initially nasalized words at the end of their
appropriate varga, the authors had adopted the simple method of
Candy and Molesworth of neglecting the nasalization for purposes of
arrangement under each letter-class. Further, the nasal dot is
sometimes inserted and sometimes omitted in words such as ndkhvu
(throw), vltT (a ring), etc. Cross-references would be saved if the
entry read ndkhvu, mlkhvu, “ to throw,’’ etc.

The quotations from well-known authors and poets are a pleasing
addition, but it would have made for greater clarity if, in the case
of words with different and sometimes opposite significations, the
authors had indicated by numerals, corresponding to those of the
different meanings, the particular signification attaching to the word
in the quotation. The large number of scientific and special words,
which this Dictionary contains, enhances its usefulness.

The publication of this Dictionary renders the further prosecution
of the attempt to fill up some of the more serious gaps in Belsare
unnecessary, for the present at least. It will suffice to note down
from a list held in suspense a few fairly common words omitted from
our authors’ work, which words occur for the most part in the Narma
Gadga, or in three plays by the well-known author, RanchhodbhaT
Udayarama.

Avadija (adj.) “indescribable’’. Kadhdman (i) (f) “wages

for removal ” {Dhingald sdru plt-vd ga-i ne unt-Kadhdman adadho
befho “ Kin g Log for King Stork ”), gaducho (m) “ medicine ”.
galebandh (m) “ neck-cloth ”. Chemad “ foolish ” ; “a fool. ’ Ghoj
(f) “ smart appearance ’’. Jambu- dvlpa (m) “ one of the 7 continents ”,
“ India.” Tilw/T (f) “ a tabloid ”. Dokd-bdrl (f) “ fan-light ”.
Tevdj (adv.) “ instantly ”. Dvireph (m) “a large black bee ”. Ndda-
bindu (m) “ the mystic syllable Om ”. Bdkasal (f) “ a feast ”. Bu
(m) “a bogie, hobgoblin”. Ratna-khachU (adj.) “studded with
gems ”. Rdjavan (n) “ a mourning song Samd (f) “ high water ”.
Hcisto “Yes, indeed ! ”

W. Doderet.

181

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

A Papuan Dictionary.— Worterbuch der KAte-Sprache
GESPROCHEN IN Xeuguinea. Dictionary of the Kate-Language
as spoken in New Guinea. Von Christian Keysser. Berlin,
1923. Verlag von Dietrich Reimer (Ernst Vohsen), A.-G.
Hamburg : C. Boysen. (Beihefte zur Zeitechrift fiir Eingeborenen
Sprachen. Siehentes Heft.)

The aboriginal languages of New Guinea are remarkable for their
number and diversity. For want of a better name they have been
called Papuan, which suggests their principal location in the great
island of the Frizzly haired, the Tanah Papuwah of the Halay.s.
In the territory administered Jiy the Commonwealth of Australia
there are at lea.st fifty of the.se languages, and there are many others
in the 3Iandated Territory, and in the islands south-ea.st of New
Guinea. The differences between the languages are not tho.se of
aberrant members of one lingui.stic stock, but absolute differences of
word construction, grammatical form.s, and syntax. Some languages
are .simpler than o*-hers with words formed by transparent
agglutinations to the stem.^ Other languages incorporate in the
verb the pronouns, objective * and .subjective,® or both,'* and even
various adverbial modifications.® Others again are polysynthetic
with nuclei which are not easy to ascertain.®

Owing to this diversity, the study of Papuan is peculiarly
interesting. One never knows what new form of word or bizarre
construction may appear when a language is investigated for the fir.st
time. Unlike Alelanesian (found also in New Guinea), in which even
the most widely separated languages have some common elements,
each Papuan language is unique, and a knowledge of one is no guide
to the idioms of another. Unfortunately, for linguistic science,
Papuan languages, with few exceptions,® are spoken by very .'^mall
communities, and these often find it convenient to use for trading

1 As e.". Kiwai (FI 3 ' River) : n-i-midai-bi-ru-mo ne took t))ree. lit, ue-jimro than
one-take-three-did-we.

2 As e.i;. Namau (Purari Delta): Kuni-i-na tell me, Icuru-ni-na tell thee, lairu-
na-ve told me, kuru-ni-nnre told thee.

3 As e g. Binandere ( JIamba River) : te-na I sa\-, U-ta thou sayest, U-sira he
says.

■< As e.g. Mailu (Cloudy Bay) : mini-la-iila I give thee, mini-ln-a T give him,
mini-la-esela thou givest me, mini-la-esa thou invest him, mitii-la-e.iela he gives
me, minida-ga he gives thee, )itini-la-e.',a he gives him.

5 As e.g. JIailu : A i/nTiaMiaMaa I have been staying a long time, uirroi ciii eidnsitioif
come ye back quickly.

« As e.c. Moniimbo (Pot.sdamhaten) : ek ntiaik I saw, ek tifk atsnro I have seen
thee, nin nin-l'tik he has seen, uk ntcaik she has seen, ik airimik I «ill see.

’ Perhaps Kiwai and Binandere.

A PAPUAN DICTIONARY

185

purposes and communication with Europeans, the simpler language
of Melanesian neighbours. To the missionaries, for the most part,
is due the accurate knowledge of several Papuan dialects.

The Kate-German-English Dictionary compiled by the Rev.
Christian Keysser, of the Neuendettelsau Lutheran Missionary Society.-
is the first list of Papuan words of dictionary rank to be published
with interpretation in English. It shows the language of the Kate-ngic,
(i.e. Bush-folk) of the mountain villages of the Huon Peninsula on
the east coast of New Guinea. By their Melane.sian neighbours,
the Jabim on the coast at Finschhafen, the peojfie are called Kai
(bush), and they are usually called Kai also by Europeans. The
language (Kdte-ddng) is spoken by about 4.000 people, and was first
made known by the German traveller Zoller in his book Deutsche
Neuguinea in 1891. Notices of the grammar have been published
by Grube. Schmidt, and Dempwolff. According to Herr Keysser
there are several dialects. The AVena which is used in church and
school is that represented in the dictionary.

The dictionary contains 551 pages with 61 additional pages of
relationship, animal, plant, and mineral names. Only Kate words
with German and English interpretatii>n are given, and there is no
German or English inde.v or grammar. The English explanations
are added to the German without punctuation, and there are a few
misprints for which the author apologizes, and which are counter-
balanced by the convenience for use by Anglo-American readers,
as funds for the publication were provided by the Evangelical
Lutheran Synod of Iowa. U.S.A.

The compilation of a Papuan dictionary is not an ea.sy task, but
Herr Keysser has accomplished it in a very efficient manner. The
extraordinary number of compound words must have rerpiired a good
deal of thought. The author has somewhat simplified the arrangement
by entering words of similar derivation and meaning under their
prim. ary component. An example will show Herr Keysser's method.
I add a note following : —

“ Nalezo mir etw. geben, mir etw. antun to give me s. th., to do
s. th. to me. Objektivverb, wird nach dem Objekt abgewandelt
objectiv verb, conjugated according to the object : sg. nalezo, galezo,
Idcnezo (in Zu.samraensetznngen : in compounds : — cnezo) ; dual.
ndctezo, yactezo, jactezo : pi. ndlezo, tjalezo. jalezo.

“ Enalezo (cf. ezo) mir etw. antun. zufugen to do me a good or
bad turn, banalezo mir (fiir mich) etw. machen to do s. th. for me.

186

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

“ Naleygaley gegenseitiges Geben, Handeln, Tauschbandel mutual
giving, dealing, barter. Boleynaleygaley 'Wertsachenaustauscb
exchange of valuables. Ddynaleygaley Redeaustausch, Gedanken-
austausch exchange of speeches, of thoughts.

“NaJezo etc. driickt in Zusammensetzungen den Dativ (das feme
Objekt) aus, z. B. : expresses the dative (the indirect object) in
compounds, e.g. : ivikenalezo mir etw. zuwerfen to throw s. th. to
me, wikegalezo dir etw. zuwerfen to throw s. th. to you ivikecnezo
ihm etw. zuwerfen usw. to throw s. th. to him, her etc.” ^

Xote. — The words nalezo, galezo, Idcnezo, etc., which mean : “ To
give me, to give thee, to give him, etc.,” zo being the sign of the
infinitive, are also entered in their alphabetical place in the dictionary.

E nalezo is given in its alphabetical place without definition as
“ enalezo v. sub. ezo ”. It is also given under ezo. But hanalezo is
not given in its alphabetical place and is not found under hazo.

Boleynaleygaley is not entered under holey (the valuable ornaments
of the natives) and ddynaleygaley is not found under day (voice,
sound, speech). Neither word is entered in its alphabetical place,
and the termination ygaley is not explained.

In irikenalezo, etc., ivike is from ” u'ickezo etw. werfen, fortwerfen
to throw s. th. away ”. Under this is entered : “ ivickenalezo etw.
nach mir werfen (aber nicht treffen) to throw something at me
unsuccessfully. (Hecnuzo nach mir werfen und treffen to throw
and hit me.)”

It is here evident, as Herr Keysser himself points out in his preface,
that unless the stem of a word is easily recognizable a certain difficulty
would arise in ascertaining the meaning. Banalezo, boleynaleygaley,
and ddynaleygaley must be recognized as derivatives of nalezo before
their meaning can be sought in the dictionary. The difficulty might
have been avoided by the addition to the work of a grammar, or
at least of a list of formative particles. A few only of the latter are -
given in the dictionary, as to have given all would have made the
work too bulky.

The Kate dictionary is a monument to Herr Keysser s patience
and research. It is by far the most complete collection of words
in any Papuan form of speech. Not only the student of languages,
but the anthropologist also may find interest in its pages, for

1 In Kate orthography : d = open vowel o, c glottal plosive consonant, j voiced
palatal fricative, y voiced velar nasal, 5 voiced alveolar affricate {dz). z breathed
alveolar affricate.

THE MYTHOLOGY OF ALL RACES

187

Herr Keysser is not content with mere definitions. I quote his
entry (omitting the German) under the word losa. “ Losa, antique
stone bowls, found here and there in the wood and on the places of
former villages, with which some kinds of superstition are connected.
Some of them, with the opening on top, are said to announce famine ;
when found turned upside, they are said to announce a rich crop.
Some have got special names. Professor Xeuhauss is of opinion
that they were made by a vanished race of inhabitants. As a heavy
pestle belongs to these bowls (these are mostly lost), they have surely
been used as mortars. From my \'iew and old people still remember,
the hard falic — and the still harder zdkoloc — nuts have been opened
in them. The finding of some of these bowls near zakohc-tiees
corroborates this view. Nowadays the nuts are easily opened by the
axe ; the losa have become superfluous and out of use. ’

It is to be hoped that Herr Keysser will complete his study of the
Kate-daij by a Grammar and Texts.

SiDXEY H. R.ay.

The Mythology of All R.\ces. Edited by Canon J. M. M.\cCulloch,
D.D., and G. F. Moore, A.M.,D.D.,LL.D. Volume VII ; Armenian,
by Mardiros H. Ananikiax, late Professor of the History of
Languages of Turkey, Kennedy School of Missions, Hartford,
Connecticut. African, by Alice Werxer. Archaeological
Institute of America ; Marshall Jones Company, Boston, 1925.
The Armenian section of this volume — by far the smaller, but by
no means the least in interest — must be reserved for notice on a future
occasion. The African, though occupying about three-quarters of
the total space, has nevertheless suffered from the necessity of com-
pressing into these limits a subject for which the whole volume woidd
scarcely have sufficed. It may also be pointed out, in explanation
of some deficiencies (it will be obvious that various recent sources
have not been utilized) that difficulties connected with the book-trade
in the United States have held up the publication for several years.

The writer has found it convenient to treat Africa south of the
Sahara as a unity, and while calling attention, as occasion arises, to
differences of detail among the various races which inhabit it, finds,
on the whole, a remarkable homogeneity in custom and belief. Hence,
instead of adopting an arrangement according to racial or regional
divisions, the .subject has been treated under the headings “ High Gods
and Heaven ”, “ Myths of Origins ”, ‘‘ Ancestral Spirits ”, etc.

188

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

On the much-disputed question of a “ High God the writer
preserves a somewhat non-conunittal attitude, admitting that it is
difficult, if not impossible to be certain whether the names coimnonlp
accepted as applying to such a being may not really mean the sky
or the sun. It seems to us that the two instances she give.s (p. 120) as
implying that Mulungu " is regarded as a personal being might be
equally .susceptible of the other interpretation.

Miss Werner considers that “ the bed-rock fact in Bantu and Xegro
religion " is “ the belief in the continued cxi.stence of human being.s
after death and their influence on the affairs of the living ” — in other
words, ancestor-worship. She inclines to the view, apparently
advocated by Klamroth. that all spirits recognized bv the African are,
in the last resort, gho.sts of dead human being.s. Perhaps this view
recpiires some modification in the light of Mr. I). R, Mackenzie's recent
work (The Spirit-ridden Konde). where we read : “ Prior to the arriv'al
of the first human spirits, the place was inhabited hy the oirners of the
land,’’ and other authoritie.s speak of earth-spirits ". who. however,
may or may not be ghosts. Some further light is also thrown by this
writer on Mbasi, the ‘‘ definitely evil power “ referred to by Miss
Werner on p. 159.

In the chapter on Myths of Origins '' there is an unexplained
contradiction in the statement that “ Bumba produced eight living
creatures ", whereas, in point of fact, nine are enumerated. The
point may not be without importance as einht is a sacred number
with some Bantu tribes (e.g.. the Chaga. who, however, have been
subjected to a good deal of non-Bantu influence, through the Masai),
and nine with the Baganda, in whom there is. likewise, a Hamitic
strain. The Galla, also, taboo nine, which they call “ the spirits’
number ".

Farther on, this same chapter raises an interesting point in the
curious belief of the Xaudi that the first ancestor of mankind produced
children from a swelling on his knee — a notion which probably underlies
the confused and perplexing accounts of the Hottentot Tsui-Goab.
Strangely enough, there appear to be traces of some such belief in
the most unexpected quarters. Miss M. E. Durham has pointed out
that the Serbian worrl for “ race ", " seed ", “ generation " (Koljeno)
had originally the meaning of “ knee ”.

The Hottentots, by the by, are described, mainly on linguistic
evidence, as a Hamitic tribe, long separated from the main stock,
who assimilated various Bushman or other elements in the course

SOMALI-TEXTE, END UNTERSUCHUNGEN ZUR LAUTLEHEE 189

of their long migration south-west and south. It might, perhaps,
with equal justice, be contended that they are originally of the same
stock as the Bushman, but mingled their blood with the precursors of
the pre.sent Galla and Somali, or some other Hamitic peoples. lATiether
their descent is to be traced from the Automoloi of Herodotus, as some
affirm, is another question.

The chapter on " Totemism " is but a tentative approach to a
difficult and much-disputed subject, and the writer caimot claim to
have reached any definite and unassailable conclusions. But the
specimens of folk-tales, to which it is the ijitrodiiction. are at least
adequate to give some notion of the wealth of fable existing in Africa,
much of it as yet ungarnered.

On the whole it may be saiil that, in spite of a style somevdiat
cumbrous (probably due to a conscientiou.s eifort at presenting all
aspects of the subject), though evidently much influenced by the late
Andrew Lang, this book is readable enough, and has perhaps succeeded
as well as could reasonably have been expected in pouring several
quarts of matter into the prescribed pint jug. In any case readers of
this book have the satisfaction of knowing that it is the work of one
of the foremost living expert.s. E, D. E.

Somali-Texte. und Untersuchuxgex ZUR L.\e^tlehre. Von Maria
VON Tiling. ( Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fiir Eingeborenen-Sprachen,
herausgegeben von Carl Meinhof. mit Unterstiitzung der
Hamburgischen Wi.ssenschaftlichen Stiftung. Achtes Heft.) Berlin,
Eeiraer ; Hamburg. Boyseu. Iflilo.

The Somali language — an intere.sting member of the Hamitic
familv. closelv related to Galla — ha.s received little attention in this
country of late years. Xothing seems to have been published since
Kirk's Grammar (1905— .superseding that of the late Colonel Hunter,
1880) and the only Somali-Engli.sh Dictionary in existence is. so far as
I am aware, that of Laraja.sse and Sampont (1897). The more recent
work of Dr. Cerulli and P. da Palermo in Italian deserves to be better
known.

Fraulein von Tiling ha.s worked on thi.s language for several years,
with the assistance of iMuhanunad Xur. a Somali, from the Berbera
district, who. having found his way to Germany in connexion with a
performing troupe, was on the outbreak of the war interned in
Euhleben as a British subject, anil released at Professor Meinhof's
request, for work at the Hamburg seminary. The present volume

190

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

is the thesis which gained for the writer the degree of Ph.D. The texts
which form its second part were dictated by Niir and embrace a con-
siderable variety of subjects. His account of his own life and
experiences in Germany, and of his journey to Benadir, whither he was
sent by the then Sharif of Mecca, in or about 1910, will be read with
interest, if only in the German translation. AVe have also the narrative
of Muhammad bin Abdallah's (the “ Mad Mullah ") war, descriptions
of Somali life, folk-tales, proverbs and .songs. Dr. von Tiling has made
a very thorough study of Somali phonetics. Previous studies (dealing
in the first instance with the Jabarti dialect) have appeared in the
Zcitschrijt fiir Eingeborenensprachen (1922) ; and the present volume
contains an essay on two special points, the articulation of the
“pressed” or “emphatic'’ sounds d (^) and q (J) and the laryngals,

r- and Meinhof has formulated tlie rule that “ the characteristic

of the emphatic sounds is the manner and not the place of articula-
tion ”, and he explains this by saying that “the articulation of all
emphatic sounds is accompanied by a ‘pressure’, produced by strong
contraction of the throat-muscles or of the muscles attached to the
hyoid bone ”. He says, further, “ In der Pressung liegt die Yerwandt-

schaft der emphatischen Laute mit den Laryngalen h (^) und (^).”

An important observation made by Dr. von Tiling is that these
sounds vary according to position in a word (e.g. medial q has a sound
rendered by y, “gleich ^niit Pressung ’’) ; so that she has, very wisely,
“die Laute des Somali immer nur als Bestandteile eines M’ortganzen,
und, soweit es moglich war, auch im fortlaufenden Satz untersucht.”
In fact, this is the only sound method to follow. It is interesting to
note that her quite unsophisticated Jabarti informant stated that, in
pronouncing q, he “ pressed the back of his throat together ”, but
uttered A: “ in his mouth ”, and drew a similar distinction between
d and d. This pronunciation is illustrated by two radiographs and a
mmaber of kymograph tracings, which are specially commended to
the attention of phoneticians.

The present work does not deal with grammar (e.vcept incidentallv
in notes on the texts), though previous studies on this subject have
already appeared in Professor Meinhof 's quarterly. ^ But the Introduc-

» It does not seem clear whether the.se .sounds in Somali are in every case identical
with those expressed hy the Arabic characters.

2 Zeitschriftfur Kolonial- (later E ingeborenen-) Sprachen, i.x, 1.32; x, 208; xii 17-
XV, 50, 130.

CAUSERIES CONGOLAISES

191

tion contains an extremely suggestive passage. After mentioning the
two problems formerly discussed — the three different forms of the
Somali article, and the seemingly anomalous coucord of the adjective —
she says : —

“ Ich bin immer mehr zu der Ansicht gekommen. dass die genaimten
und andre Fragen, die noch ofien stehen — wie z. B. der sinngemasse
Gebrauch der Tempora im Somali — im Grunde wohl auf ein und
dieselbe Tendenz zuruckzufiihren sind, die die ganze Sprache beherrscht,
namlich auf die dem Somali eigentiimliche Einstellung des Redenden
zum Erlebten, das er sprachlich wiedergibt ; und zwar gliedert sich
diese Einstellung in der Hauptsache naeh zwei immer wiederkehrenden
Gesichtspunkten, die sich bezeichnen lassen als Gegenwarts-und Xicht-
gegenwartssphare, resp. Seiendes und Gewesenes, oder tatsiichlich
Wahrgenommenes und nur Gesetztes — noch andauerndes oder gelostes
Besitzverhaltnis— wenn man will, kann man auch die Ausdriicke
Gegenwart imd Vergangenheit dafiir anwenden, doch geben sie nicht
das Wesentliche der inneren Zweigliederung des Somali an, und es
ergeben sich bei ihrer Anwendung haufig AViderspruche.’’

It is to be hoped that Dr. von Tiling will be enabled to continue
her studies so far as to solve these and kindred problems, and perhaps,
at last, to present us with a Somali grammar which shall be really
satisfactory.

A. AA".

Causeries Congolaises. Par E. Torday. Brussels : A'romant and
Co., Imprimeurs-Editeurs, 1925.

Mr. Torday has. at the request of the Belgian Government, produced
a popular account— greatly needed, if report can be trusted— of the
Congo basin and its peoples. Those acquainted with this writer's
more serious work — which will be a mine of wealth to anthropologists
during many years to come — need not too hastily conclude that the
Causeries are not for them, for this little book of less than 250 pages
contains more solid information, conveyed in easy, picturesque French,
than many a more pretentious work. Lecturers in Sociology or
Anthropology might do worse than recommend its perusal to a class
with no previous knowledge of specially African subjects. AA e have
sixteen chapters dealing, under such headings as “ A'etements et
Parures “ L’Habitation Agriculture, Chasse et Peche ", “ La
Religion ”, “ La Famille ", etc., etc., with the material culture, social
life, and religious ideas of the people. The different tribes inhabiting

15)2

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

this va«t region are briefly characterized in the opening chapter,
“ Le Congo et les Congolais," where we have, inter alia, some extremely
suggestive remarks on the much-disputed question of the Pygmies,
ilr. Torday is inclined to think that the.se people are of the same .stock
as their taller neighbours, their so-called racial peculiarities being
merely the result of environment. Their physique varies as does that
of the tribes dwelling near them, those north of the equator being short-
legged and stocky, like the ■' Forest Xegroe-; " of the Aruwimi, while
those to the south are ” sveltes et fluets ", like the adjacent Baholo
and other peoples.

Students of Comparative Religion will particularly note the
recognition in Chapter \l of ancestor- worship and feti.shism as two
distinct cults, the latter being a comparative innovation in the Central
and Western Congo region.s. It will be remen) bered that the late
R. It. Dennett held more or less the same view. It may be mentioned
in this connexion that the crowned chief “—the head of the clan,
who is ex officio the high-priest of the ancient worship— occupies the
position of Sir J. G. Frazer's “ Divine King and is never allowed to
die a natural death. This chief is not necessarily — indeed in many
cases has been superseded by— the political head of the tribe. To quote
all the passages one is tempted to extract would far outrun our space-
limits. and selection is difficult. It only remains to add that the
author's apology for the " frivolous ’’ character of his work is quite
unneces.sary.

A. AV.

Jakt-ocii F.Ixg.stmetodek bland Afrikanska Folk. (Huntincf
Methods among African Peoples.) Del. I. Av Gerhard Lixdblom.
Stockholm ; Victor Petterson, 1925.

Dr. Lindblom. whose ethnographical work has been noticed on a
previous occasion, has here embraced in a comprehensive survey the
results of fir.st-hand field-work in Africa, as well as of an exhaustive
study of the available African literature and the splendid collections
in the Stockholm Ethnographic Museum. A brief “ Retrosnect '’ at
the end. written in English, is intended to afford readers unacquainted
with Swedish a bird's-eye view — necessarily a very sketchy one— of
the vast amount of matter contained in the preceding 121 paf^es

The method of arrangement is not the same throughout- in
general, the facts are grouped according to the kind of animll hunted ;
thus we have chapters on the hunting of the ostrich, the crocodile'

LA CULTURE MODERNE

193

and the elephant, and one devoted to the giraffe, rhinoceros, and
buffalo. But another chapter deals with the hunting of various
creatrures by means of disguises (e.g., the Bushman method of stalking
the ostrich) and yet another with the use of boomerangs and missile
clubs in hunting. The variety of traps and snares used by various
African tribes will be found surprising by anyone who has devoted
no previous attention to the subject ; the round foot-trap of Uganda
and the Sudan (pp. 76, 101) is specially ingenious. Altogether a
valuable monograph. -A- W.

La Culture Moderne : Civilisations Xegro-Afric.4Ines. Par

Maurice Delafosse. pp. 142, 5J x 4. Paris ; Librairie Stock,

1925.

This little manual, for whose scientific accuracy the name of
M. Delafosse is a sufficient guarantee, forms an excellent introduction
to the study of African anthropology. Lender the seven headings of
“ Religion et Magie ”, “ La Famille ”, “ Institutions Sociales ”,
“ Organisation Politique ”, “ Regime des Biens ”, “ 1 ie Materielle ,
and “ Culture Intellectuelle et Artistique ”, we have a clear and
comprehensive survey of the whole continent — -at any rate, of that
portion south of the Sahara to which the name Africa most intimately
belongs. The broad outlines here given are invaluable as a guide to
the student, who can gradually fill in from other sources the details
proper to the particular region in which he is interested. Differences
of local detail cannot, of course, be allowed for in a bird s-eye view of
this kind, and it is well to remember that, on the whole, the present
work is oriente for Western — i.e. non- Bantu Africa more especially
the Ivory Coast and the Niger Basin. The cleavage between Bantu
and non-Bantu is not, except from a linguistic point of view, very
clearly defined (indeed, it may be doubted, whether, apart from
language, it has any real existence) ; yet there are certain differences
which at once suggest themselves to anyone familiar with the East
and South. For instance, the notion of the Earth as a divinity (p. 97),
which, according to M. Delafosse, underlies the African theory of
property in land, does not seem to be definitely formulated among
the Eastern Bantu, who, however, hold more or less the same \ iew as to
ownership of the soil. They appear to recognize, and propitiate, earth
spirits, which are probably — in some cases, we may say, certainly
the ghosts of former occupants ; but the conception of an Earth-
goddess is foreign to them, though possibly not to the Congo tribes
studied by the late R. E. Dennett.

VOL. IV. PART I.

19i

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

Another part of the work which may be held to apply more
particularly to West Africa is that dealing with the regime des castes
(p. 72). Specialized occupations, sometimes hereditary, may be
found elsewhere — but, except in the case of the smiths (the guilds of
sorcerers, diviners, or herbalists — distinct but sometimes overlapping —
are not quite on the same footing) nothing in the nature of a caste
seems to have been recorded from Southern or Eastern Africa —
though M. Delafosse says : —

“ La plupart des populations negro- Africains divisent la societe
en deux categories : au sommet de I’echelle se placent tons ceux qui
n'appartiennent pas aux castes dites professionnelles ; au bas de
I'echelle sont relegues les artistes et les artisans, repartis eux-niemes
en castes nombreuses, etanches et hierarchisees.

“ Ce n’est pas le travail en lui-meme qui avilit ; la nature du
travail elfectue intervient pour une large part. Le travail de la
terre est le plus noble de tons, sans doute parce qu'il implique une
alliance directe avec la divinite du sol.”

Such a degree of specialization seems to imply a much longer
settlement of the country than can be postulated for most Eastern
Bantu tribes. It is also to be noticed that, in the area surveyed in
this book, agriculture does not seem to be regarded as specially the
women’s province, as is so frequently the case in primitive cultures,
and markedly among the Bantu.

Altogether, the value of this little work is quite out of proportion
to its size, and it may be confidently recommended to students as
the initial step for a course of reading in African ethnography.

A. Werner

Sculpture in Siam. By Alfred Salmony. pp. xviii -f 52, 121 x 9,
70 plates, 1 map. London : Ernest Benn, Ltd., 1925.

The author of this work, who is Assistant Director in the Museum
for Far Eastern Art in Cologne, has set himself the difficult task of
disentangling not only the chronological development of plastic
art in the geographical area he has selected but also its topographical
classification and the various foreign and local influences that have
contributed to its evolution. In this he has spared no pains ; and
as he gives his evidence in the shape of a well-selected series of
admirably executed plates it may fairly be said that he puts his cards
on the table and submits his judgments on these matters to a public
test. His delicate appreciation of nice points of difference in form

SCULPTURE IN SIAM

195

and treatment, of necessity required for such a task and trained
thereto by a conscientious and detailed comparative study of the
materials, is evident on every page of his descriptive and critical
account. So far as a layman in these matters can follow him, his
judgments appear to be well founded, and it is safe to say that he
has truly laid down the general lines of the evolution of sculpture
in Siam. Further discovery may add to, and perhaps in matters
of detail modify, this result without upsetting its main principles.

It is to be noted that the title of the book is not Siamese Sculpture
but Sculpture in Siam. That region was never an ethnic unity ; and
foreign influences, originally Indian in their source, from Cambodia,
Malaya, Burma and elseuhere, have created a number of cross-
currents in the local art. It is only gradually, aiul relatively late,
that a typically Siamese scidpture emerges ; aiul then only to end,
all too soon, in a stereotyped formalism that makes one regret the
more primitive variety. This is not a question merely of beauty :
that conception is very relative. It has been said by a critic that these
sculptures of Siam are not beautiful ; but this may mean no more
than that the particular critic could not bring himself to admire them.
He may have forgotten that the models were Indo-Chinese, not
Greeks, and that the conventions of treatment were necessarily
alien to his European experience. These are limitations, if one may
so style them, for which the artists cannot fairly be blamed. It
is more to the point to frame an estimate of what they contrived to
do within their limitations. Looking at the plates of this book one
cannot but feel that many, especially of the earlier works, show
power and a fine sense of form. The Indian inspiration, working in
a new field, produced, as it did in Java and elsewhere, a fresh school
differing somewhat from those of its original homeland. But gradually
the impulse died away ami a localized conventional routine took its
place. That is a rough summary of the course of artistic development
in several of what we mav call the ancient colonies of India.

Like some others, the author is a trifle hard on the Gandhara
School. But, after all, if that school had not existed the art of the
Gupta period would not have been what it was ; and it was Gupta
art that gave the Indian colonies in Indo-China and Indonesia their
exemplars. These are but links in a chain; or perhaps one should
compare them to reaches in a long river, that was being fed now and
then by some fresh tributary and ultimately spread out into a number
of distant branches, fertilizing a delta of its own creation.

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REVIEWS OF BOOKS

A few details in the text of the book invite criticism. “ Upper
India ” (p. 1) is a curious term for Indo China, as is also “ Lower
India ” for India proper. Makkara (p. 7) should be Makara ; Ardjoen
(p. 8), Ardjoena (i.e. Arjuna). The bearded personages discussed
on the same page and figured on Plate 4 B are surely ascetics of the
Indian type ; but it does not follow that the beardless ones are
aborigines. The Bangka inscription of 686 (p. 10), though containing
many Sanskrit words, is not in Sanskrit, but in an Indonesian language
closely cognate with Malay. It is surely too much to say that the
art of the early period (say, about the eighth century) was originated
by the Malay peoples (p. 11). It was Indian, and probably the early
craftsmen in Java and Sumatra were Indians. Just how much it
owed to its environment has yet to be assessed ; and the same
applies to Indian art elsewhere. Further, between Phrapatom and
the furthest -known outposts of the Sumatran Sailendras there is
a geographical gap, bridged only by certain resemblances in the
sphere of art. Are these cause and effect, or are they both effects
of a common cause, their Indian origin ? Sawankolok (p. 13) is not
Saiigha-land but Svarga-land. Here, and in Sukhothai, although
Camboja was the politically suzerain power, geographical considerations
render it not unlikely that Indian influences may have penetrated at
a fairly early date from the Talaing coastland of Lower Burma. There
is no reason to suppose (ibid.) that the Mon-Khmers were of Aryan
kin. Certainly their colour is no evidence that way, for the Khmer
is darker than the Thai. For Plate II (p. 14) read Plate 11. The
etymology of Lophburi as “ New Town ” (p. 19) is more than doubtful.
Its Pali and Sanskrit name is Lavapuri ; and a Mon inscription of
about the eighth century has been found there. Racial kinship
between Thai and Cham cannot be invoked to account for resemblances
in artistic styles (p. 24), for the Chams are more closely related to
Khmers and Malays than to the Thai. For Plate 51 B (p. 30) read
Plate 52 B. For Abaya-mudra read Abhaya-mudra. For Dvarvati
(p. 33) read Dvaravati. The number of the earthly forenmners of
the historic Buddha (p. 38) was not confined, even by the Hinayana
school, to si.x.

These are details which do not affect the substantial value of the
work under review. But they deserve mention, because when
occurring in a scholarly work like this they are liable to lead students
into error.

C. 0. Bl.4gden.

THE VOLGA POMPEI

197

The Volga Pompei. By F. Ballod. pp. 132. 1923. Ba.uo.L

llpHBo.iHJfKiie lloMneii Tocyi Ils.taTtMLCTHo. .Moci.Ba, 1923.

It is very pleasant to read this account of the explorations and
archaeological research carried out by Professor Ballod . together with
his friends and disciples, on the right bank of the Volga in 1919,
1920, and 1921.

The party had explored certain sites between Sarator and Tsaritsin
at the time when everyone in Russia, including the members of the
expedition, was undergoing incredible hardships. Professor Ballod is
interested in the early ages, beginning from the paleolithic period,
and for the study of this he had ample opportimity in the district
mentioned above. But he gives more attention to the Middle Ages —
particularly to the architecture and applied arts of the Zolotaya Orda.

He dismisses the traditional opinion that the Tartar rulers of
Russia were nothing but savage nomads. He maintains that the
material secured during the excavations of the “ Volga Pompei ”
proves that the Tartars of the second half of the thirteenth and of
the fourteenth centuries achieved a very high level of material
civilization.

The text is accompanied by 32 plates, some of them in colour.

M. Kasanin.

A Phonograph Course in the Chinese Xaiional Language.

By Yuen Ren Chao, Ph.D. Commercial Press, Shanghai,

China.

This book, with the accompanying gramophone records, will be
of great value to foreign students of the Chinese spoken language.
It is particularly interesting for three reasons. To begin with, it is
the first effort that has been made to present a course in Colloquial
Mandarin on systematic and scientific lines from the point of view
of Modem Phonetics as well as that of grammar and syntax. It is
interesting also because the author is a Chinese, who is not only a
thorough master of his mother tongue, but also of modern linguistics
in all its bearings. The work throughout reveals a high grade of
scholarship and a wide knowledge of modern European languages.
And the third reason is that accompanying the lessons is a set of
gramophone records which, for the .student working with or without
a Chinese teacher, add immeasurably to the usefulness of the work.
They are remarkably clear, especially in the tones, and are the more

198

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

valuable to the foreign student in that they are produced by a Chinese
whose colloquial in pronunciation, as well as in idiom, is of a very
high standard.

There are twenty-four lessons, each with a corresponding
gramophone record. It is significant that the first si.v of the twenty-four
are devoted to pronunciation, and of the.se six, two are occupied
solely with tones. Significant, that is, both of the importance attached
to tones by a Chinese philologist, and of his estimate of the difficulty
which foreigners have hitherto foimd in acquiring the tones in a way
satisfactory to the Chinese ear.

In the plan of the book, as a whole, each le.sson begins with a few
pages of theoretical explanation of the sulqect of the lesson, whether
pronunciation or syntax. This is followed by the text, set out, with the
transliteration and translation, on two pages. The transliteration
is in the International Phonetic Alphabet, the tone of each word being
indicated by a .stroke preceding the word. After each character in
the text the symbols of the Chinese National Phonetic Script are
given. The fir.st effect of this arrangement upon the Engli.sh reader
is somewhat confusing. To a Chinese reader there is probably no
confusion, because in the National Readers used in the schools and
in other literature the .script has become common. But to the foreign
beginner it is otherwise. It is a que.stion whether it would not have
been better to give the National Phonetic Script separately from the
characters.

The title is somewhat misleading. It speaks of a cour.se in the
“ National Language ", whereas the lessons are in pure Pekingese,
and there is a difference, as the author points out, between the two.
If would have been better to avoid the discrepancy. The most
important point in which Pekingese and Kuo Yii (National Language)
differ is in what may be called the split sounds. Older foreign students
are familiar wdth the difference between Wade's system and Williams’,
according to which Wade's ch and hs before front vowels are divided
in Williams’ into I- and ts. and h and s respectively. The Kuo Yii has
been adopted by the Peking Government with the object of unifying
the Colloquial Mandarin of China, and it is very much to be commended
that they adopt the split sounds, for the important reason, among
others, that the number of sounds or syllables in the Chinese language
is in any case all too small, and the div'ision into tw'o or more classes
makes for clearness— very desirable in the case of a phonetic script.
It seems, however, that there are two parties in China, one favouring

A PHONOGRAPH COURSE IN THE CHINESE NATIONAL LANGUAGE 199

the adoption of pure Pekingese as the national language, asserting
that the present Kuo Yii system is much more difficult to carry
through as a unified system. This assertion may prove to be true,
but if so, it is none the less to be regretted for the reason stated above.
The author speaks of the Kuo Yii as the artificial Mandarin of
the older sinologist.^’. This, if it refers to Mandarin as presented, say,
in the former AVilliams' Dictionary, is not quite accurate. It
represented rather what used to be called Southern Miimlarin or
Xankingese, a form of Mandarin which, in its essential feature, namely,
the split sounds, covered a large area, extending as far north as
Shantung.

The National Phonetic Script symbols inserted by the
side of the Chinese characters are according to the Kuo Yii, and
therefore represent the split sounds, and not the Peking single
initial before front vowels ; while in the International Phonetic
transcription the author has given the Pure Peking representation.
This descrepancy may lead to some .slight confusion to the student.
It is, however, a distinct gain that in his International Phonetic
transcription the author has distinguished between the initials cj, eg
and tj, tf, the two former of which occur before front vowels only and
the two latter before back vowels.

Perhaps the most iiitere.sting fact to the foreign student of Chinese
is the author's adoption of C, <^/, </ (unvoiced) in.stead of Wade's p, t, Jc.
There has been much discussion from earliest days among foreign
scholars with regard to the representation of these sounds, the older
sinologists insisting, with good reason, that the Mandarin Colloquial
has no h, d, g, but an unaspirated p. t, corresponding to aspirated
p, t, Jc, Our author, in agreement with Dr. Calvin Mateer, one of the
greatest experts in Colloquial Mandarin, says that the Chinese sounds
“ are somewhere between the two. \ou can get the sounds correctly
either by pronouncing p, t, k with no aspirations, or h, d, g, without
voice The author in adopting the symbols h, d, g, as more easily
to be distinguished from the aspirated stops p. t, k. has, we think,
acted wisely. “We are disposed to criticise his transcriptoin (ua) of
such finals as are found in Mades j)o, nto, lo, etc. Me .should be
more inclined to give it as oa, as the more usual pronunciation in
Peking.

The lessons on syntax are very comprehensive, and of special
interest to the foreign student, as covering the ground usually covered
by grammars in European languages. The introductory section on

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REVIEWS OF BOOKS

theory in each lesson is well done, and of great value. But the author
rightly counts on the student obtaining more or less unconsciously
an instinct for correct grammar from the wealth of sentences provided
in the lessons themselves. We heartily commend this book to all
students of Colloquial Mandarin as one of the best that have yet
appeared on the subject.

J. Percy Bruce.

The Mathxawi of Jal.\lu’ddi'n Rumi. Edited from the oldest

manuscripts available, with critical notes, translation, and

commentary by Reynold A. Nicholson, Litt.D., LL.D., F.B.A.

Vol. I, containing the text of the first and second books. “ E. J. W.

Gibb Memorial ” Series. New Series IV.

In preparing a new edition of the text of the first two books
of Ruml’s Masnavl Dr. Nicholson has used almost exclusively five
MSS., of which two are in the B.M., two in Munich, and one in his
own possession. He distinguishes them as follow’s : —

A (B.M.), 1318-19 A.D.

B (Munich), 1344 a.d.

L (Nicholson), 1439 a.d.

C (B.M.), c. 1320 (1) A.D.

D (Munich), 1307 a.d.

He has, however, in addition collated these MSS. with Anqiravi’s
printed edition, which contains a Turkish prose translation and a
Turkish commentary, and with the Bulaq printed edition, which
includes a translation in Turkish verse.

For Book I he has relied principally on C, and for Book II on D.
The date of C is only conjectural, the MS. being undated, but if that
estimated be approximative ly correct, we have a MS. dating perhaps
from about 47 years after the death of RumI, who died in a.d. 1273,
whilst in D we have one which dates from only 34 years after the
poet’s death.

These may be considered really old MSS., but of course earlier
copies must have existed of various periods dating from the time of
Rumi, and it is quite possible that RumI may himself have made
a recension of his great work. These two considerations are very
important, and must alw'ays be kept in view when a new edition is
contemplated.

Dr. Nicholson’s reputation as a Persian scholar is ample guarantee
for the accuracy of his transcription of the readings offered by the

THE MATHNAWI OF JALALU’dDIN RUMI

201

MSS. used, and we can sympathise with him in the immense labour
involved in the work of collation. At the same time we can scarcely
see that the reasons he gives for the necessity of a new edition are
absolutely convincing. Anqiravl's edition, which contains a prose
translation into Turkish, and a Turkish commentary on nearly every
distich, is a grand work, and in spite of its including a number of
spurious verses may be considered a really critical edition, prepared
with all the acumen, good sense, and e.vactitude of Turkish savants.
It gives variants, quotes illustrative passages from the Qur'an and
the Traditions, as well as from Persian and Arabic verse, and frequently
cites the views of other authorities, both Persian and Arabic. The
errors are to a considerable extent simply t3q)ographical, and are
easily corrected.

It is so good, indeed, that translations might be made from it
alone to meet satisfactorily the requirements both of the advanced
student and also of the general reader. There are also many other
editions, some of which, though not so good as the above, are, face
Dr. Nicholson, very good, and may serve as valuable adjuncts.

From these considerations Dr. Nicholson's remark that “ an
annotated translation . . . woidd be of little use by itself,’’ i.e.,
substantially, without a new text, seems uncalled for.

We do not for a moment dispute the necessity for a new text
if those already existing are really unsatisfactory, but in our opinion,
at least, they are not all so, and the difficulty of obtaining them is
not a sufficient reason.

After comparing Dr. Nicholson's new text with that of Anqiravl,
we find that a great number of the emendations, made on the authority
principally of the older MSS., are of so slight a character as to be
but little needed by the advanced student, and it is to him alone that
the text of so abstruse a work would appeal.

In preparing a new edition the main difficulty of course is to
establish the authority of MSS. Dr. Nicholson offers arguments
why certain MSS. are to be preferred ; but then there is nearly
always the certainty that older MSS. have been lost, which might,
if extant, invalidate such arguments. The historical method,
in general, is almost exclusively the only trustworthy one. The
personal element is most often to be distrusted, since an author in
many cases probably did not write what an editor of sound judgment
may think he should have written, and what he might have written
if he had made a recension of his work. A good illustration of this

202

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

is Gray's Elegi/, in which the later script is vastly superior to the
earlier.

Dr. Xicholson savs, " There is ample evidence that at an early
period the copvist.s bef'an to alter the text of the poem for reasons
which I will set forth in detad jireneiitly." e do not observe,
however, that he does set hjrth any rea.son.s (d importance for the
altering of distichs except that of rhyme ; thus, e.g., MS. B (.\.i). loll)
reads : —

iS^J> j

131

' (a. I), r.

3 O

in place of the reading of IMS. C (a.d. r. ];J2(> ')

which coutain-s the faidty rliyme (we should .say rather non-rhyme)
'j Dr. Xicholson implies that ^ j may be taken as

and tluis by " nim-fatha " sup[>ly a (faulty) rhyme to but

We do not think any l>iu an Itiilian wcjuld read .so. Then, too, if
" nim-fatha " lieadnutted as a (f.mlty) rhyme to '' fatha " whyshould
not two ■■ nlin-fathas " be admitted in a <listich as rhymes to each
other, and any two words ending in a double consonant and a common

termination be taken as rhvme i Thu.s. e.g.. should rhyme with

! It is true indeed that some Persian rhymes are of a most

peculiar character ; cf., e.g., .some of those in the but I do not

think they go so far as thi.s.

As regards faulty rhymes, a difference in the short vowel of the
rhyming syllable is so common, not only in Rumi but also in most
other Per-^ian poets, that we cannot take it that a different reading
giving a perfect rhyme is necessarily a correction, and hence a false
reading.

Dr. Xichohon says that a reading with a faulty rhyme could
not be based upon a correct one. This is true, so far as it goe.s, but
who can account for the vagaries of copyists, or know the contents
of older MSS. no longer extant i

IVith reference to this difference of the short vowel in the rhyming
syllables, we are .strongly of opinion that no copyist would considerably
alter the lines simply becau.se, e.g.. ^jT^was (as it often is) made to

rhyme with He would scarcely be likely to notice so common

THE MATH.VAUI OF JALALr’pOIX RU.MI

203

a fault in rhyme, and his alterations would be based rafher upon his
own particular fancies.

Dr. Xicholson does not seem consistent witii himself in this matter

when he rejects An(|iravrs distich with the faulty rhyme

and

in favour of the following, which offers a pc-rfect rhyme
(Book ii, line 27-")2) :

jiiu J o-U ij

' « L

Altogether h)r. Xichohon speaks of orilinarv poetic liceiisrs as
if peculiar to Eumi. lie also implies that Runu’s styh' is unpolisheil
and rugged, a judgment witli wliicli we think few Persian scholars
would agree. To contrast his versification too with tliat of Hall/,, in
whose department ot verse, tlie lyric, perfection of form is most
carefully studied, is scarcely justifiable.

Before leaving the suliject of rhyme we sh(.>tild observe that to
give a '■ niajhfil " souml as a rhyme to a " mar'fif one would be
considered, if not exactlv inadmissil'le in ,i classic j)oet. an ultra-
poetic license to be generallv iivoided, and would suggest that it is
doubtful whether, in sonu' cases at lea't, lines lie genuine wliich
contain " o “ its a rhvine to " u ". In all case' the " ma'i-fif " sound
is given even hy Indians if the rhyme re(.|uire it.

In sttjtport of his assertion l)r. Xicholson quotes six cases, of which,
at lea.st. four are verv doubtful. Tliiis lines 2-')8b. are ['I'obably
catalogue Work. In line if it lie not even a wry iloubt fid reading,

the rhvniing word is just as probably the Amine " zur used in a
Persian sense, and not the Persian "zor". In :>t>57 jjj is more
probablv than not the Arabic zur used in a Persian sense. Aiiart
from this, too. '■ zur " is given u' an adteniative to ” zor . the Persian
W'ord, and this jironuueiation is .'Upporfed bv tlie (fid Per-iaii and
the Younger Avestic " zfirali ”, rs-r Xp niehistaii Ins.,

Col. IV. I

The “ iiui'ruf " alternative is found also in a number of other
words.

To extend the argument. " dal jireceded by a vowel in a Persian
word would not lie considered a perfect rhyme to '■ dal in an Ar.ibic
word, and although this rule is '■ nion' honoured in the breach tlian
in the observance it is not altogether ignored, as. e.g., m the
Masnavl, Book vi, where printed riiymes with Ihusm

Dr. Xicholson's text of Book i the line flfioS, which reads.

20i

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

y, ^ ^ yi i 3 ol«

is possibly the variant, and the line quoted as such in his footnote,
namely,

lyr'

the genuine line. In anv case it is .somewhat sur[)ri.sing that
Dr. Nicholson has decided to tlie contrarv in face of the fact that B
(1344 A.D.) and the Bfilarj text omit the first distich, whilst retaining
the second, and that C (c. 1330 ?) cancels the first distich and gives
the second on the margin.

Another argument against the geruiinenes.s of the first distich is
that it contains a .syntactical error, namelv .i _ j-j for y,:>y.

Dr. Nicholson'.s statement that '' e '' is found in MSS. A, C to .seive

as a rhyme to "a." is remarkable. This could be only in the
case of and even then the spelling ‘‘ a " i.s almost invariably

changed to “ e ". E.g.. *' rikab," may by “ imala ’’ become

“ rikeb ”, and would then rhyme with ” sheb ", e.g., but the spelling
would be very rarely kept, though it is occasionally seen.
Dr. Nicholson, we ob.serve, invariably keeps it, so that we see, e.g.,
as a rhyme to ! (Book ii, line 2783).

The readings of C, the MS. on which Dr. Nicholson lays most
stress for Book i for reasons which he gives, are sometimes rj^uestionable.

Mhat, e.g., is the authority for -tKlj instead of -t,LNi ? The
present writer does not remember to have seen it even in the
“ Shah-nama ”, though he has read a considerable portion of that
voluminous work. He cannot speak as to the “ Lughat-e Furs ”,
as he has not a copy of it

As regards the settlement of the orthography by the insertion of the
short vowels, the distinguishing of c3 from and the marking
of both short and long — all this in our opinion might act

not as a help but simply as a disturbing influence for other advanced
scholars, to whose personal judgment it should, we think, have been
left. The student may also be misled. To give an example from
Dr. Nicholson’s te.xt. Book i, line 346, o 15^ a Li should of
course be if be an irregular plural of l-tij

THE MATHXAWI OF JALALu’ddIX RUMI

205

which it is said to be. If. however, as might, we think, be conjectured,
the term should be read as the affixing of the vowel

point “ fatha ’’ might be useful, but not that of the “ zamma

On the whole, however, since Dr. Xicholson has adopted mainly
the historical method in his arduous task, his te.vt will generally,
we estimate, meet with the approval of Persian scholars. IVhere the
personal element enters there will be always room for discrepancy
of opinion, but on this score we have not observed much to which
exception might be taken.

Dr. Xicholson hopes to finish the whole te.xt and translation of
the six books within seven years, postponing a commentary till a
later date. Some, perhaps, may question the possibility of a translation
of such a work without an accompanying commentary.

C. E. Wilson.

NOTES AND QUKRIKS

By the courtesy of the Editors of the CatJioIir Herald of India
we are able to give further publicity to the following note bv our
learner collaborator, the Eev. Father H. Hosten, S.J.

Fll.Il'PO SASSKTTl of FI.OKEXCf

lUF.O. OOA, l.'iSS.

A lady writes from Florence, 14th July, 1924 : — ” In order
to take luy college degree I have to write a thesi.s on Filijipo t^assetti,
Fiorentino. s(ui of Giambattista and of Jlargherita dei Gondi. who diefl
at Goa in 15b8. after having lived there eight years. He was a spice
merchant and traded lietween Goa and Gocliin ; lie was buried in the
Church of the Conipauv of Mercy {.Edvs mora EiKietatis Mixcricordiae).
and his epitaph, which was placed there, reads : ’ Philippo Sassetio,
patritio fiorentino,' etc., etc.

" In Florence we have the la.st will and testament of the above-
named Sassetti. It is written in Portuguese and .says among other
thing.s -

■■ (a) I bequeath K’tl .r<traji)ii to the Establi.slnneiit of Mercy in
order that a service and nine ordinary Classes be said each year.
(There is a note on the will to the effect that the Mercy ditl not accept
the becprest.)

" (h) I bequeath all my brass and cojiper mathematical
instruments, an astronomical radius, a planisphere of gilt brass,
a cpiadrant of brass, a quadrant of wood with wheels, a brass
globe with 48 emblems, and all my Latin and CIreek liooks to the
Society of Jesus.

■■ (c) The two large framed globe.s and a^ipliances to Father
CTuaspare Stiven, Jesuit.

'■ The information I want is —

'■ («) Whv did the Society of Mercy not accejit the beijue.st.
and, if that Society still exists. I should like to know the nan>e ainl
address of the Superior.

"■ {h) If the astronomical instruments are still in the jiossession
of the Societv of Jesus, and. if not, wdiat has become of them 1

"If it were possible to have the titles of the Latin and Greek
books, it would be of the greatest interest for my the.'is.

" (c) If Father Guaspare Stiven was a savant, and if he wrote
any book on geograph v or science 1

208

XOTES AND QUERIES

■■ (d) If there is a library or archives in (loa with records con-
cerning the life of Sassetti in India ?

■■ I am aware that research may be m'cessary. and. if yon can
give me .some idea of the cost. I will forward the money for the research
and copies of any rlocnments of interest, the essential being ; —

■■ 1. An e.xact copy of the reconl of the death of Filippo Sassetti
(for us. Italians, that would be most interesting).

'■ 2. Some postcards or small jihotographs showing the Church
of i\Iercy. the memorial stone, and any other e.xisting monuments
of the si.xteenth century. Can you also give me the name and the
address of some person wlio lives in Cochin, to ask if there is any
document about Sa.ssetti there . . .

" I am. etc..

■■ Ciiusep])ina Maranca.

' I’i'a Cnraur. 78 — Firenze {Ilal//)."

The Very Rev. Fr. J. I). Alberti, S.J.. (,'alicut. to whom the letter
was addressed, adds, on referring this matter to me on ()th
January, 1925 : —

“ On receiving this letter. I applied for information to the
Secretary of the Patriarch of Ooa. who was kind enough to sujiply
me with some photos (of Albuquertpie, the ruins of the Church of
Vlercy, etc.), some news about the Confraternitv of Merev, as it
e.xists at jiresent, its coat of arms, etc. I communicated all these
things to the «Titer of the letter, but .should like to furnish more
details. May I trouble you. Rev. Father, for any kind of information
you may have at hand in answer to the questions put by the said
Signorina i You may either write to her fiirectly or send your reply
to me ; she is ready to defray any e.xpense we might incur.

I have been intere.sted in Sassetti for many years. The
Goethals Indian Library, St. Xavier's College, Calcutta, has a copy
of his letters : Lettere di Filippo Sassetti sopra i suoi viagpi nelle
Indie Orientali dal 1578 ad 1588, Reggio, dalla Stamperia Torreggiani
e C.. 1841.

“ Sassetti was one of the finst Europeans to .speak of Samskrit
and of its similarity with European languages. He wTote in 1586 :
‘ Their sciences are all written in a language which thev call
8amscrutta,i which means “ well-finished " (bene articolatu) ; there
is no remembrance when it was spoken, though (as I have said) they

' The Hanscrit vowel ri is pronounced ru in the Telugn country. Krishna
becomes Krushna. Old books by French travellers have Krustna.

NOTES AND QUERIES

209

liave very ancient reiuenibrances. Tliey actjuire it as we do the
(Ireek and Latin toniiues. and they spend much more time on it. so
that thev master it in six or seven years. The present-day language
has manv tilings in common vith it ; it has many of our words, and
chiehy among the numhers [it. has) (j. 7. 8 and 9 IHo [God], scrpc
[serjientj. and manv others.' ('f. Yule-lhiruell. l{iihsn)i-Joh!<o>i . s.v..
Sanskrit, under the vear loSO. (pmtmg di' Guliernatis, Stanit. Livorno,
187‘). p. 221.

"I find that Sassetti's stav in India and ehielly at Goa was much
slmrter than Signorina G. Maianea had led me to understand. His
letters of 1 .j 7S up to 12th i\larch, Lds;*). are of kishon ami Seville;
in Hecemher. loS:!, he is at (.’(icciiio (( ’oehiu). wla uce all his letters
of IdSf up to 11th .lauuary. 1588. are dated, with the exception of
a letter written at si'a hetween Goa and Gociiin. 2drd Hecemher,
loSij. and of one from Goa. ittli Xovemher, 1585. which he despatched
however from Cochin on 22nd January. loSt;. His letter of 20th
Jamiarv, lo8-l. pri'serves the interesting name of ’ Santacroce di
Coccino.' which, according to F. de Souza. S..I,. Oru-Hh'
was forgotten a century later.

“I liave looked in vain tlirough Sassetti's letters for references
to Catholic Missiomiries. Spices and trade, customs and manners,
are the topics of his letters. Sometimes he indulges in learned
disquisitions, e.g.. on cinnamon.

■■ The name of Sassetti and of Gasper Rsfevao is likely to turn
up in accounts of conteni[)orary travellers'. The travels puhlished
hy the Hakluvt Societv. Loudon, hooks provided with gouil indexes,
should he searcheil in the first, instance, e.g.. van hiiischoten. Pietro
della Valle, etc.

“ Caspar Kstevao went to India in 1571. He was one of forty-
two whom Father Alexander \'aligiiano. the \ isitor, took to the
East. Jeron. P. A. da Gamara Jlanoel s J7o.s,<ot's dus Jesmlns uns
isecido-s AL/ e AT//, lushoa. Imprensa Xacional. 1891. p. 111. calls
him Padre, which would show that lie w-as a jiriest on leaving
Europe.

A. Franco. S.J.. Sy/ioyi.sis -hmulinhi tSoc. ./<•.</( tn Lusildiini
nh anmi 1510 /i.syac nd (unmni 1725. Augustae — \ iudelicoruiu et
Graecii. MDCCXXWI. mentions in his catalogue of Jlissionaries
to the East ’ Gaspare Esteves. Valent.' without tlie title of ’ Pater',
as one of thirtv-nine w ho left in 1574: with Fr. Ale.x. \ aligiiano.
On jt. lol lie savs thev left in five ships. ' X’ot on 18th February,

vni, i\ . I.

210

NOTES AND QUERIES

as Saccliiniis has it, but on 19th. March they got on board ' ; but only
on 21st March did they get out of the Tagus.

“ Er. Manoel Xavier, S.J.. ComjMjndio unirert<al de todos os
Tiso-retfs . . . Xova Goa, Imprensa Xacional, 1917. p. 30. marks
as leaving Lisbon on 21st March. 1574; ‘1. C'aptain-in-Chief

Ambrosio de Aguiar, in the Chigas, and Father Alexandre Babrano
[read Valignano] of the Company ; 2. Dom Diogo Rohm, in the
Sta. Fee ; the Pre.sident returned in her to the Kingdom ; 3. Pedro
Alvares Correa in the SUt. Catharina ; 4. Diogo X'az Kodovalho.
in the Anminciadn ; 5. Manoel Pinto in the St<i. Barham. She

took to the Kingdom Rebate, the Idalcao's Amba.^isador.'

■■ Father L. Be.s.^e. S..I., in A pi)endix <id ('at<d. Miss. Madurensis,
S.J., exeunte Fehninrio 1918, p. 5, mentions in 1004. Father Caspar
Estephanus, as Rector. Preacher and Confe,ssor of the Collegium
Coulanense (Quilon) and the Travancore Coast. On p. 20, he sums
up what he had discovered about him up to 1918: ‘Estephanus
(Ga.spar), Valentianus ; came as a .scholastic, 1574 ; Profe.ssor of
Theology and Rector at Damaum ; in ItiOl at Coulam ’ [Quilon].
This is all I can find about him in Father Besses very useful
Appendices to the Catalogues of the Madura Mission.

“ Father de Sousa, S.J., Oriente Conqui.stado, Pte. 2, Conq., 1,
D. 1, § 63, says that Father Valignano left Lisbon on 21st March,
1574, with 42 Missionaries di.stributed in five ships. Among them
was Caspar Estevao, ‘ Valenciano, who for many years was a lecturer
in Theology at Goa, and was Rector of Damao.’

“ I do not find Caspar Estevao in Canon Viz’ lists of Vicars of the
Goa Churches. (Heraldo, Goa, 28th September, 1916-18th July,
1917.)

“ Father C. Sommervogel, S.J., BibL de la C. de J ., Ill, col. 461,
mentions Father Caspar Estevam: ‘ of the Province of Goa, sixteenth
century (?).’ He quotes of him as MS. : Relacao do martyrio que
deu Tay-Cosama Emperador de Japao a seis reliyiosos de S. Francisco,
tres Irmaos da Cornpanhia, e desasete Japonezes, 1597 (?). Kept at
the Professed Hou.se of Goa. (Machado, III, 519.) de Backer, I,
1756.” This MS. is possibly now in the British Museum, Addl. MSS.
Xos. 9853-55, 9859-60.

“ I have no idea of what may have happened to Sassetti’s
mathematical instruments and books. At the suppression of the
Society of Jesus in the Portuguese dominions, everything was
confiscated by Pombal. Much may now lie in the Torre do Tombo,

XOTES AND QIERIES

211

Lisbon, and not a few things may still be in the Government Archives
or in the National Library of Goa.

“ \\ . ilarsden bought up a number of ami parts of the

Archives of the Provincial of Goa, and gave them to the British
Museum and King's College. London.' The King’s College collection
is now in the School c)f Oriental Studies. In St. Paul's Cathedral
Library, Calcutta, there are a number of hue folio volumes, writings
of the Fathers of the Chnrch, nhich I suspect to have come from the
Jesuit houses in Goa.

‘‘Some -10 volumes of the Goa State Archives are in the British
Museum. Cf. a note in my edition of A. ^lonserrate's Motujol.
Legat. Vommvntariun. in Mem. .l.s. Soc. Bengal, III, Xo. 9, introduction,
p. 017, n. 2.

" The Jesuit archives ami library at Cochin were confiscated
by the Dutch when they took the town about 1603. For a time
the Dutch soldiers used the books and papers of the library to light
their pipes with. I do not know what was saved and where it is.
The same for the town archives, though we may suppose that much
passed into the hands of the English, when Cochin became theirs.

“ I understand that the National Archive.s of Goa are extremely
rich in MS. documents, but that there is no inventory or indexes
to the volumes.

“ My friends on the Goa side may know whether articles on
Filippo Sassetti have appeared in their learned reviews, or where
a copy of his epitaph may exist, also where studies on the Casa da
Miser icordia can be found.

“ The word xarafin will be found explained in Yule-Burnell’s
Hobson- Jobson.

“ The Goethals Indian Library,

“ St. Xavier's College, Calcutta.

“ 2Sth January, 1925.’’

M.\i!h;i)EX :\rss.

Among the Marsden MSS., in a bundle labelled “ South and
East African Languages ”, I find a short vocabulary of a language
called “■ Mi-a-u ”, which is said (in a note on the back of the slip)
to be “ taken from an extensive vocabulary compiled by Mrs. Amie
Ewbank Staveley, from the mouths of African children that had

^ Cf. 1910, pp. 43T-G1 ; 19Il.p.Il*>; Bulletin of the. School of Oriental

Studies, London, Voi. II, Pt. 3, pp. d 13 38; Vol. Ill, Pt. 1. pp. 1-9 1”>0.

212

XOTKS AND grhUIKS

been taken from the coa't by an Arab ship ami afterwards carried
to Kombav The vocabidarv was tnin-initted by lier from .Madras
in May. 1817. to the .Vfrican Sucietv ((^ty. A.-'.-'Ociation in London,
wlio liamied it to Sir Jos, Jjank-’. " Mi-a-o " is certainlv Yao —
thoiiyh not all of the words can be identified a^ such. Thir< is not
surpirisinjj under the circnm>tances, ;i' the joiiniev was lony and the
carg(j tio doidit a mi.xeil one. " The nativi's w ere I'tabarked in boats
at a jdace named ( 'ui(di-i-ru;i [Kilwa. in the Yao jironounciation
Chilwa : the ])reti.\' A'//- 'to' or 'at' being taken as jiart of the
word] and came down to Ciidiin-gii-ia [ — I\u Lungnja; i.e..to Lngiya
or Zanzibar, tlie initial /. dropped in Swahili, shows the Yao
pronunciation!, and there .-old by the Negroes [Swahili shi\-e-tradcr.-]
to the Moors[.\.rabsl — Were then embarked in largi'r vessels, touched
Masntnha and finally arriveil at .Mnskut."

“ Masamba “ is pus.-ildy Mombasa.

Is anything further known about this .Mrs, Staveley (her name
does not occur in the D.N'.H.j, atid is it jiossilde to ascertain w hat has
become of her complete collection ! Matsden seems to liavt‘ selected
from it only the forty-five words containe<l in his skeleton vocabulary.

A. Wernkr.

il'HK STITIl; \T.\'n'V.\

An account of this inscri])tion by Dr. Jhirnctt aj)peared on pp 070 tf.
of ^’oIulne III. Part I\’, of the BnlAtlh. Part of this inscription
is in a local dialect, wliich Dr. Ikirnett described a.s “ aj>parentlv’
something between .Marwarl and old (Lijaratl ”. I tluidv tliat tliero
can be no doubt about the dialect being one of the many forms of
Eastern Marwarl. of whicli Mewarl is that best known. Eastern
Marwarl is a border language between Standard Marwarl and Jaijuirl
and in many cases use.s indifferently forms current in one language or
the other. Thus the genitive may end in (Marwarl) /•" or in (Jaipur!)
ku, and the present of tJie verb substantive may be (Marwar!) hn or
(Jaipurlj c/o7, I am. The use varies from jdace to jJace . . . even
from village to village. In .some jrlaces both forms are used in-
differently.

A reference to the Jfaj) of Raja.sthunI in volume ix, part ii, of
the Linguistic Survey of India, will .show that the local dialect of
Khajurl where the inscrijition was found — about db mih'S west of
Indargarh— is now known as Khairar!. brief account, with a
short specimen, of this dialect will be found on ])j). So If. of the
above-mentioned v(dume of the L.S.I, (.see also jjj). 70 and 78).

NOTES AND QUERIES

•213

Khairarl is a fonn of Eastern iMiirwarl, so that the peculiarities
found in tlie iiiscri])tion are only what are to be expected. The
specimen in the L.S.I. comi^ts merely of six lines, and yet it has
both hn and chn. The use of ro for the genitive is nowadays nor so
common in Eastern ilarwari as that of k". but it does occur
sporadicallv. The Inscription shows that its use was more general
in the early part of the .'-ixteenth century.

G. A. Grierson.

.MUSICAT, ACCKXT AXI> WFirsi'EK
The paragraph about whispered speech in tone languages occurring
in the article bv (). (ijerdmann under the title of '■ Critical Remarks
on Intonation Research ” {Bulklin, \'ol. Ill, Fart IV, p. -195 scq.) is
snlficientlv interesting to re((nire examination.

For convenience the portion of the paragraph which calls for
special consideration i.s here given.

■' I think it would be verv useful for the solving of the mysterie.s
of the musical accent if those who devote iheinselves to the
investigation of these accents would lay to heart the fact that a
whispered language has as many tlisdinct nuisical accents as the
same language when voiced. A Chinaman, whom I once asked
if the Chinese have any difticulties in understanding one another
when they are whispering, looked at me with a smile full of pity,
and answered. ‘ No '. Certainly he had never thought that a man
could be stupid enough to ask sucii a cpiestion. ’

If. as here stated, the e.ssential features of a so-called " tone
language " are not obscured when that language is whispered, the
difficulties of those of us, whose business it is to investigate such
languages, are multiplied bevoud measure. Fortunately for phonetic
investigators the prima facie evidence is strongly against such a view.

But, instead of discussing the physical nature of whisper we
determined at once to put the cpiestion of recognition of significant
tones in whisper to the test of observation and experiment. Ve
were undeterred by expressions like " .stupid and mystery
which only serve to obscure the issue, and we resolved to treat the
question as we would treat auv other natural phenomenon. Attempts
to wrap linguistic questions in obscurantism are greatly to be deplored.
The days of casting horoscopes should be over.

The method of procedure adopted by us is sufficiently obvious
to be considered by some as ■' stupid ". but one is so accustomed
ill one's own country to the superior person with a smile full of pity ’ ,

214

NOTES AND Qr'EHIES

that one does not attach too great a critical value to the condescending
pity of Mr. Gjerdniann's Chinaman.

In the e.vperiraent, the language chosen was Panjabi, which
ha.s three significant tone.s. The words chosen were toea. kori, tja:r,
ti, no, SAU, ka:r, kera. Each of the.se words when said in isolation
can be uttered in three tones, which for convenience were called
(1) low-level, (2) high-falling, (■>) ini<l-falling.

When '‘ti", for e.xarnple, is said on tone (1) it means " daughter .
on tone (2) it means thirty ”, on tone (.'>) it means " woman .

The following table gives the meaning of the words when uttered
on tones (1), (2), (2) respectively:
toea : carry, grope, pit.
kori: mare, leper, .score.
tj'a:r : to fall, to rise, hang-nail,
ti : daughter, thirty, woman,
no : to bathe, a denial, not.

sAu: , an oath, to sleep.

ka:r; to fashion, to be boiled, to imprison,
kera: a circle, a proper name, to scatti'r.

A preliminary experiment wa.s made by B.D.J. (a native of the
Panjab) on S.J., and vice versa. The words were first uttered a.s in
normal speech. There was no doubt about the results. Whatever
the tone employed, the meaning was given correctly and without
hesitation in every case. In other words there was perfect correlation
between the tone and meaning.

When the words however, were whispered, the meanings given
were wrong in most cases and uncertain in others.

Further trials were then decided upon : the “ Yersuchsperson ”
in this case being Mr. 8. Yarma (another native of the Panjab).

With Mr. Yarma, as with ourselves, when tlie utterance was
normal the meaning was invariably given correctly. In whisper,
the results were as follows : —

toea 1 right out of 3 times
kori 1 „ „ 5 „

tjQ:r 0 ,, 1 „

ti 3 ,, ,, 6 ,,

na 1 „ „ 1 „

SAU 0 „ „ 3 „

ka;r 1 „ „ 1 „

kera 1 ,, ,, 1 ,,

NOTES AND QUERIES

215

This shows that out of 21 trials only 8 were correctly given, which
sufficiently shows that the attempt to establish a correlation between
utterance and meaning in whisper signally failed.

It is interesting and instructive to remark that out of the 21
answers given. 17 belonged to the level tone. In every case where
the monosyllables ti, tjair, and na were given, they were heard as level
tones. This is just as one would expect, for a change of pitch with
average energv of utterance is onlv obtained bv changing the vowel.
In words of more than one sellable, the attempt at high pitch was
occasionally recognized because of the concomitant alteration in stress.

Continuing our short investigation into whisper, we discovered
that ka’.mi (a voluptuary), where the [k] is unaspirated, and gaimi
(going) were indistinguishable. On the contrary, khoin (mine),
where the [k] is aspirated, and ka:n ( ear ) were readily distinguishable in
whi.sper.

In conclusion we would point out that in whisper (1) while a small
rise in pitch (from two to three semi-tones) can be obtained by
considerably increasing the energy of utterance in the same vowel,
under normal circumstances a change of pitch is only effected by
changing the vowel quality.

(2) Any attempt to alter the pitch while whispering the same
vowel is heard as a change in stress.

(3) Ordinary whisper is a glottal phenomenon produced with the
ligamentous glottis nearly closed and the cartilaginous glottis open.
Any vibrations observed in the vocal chords by the laringo-
stroboscope were too feeble to be reinforced by the supra glottal cavities
and they gave no tracing on the kymograph.

Stephen Jones.

B.iENARsi Das Jain.

Journal of the Gypsy Lore Society, vol. iv, part i, contains Welsh
Oypsy Folk Tale, Xo. 24, by Dr. John Sampson, with note by
Professor W. R. Halliday, and German Gypsy Songs by Engelbert
Wittich. The Editor is E. 0. Winstedt, 181 Iffley Road, Oxford.

T. Grahame Bailey.

OBITTAKY

Edward Granville Browne, M.A., M.B., F.B.A., F.R.C.P.

1862 - 1926 .

A stock of Gloucestershire laiulowners producing soldiers and
business men. ^s■itll divines and doctors of medicine in former genera-
tions, threw up in Kdward Granville Browne a genius for (drieuital
scholarshi}). Xothiug in ancestry (.r in environment goes anv way
to explain it. but from the first the hov was not like other bovs, and
took his own way. Hence most unhappy .schooldays at Glen.ilmond
and at Eton, where not only boys but masters objected to his pui.suing
“ bugs " rather than balls. At first de.stined for enoineering. a profession
in which his father. Sir Jfenjamin Browne, had attained distinction,
he turned to medicine as a career not too uncongenial and yet of
practical value. But already he had found his trne ]urth ; infected
with enthusiasm for the cause of the Turks at the time of their war
with Russia iii 1877 he set himself to learn their language, and by
it was inevitably drawn on to Persian and Arabic. When he came
up to Pembroke College. Cambridge, in 1879. lie found it possible
in the new atmosphere to work at his Eastern languages side bv side
with his medicine. As a reward for his second class in the Natural
Science Tripos (18S"d) his father allowed him to take the old Indian
Languages Tripos in 188 L and he was of course in the first class and
in it alone.

Then followed a period of reading and learning medicine in London
relieved by every opportunity of reading and talking with Grien+als,
particularly Persians, to whom Browne came to he more and more
attracted. As a result, though he cjualified for the medical profession
in 1887 and was preparing to come into re-^idence as house physician
at “■ Barts." early in 1888. suddenly the door o])eiied upon quite
another path of life. On 30th May. 1887. he was elected Fellow of
his College and wa.s thus enabled to spend that wonderful " year of liis
life among the Persian, s ". He came to them still young and .soattractive
and yet steeped in the Qur'an, in their poetry and history, ready to
understand their talk and think their thoughts. We can see in his
first book how he penetrated the Persian mind an<l allowed his mind
to be penetrated by it. So that for the re.st of his life his whole out look
was that of an intelligent of the Near East rather than that of a

•218

OBITUARV

Westerner; or, at any rate, so it appeared to hi.s estern friends.
In thi.s rear in Per.^ia we may find the .sources of the main streams of
his interest which flowed on through his life. He never seemed to
me reallv interested in language as language, certainly not in grammar
or comparative philology. Language was to him the means to
understand and to communicate : life, thought and literature were his
ends. Infe he first described in his travel-hook. A vague tendency
towards the occult had shown itself in the ]a)ndon period, it was the
London of the first appearance of Theosophv, for the first time English
society was feeling drawn to the mv.-'tici.sm of the East. So Erowne
took an interest in the .sect.s derived from the Assassin.s. and hi.s earlie.st
papers dealt with those. In Persia the persecuted sect of the Bahi's
came to his notice, and his first real achievements were along this
line. Only a man with his attractiveness, his patience and his obvious
freedom from an}' ulterior purpose cordd have gained the confidence
of the Babfs and been allowed by them to come into ])o.s.ses,sion of
documents of vital imjiortance for the hi.story of their religion and
by comparison for the hi.story of other religions in the obscure stage.s
following the founder’s life and death.

On his return from Persia he took the position of University
Lecturer in Persian, but pupils were not yet .so many as fully to occupy
him. So he had. time for his ne.xt main interest, the history of literature,
aiid produced papers dealing with various sources, especially the
Ohahar ilaqala and other biographies of Persian poets, work preparatory
to the greatest of his books, the Literary History, which is essentially
one though more than twenty years separated the fourth volume from
the first.

In the later ninetie.s the arrangement by which aspirants for Consul-
ships in the ISTear Ea.st came to be sent for special training to Oxford
and Cambridge provided Browne with a succession of pupils whom he
could lead in the wav of knowledge and sympathy. Though not
officially head of the .<-chool until 1902, when he succeeded Rieu as
Profcs.sor of Arabic, he was always its mainspring, teaching a great
deal himself, and managing both the men and the Oriental instructors.
These required carefid handling, but afforded him constant practice
in talk, which kept his knowledge fresh and his mind in perpetual
rapport with those of Eastern man : in them again he inspired real
affection and made their necessary exile tolerable. During this period
Browne made many journeys to Paris for study and some further
afield to Tunis, Egypt, Cyprus, and to Constantinople. The death

EDWAKD GRANVILLE BROIVNE

219

of his friend, E. J. . Gibb, brought two new activities : one was the
great task of seeing through the Press the last four volumes of a
Histonj of Ottoman Poetry, only the first having appeared during the
author s lifetime. The other was the administration of the Gibb
Trust for publishing Oriental texts ; in this the other trustees did their
share to help or hinder, but Browne was the main moving spirit,
and the splendid rmv of volumes are as much a memorial to him a.s
to Gibb himself.

The establishment of the Egyptian and iSoudan Civil Services
brought another set of pupils, and more organization of teachers
and taught. Looking Lack on those years one cannot sufficiently
wonder at Browne s marvellous energy. His own production would
have been sufficient for a scbolar-rechi.'.e. but at tlie same time he was
bringing out another man's book, directing a great enterprise for
publishing texts, and nuinaging a living machine for instruction in
four languages. And all the while he was the most accessible of men,
and in his rooms people could find a welcome at every hour of the
day or more e.specially the night. And once there the difficulty was
to get away again. It is on record that one caller who came at 0.130 p.m.
did not depart till the College doors opened at 0.30 next morning.

e came to hear Browne talk, and talk he did on everv conceivable
subject, and what his talk meant for us Pembroke undergraduates
only those who remember it can say : all sorts came up to listen,
not only the highbrows " but the stupid people, and all enjoyed
it and were the better for it.

In the early years of the century, Browne's svmpathy was engaged
by the political decadence of Persia and the threat to its independence
from its great neighbours, especially Russia, against which he had a
strong prejudice founded originally on disagreeable incidents of his
return from Persia in 1888. This appeared to him as one phase of a
general aggression by Europe upon the independent powers of Islam,
and particularly upon the position of thcise educated classes in Islamic
countries among w’hom he ma<le his friends. His actual political
writings were mostly concerned with Persia, particidarly his Persian
Revolution of 190.1-1909 and his Press and Poetry of Modern Persia :
but he made no secret of his distrust of both British and French policy
as well as Russian, and this gave him a leaning towards Germany which
had not the same temptations or opportunities. So he sympatliized
with all oppressed nationalities and liked to trace kindred with the
heroes of 98 or declaim a few verses of a Welsh hymn. But if the

220

OBITUARY

oppres.'ied peoples were Slavonic (except Poles), or Eastern Christian.s.
thev somehow failed to touch him ; they .savoured too much of Russia.

Another great interest was in ; be.side.s his full oataloiiue of

Persian MSsl. in the University Library, he made a hand-list of its
Muhammadan MSS. and Supplementary IIan< 1-list of the many ^l.SS.
bought under his advice and a List of Muhammadan MSS. in the
other Cambridge libraries. His own collection of MSS. was tin* result
of life-long choice, slowly growing from year to ye.ir, and in recent
times, when means allowed, enrich.ed by great ac(|uisiti(>ns from th.e
Schefer collection, from Houtum-Schindler's and ‘Abil'ul Majjid
BeLshah's. Containing hardiv any l)oolc.s of outward coim liness, by
which in books or things Browne <lid not allow himself to be drawn
aside, it V as almost restricted to te.xts of the rariT authors, especially
those of importance for the history of life am! literature. Browne
had alnrost finished a detailed catalogue of his MSS. and .strictly
charged his executors to publish it. The books thenrselves will
probably find a home in the l.'niversity Idbrary.

In 1906 Browne married Alice, daughter of F. H. Blackburne-
Daniell, sometime Fellow of TrinityCollege.and a well-known authority
upon Stuart records. He left two sons, Patrick, now in his first year
at Pembroke, and Jlichael, still at Eton. After his marriage (as he
had always forewarned us) College ceased to be, the centre of his life,
and his rooms became merely classrooms in which was hou.sed most
of the work of the Universitv School of Oriental liangiiages. But at
Firwood. his house a mile or so out, he and his wife continued his
unbounded hospitality to all kinds of people, and it became a centre
to which everyone in need of help would turn at once.

To few could the war bring deeper distre.ss than to Browne with
his liking for the Turks, and his strong feeling for the oneness of the
learned world. Bv the end of it his friends began to see him as strangely
old, and to wonder what was happening to him. But tired though he
felt, he kept on with his work, and finished his great Literary Hi.storv.
He even struck into a new line, a revival of his interest in medicine,
in his Fitzpatrick Lectures, before the Eoyal College of Physicians,
upon “ Arabian Medicine In 1922 he received for his BOth birthday,
besides letters and addresses from all Europe and the Xearer East,
a volume of Oriental Studies by .scholars of every nation.

A year last November a sudden heart attack brought his active
time to an end ; he rallied a little, and there was some hope that he
might begin his lectures once more, but in June last the sudden death

EDWARD ORAXVILLE BROWNE

221

of his wife, worn oui with caring for him. ^\as a blow from wliich there
was no possibility of recovery ; he steadied hiiiiself a little to put his
affairs in order, and then syiltly sank to die on the oth of January.
He is buried by his wife at his home. BeiiwelL uutsiile Newcastle.

In our College T.ibrarv his works take uji nuee than two feet of
shelf room ; there is no space here to ennmer.tte all his books, to say
nothing of the muuberle.s.s ])a]'ers in JRAS.^ But tlie man was more
than his books, and not nterelv among (Irieubdisrs, but ainonn all
sorts of peo[)le. his life will remain a delightful memory, and aii abiding
inspiratiriii.

]'1lli> H. Minns.

^ A c<)mplclc li-t nt IviowHe'v \vnik> will ke tnimd at the end <if hi'^

Matt! inU the Stmh/ nf th^' B /In liflojion. < 'aiuhi kIih* Cm\oiNity Tu v-. ]ldS. and
in his n> Molnn Tmtesi \.i> la in !t».’4-),0.inihn Ikif, -- V]> ]

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PA PJCK.S COXTIUBUTEl)

DE VOVLTOXS NOTICIA

Translated with lutvnduction ami Xotes by L.vurkxcf, Lockhakt

rilHE full title of this little work, wliicli occupies 19 pages in Svo.
is as follows : —

Wrdadeira e exacta Xoticia <los progressos de Thamas Kotili
Khan Scach da Persia no finperio rlo Oram Jlogor, Escrita na lingtia
Persiana cm Delliy cm :21 de Abril de 1739, e mandada a Poma por
Hons. Voulton.

Acrecentada com outran cliegadas ])or varias partes, com hum JIapa
do Thesouro do Gram Jlogdr levado a Ilispahan pelo mesmo Schach.
Dadas a luz na lingua Portugueza.

Lisboa Occidental. Xa officina de Antonio Correa Lemos.
MDCCXXXX. Com as licencas necessarias e Privilegio Real.

LVTKUDLt'TlOX
1. De Voulton

Xo particulars are available as to the date or place of de Voulton’s
birth or of his early history, but as will be seen below, it is known
that he wa.s a Frenchman and that he, while a young man. served
as a private soldier in the Pondiehery garrison until he deserted
in or about the year 1725.

The following extract from an entry dated the 7th Nlarch, 1750,
in the diarv of Ananda Ranga Piljai,^ who was courtier or chief dubash

^ See p. 375 of vol. vi of Profcs&or DiKiwell's translation (from the Tamil) of The
Piiidte Difinj of Atiaixht IxHHytj Pillni (Madras, 1918).

VOL. IV, PART II.

I . A U R K N( ■ E LOCKHART —

• I

to i)u[)k‘ix. L'i''’-' or pur|iort' to itivi- the iiiotivr for do A oulton s
df'ortioii. roL.’i'tlicr with ^oinc partiful.ir,-' to hi' 'nl)M‘(|^iU'iit
ad\ ontui'o' :

. . In M. Lonoirk time. il. ile N'oulton. a .'oldier. won 'onie
nionev at plav. borrowed more iimler jireteiiee of tr.ide. lo't it all at
jiLiv, then fled b\' the Madra.s road to (.'ovelono with his wile the
ilau^diter of iMijnheer de Vos. M. l>enoir .'ent soine peons to eateh
him and briitit him back : but Mivan Sahib s son. Hade Sahib, declared
that he wa^ not there and thus brought him 'afelv to Nellore. His
{rood fortune led him to (iolcoud.i and Auraneabail and thence to
(^amar-ud-Din Khan, the Padshah's wazir at Delhi, where he set up
as a physician. Vhen Madir Shah invadi-d the country. im[>ri''oned
IMuhantmad Slifdi. plundered Delhi and slew about ’idii.OIKi people,
thi' man by cood fortune secureil plunder worth ten or twenty lakhs .
moreover, he vigilantly euardeil (^amar-tid-Din Khan's liousi-
and family, and prevented Nadir Shah’s people from attaekinu it,
thus proving himself a faithful .servant."

C'ultru. in his work on Dujilei.v.' abo states that de N'oulton (or
de \'i.iltoii. as he calls him) was a d(*serter from Pondichery and that
he. after rurins the (.beat iMoeul of some illness, bi'came his physician.

In .Inly or AugU't. 17d9. de Voulton. according to (^’ultru. etait
rentre en relation avec ceu.x de sa nation, tres probableineiit pour
.s'assurer sa grace, et il mettait son influence au servict* du gouverneur.
II offrit a Dujilei.x. par I'intermediaire de Hroiselle. chef a Patna, des
concession.s de terre. le titre de coa/ azarifi (commandant de on manseb-
dar de ."i.dOO chevau.v. titre hoiiorifiipie des iMogols . . .) et un
serpeau - (present consi.staiit en un costume de seigneur indigene
ordinairoment de grand valeur) . . . Dupleix raisonne en 1799 comme
la Conipagnie raisonnera j/ais tard. De Volton disait ipi'il faudrait
paver le firman et indiquait la somme. Dupleix alors s’ecrie (pi'il
etait foil, s'il croyait la Compagnie disposee a depenser une grosse
somme pour tin cittq ayiris, un simple titre qui ne ferait i[ue la cpn-
stituer en depenses pour ravenir."

Some two years later. Dupleix procured a roval pardon for de
Voulton. but the latter nevertheless remained on in the service of the
Great Mogul for a number of year.s, as is shown by the following
extract from a pajier which Ilobert Orme. the author of A IltAorij of

^ S("e ]). 17.’^ ot (’iiltru 't s Pl<ius ^ Ih-fiarf, Efurl^

Cnln/naJt (Pari'^, liiOl.)

“ F(.(r Sarop.l,

I)K VOrLTOX S XOTfCI I

■2-2n

thr British III wrute and uni-losed in a letter to

Lor{l dioldenie's. dated the 1 Itli IMarch. IT-Vj-: —

■■ Tldrty year^i ayo a I’riv.ite Soldier naiue<i l)e \'olton deserted
from Pondielierry and went to Aj;ra in (sic) Delhi, where he has Ijeeii
ever .siiiee in ereat Favour witli the Dratid Moyul : ri.dng to be Ids
Princij)al Physician and of the Privy Council ; this Jfan was dispatched
about two years since in (h'iilhy of Emhassadoiir to the French and
came aloni; with Cazulide Can (Ghaziu’d-Dfn Khan) one of the Mogul's
Generalissimos and above 1U().(I(.)U Horse as far as AurengobaTt, where
somebody making shift to empoison Gazulidecan put a stop to tlieir
Proceedings ; the Fml)as.sadonr however came on to tlie French Camp
at Hitherobatt (Hyderabad) and proceeded directly to Pondicherry,
'■ What were the real Designs of this i\Ian few can tell, for the
French are so abstruse and secret in their Proceedings it is hard to
find out what they intend ; all their Affairs at Camp being managed
by the Gtmeral De Pussy, by a Learn'<l Sagacious .Tesnit and a KuTO])ean
Renegade called Abdallah now Uumi Can. who has been many years
in that country and ser\’c(l them at their first coming there as an
Interj)reter.

■■ The I'hubas-adour told me he had Orders to give the French
whatever country they should chuse and what wages they plea.sed
if they wo\d<l abandon Sanabeljang (S.alrd)at-Jang) the present Xaboli.
and embrace the Interest of Gazuliclecan. for which purj)ose he really
shewed me a Carte Rlanche with the Mogul's liroad S(^al : though
further I could learii nothing from Him : except that I heard him
privately tell a great many olfieer.s that if M. Duplei.x would give him
leave, he would conduct the Armv to Delhi and make all their Fortunes.
M hy his Proposals were not accej)te(.l I know not. but I believe they
were afraid to trust Him, some imagining it was only a Bait to have
them all cut of (sic) and etfectuallv at his Return from Pondicherrv,
he was a Month or more imprisoned, though afterwards dismissed
about his Husiness."

The above accounts, which agree in their main 2)oiuts. render it
possible to form an idea of de Youlton's character and career. Though
ail adventurer and not over-burdeneil with scruples, he nevertheless
had some sense of honour and duty, if Ananda Ranga Pillai is to be
believed ; moreover, he tried (though perhaps not altogetlier dis-
interestedly) to assist his own countrymen hy obtaining concessions
and privileges for them.

^ Published in iMmdon in ISO.'J, and reprinted in M;\dra> in isbl.

- Sec p, 274 of the Orme MSS. at the India Othre JdlHarv.

LAURENCE LOCKHART —

22r;

The extract from the Ornie MSS. given above takes us down to
tlie vear 17-j.'3. when de Vonlton must liave been nearly sixty years
of age or possible rather more. It does not say whether he afterwards
succeeded in reinstating himself at Delhi or whether he availeil himself
of his pardon to return to France or, at any rate, to his compatriots at
Pondicherv ; we are therefore left in doubt as to de \ oulton s ultimate
fate, but it is possible that some further references to him may be
discovered that will di.sclo.se how he spent the concluiling portion
of his adventurous career.

II. The Verdndeira e Exacta Xoticia

In view of his position at the Mogul Court, de Voulton must have
had exceptional opportunities for gleaning information of everything
of importance that occurred ; his ■■ A'erdadcira e Exacta Xoticia which
is a contemporary record of the events immediately succeeding the
battle of Karnal. is therefore of considerable historical interest and
value.

The Portuguese te.xt of the " Xoticia " is made up in the following
manner :

(«) A letter or a long extract therefrom which de Voulton wrote
to some person unnamed on the 21.st April, 1739.

(b) Extracts from two letters dated the Gth and 13th l\Iay.

(d) Extracts from two further letters dated the 13th and 15th Jlay.

(/) Two letters from St. Petersburg and one from Paris (written
over a year later than (a), (b) and (d), embodying information received
from the Russian Resident at Isfahan).

It is .stated on the title page that the “ Xoticia ” was written in
Pensian on the 21.st April, 1739, the same date as that of the first letter
or extract, but extracts (b) and (d) were, as seen above, from subsequent
letters ; moreover, the.se extracts are in the third person while (a) is
in the first, and it is stated in the text that M. Groiselle forwarded in
July an e.xtract from the letters of the 13th and loth May to some
unknown destination.

It is known that de Voulton was in touch with M. Groiselle a couple
of months or so later, ^ so it is possible that these last two letters, and
j)erhaps the previous ones too, were addressed to him ; if this is so,

^ See pa^e 224.

DE VOCLTOX S XOTICIA

227

it is only reasonable to suppose that de Voulton wrote the letters
in French and then made a Persian translation of the extracts
therefrom.

The Persian text is unfortunately lost, but it is jnobablo — despite
what has been noteil above — that it contained the extracts from the
later letters, a.s well a.s (n) and (<■). It i.s verv doubtful, however,
whetlier it contained the list of booty (which was .'•ent to !st. Petersburg
by the Russian Resident at Isfahan), and it could hardly have included
the much later St. Petersburg and Paris letters with which de ^'oulton
seems to have had no connexion. It is, perhaps, noteworthv that a
Spanish translation of the Portuguese text, which appears to be
very nearly contemporary, docs not contain the list of bootv or the
St. Petersburg and Paris letters. Tlie li.st and the.se letters a[>pear
to have been added by de \’ordton's editor or translator in Europe,

It may well be asked why de Voulton wrote the ’’ Notieia ' in
Persian. A po.ssible e.xplauation is that the Xiramu'hRulk. who was
one of de ^'oulton'.s patrons, may have commi.ssioned him to ilraw
up a record of the negotiations with Nadir f^hfili and tlie events
connected therewith, in which he played sucli a prominent luirt. The
'■ Noticia “ contains many references to the Nizamu’lAlulk. and ^nesents
him in a verv (hut not unduly) favourable liglit.

In view of what is said in the Noticia " regarding Ruhammad
Shah, de Voulton could hardly have written it at his command, while
if he had done so at the reque.st of (^amaru\l-Dln Khan, lie would
undoubtedly have given the latter more prominence, and would almost
certainly have mentioned the fact (if it be a fact) that he had guarded
the Khan's hou.se and family at Delhi during the massacre. In any
case, it is perhaps curious that de Voidton makes no mention in the
“ Noticia ' of his having so protected Qamaru'd-DTn Khan’s hon^e and
family.

There are numerous mistakes in the Portuguese te.xt. but these
for the most part are attributable to the ignorance and carelessness
of de d oulton's translator or translators and to printer's error.>. The
principal difficulty in translating the work into English has liecn the
identification and correct transliteration of many of the personal
and ])lace-names mentioned ; in some cases these names have sutfered
such mutilation as to render their identification impossible, ft scuns
scarcely conceivable that anyone cajiablc of traiisltting the work from
Persian into Portuguese could commit sucli errors as to give (’inHpD
de irkoqiie for ” Chandni Chok*' or be sir ignorant and careless as

T. A r R E XC E I.< )t' K 1 1 A U I' —

' 2 -!'

to rpfpr to tlie Xizaiiiu'l-Mulk varion.'-ly a-; Mn-ji Mdhi'onhiiik and

It a well-known lact that naim-^ trei|ucntly yet mutilated or
distorted when a writer, who is hinix-lf unac(|iiaintt‘d with any Oriental
lanyuaye. translates or draws material froni a ^\ork in 'ome other
European lanynaye on Oriental snhjeets.' It tlieretore seems (piite
possible that the Xotieia " may. in the first iiistattee. have been
translated from Persian into Italian or Latin (it will be recalled that
it was sent to Pojme by de Vonlton), and tlienee into Portuguese and
Spanish.

AIv friend. iMonsiynore Alercatti. lias been kind enouyli to make
inquiries on mv behalf in the \atiean Librarv and Archives, but
has been unable to trace either the Persian original or any Italian
or Latin translation.

(Vijiies of the Portuguese text and aLo of the Spanish translation
are preserved in the British Mii.seum Library and in the Biblioteca
Xacional at ]\Iadrid, while Sir Arnold Wilson jio.s.sesses a copy of the
Spanish version, to which some reference must now be made. Thi.s
Spanish erlition. which is undated, apfiears to be a translation from the
Portuguese, since all the mistakes in tin* latter are reproduced and in
some cases magnified. As already noted, it does not contain the list
of treasures or the ” other accounts " referred to on the title page of
the Portuguese translation, and on page 1 1 there is a textual difference
(to which attention is drawn in the second footnote on p. 22'.));
thi.s difference may perhaps be accounted for by supposing that the
S])anish translator also worked from the (hypothetical) Italian or
Latin text.

The only reference to Voulton's “ X’oticia " that I have been able
to discover is in an alrao.''t contemporary and very rare Spanish history
of Xadir Shfdi by a writer named Le Margne. It is entitled Vida
de Tharnas Kouli-Kan ". and was published in Madrid in 1711.
Le Margne twice mentions de Voulton by name, and draws somewhat
largely upon his Xotieia ” when describing Xadir Slulh's Ind an
campaign and the incident.s arising therefrom. Le IMargne doe.s not.
however, give us any information in regard to de Voulton himself.

^ ('ron-sW ill \\ cll-kiiow II nj tin (flfmnun ThiI'^ lip'-idts Ip iii'g !iidfl<t<‘(I

for uiurli of Ins in.itcn.il \ on Httiniiipr, udoptod tfir i.ittcr'b (ivinuin ot

tranj'litfTation without rotluftiiio on tlu‘ diftVrpnt value of tertain Jelter> in KuliI .sIi.
TIiu>, to ([uott* Imt ono example, we Hnd ('reasx refernuLr to Sultan Ba\a/id as
Bajazet.”

DE VOELTOX S XOTK IA

■2-2'A

Tlie " Xoticia l)i‘uii!s witli a (U'scri[>tioii of t)ie cliaos reigning
in the Indian army after the battle of Kariifd. the famine from which
file tinfortunate troops were sutferiiig. ami the state of ab-^oliite
coiisteniation and despair iitto wliieli iitthamniad Shah and most of
his advisers were tlirown. A striking contrast is drawn between the
weak and vacillating hlnhanDnad Shrdi and his stern and resolute
opponent. Xadir Shah, and abo between the ahle Xizamu'l-Mulk
and the rest of the i\Iogul's ministers and advisers, the bulk of whom
were worthless and pusillanimous to tlie hist degree.

I’he negotiations between the Xizamu'lAlnlk and Xadir SImh
are described at some lengtli. as are also the Indian rising .U Itelhi
and the terrible massacre that followed it. Perhaps the most
interesting })art of the ” Xoticia “ is the account of how the Xizamii'b
Mulk. when he went to the Mosque of Kawshanu'd-ltav. hi to intercede
for the poptdace with Xadir Slu'dt. found the latti'r calmly eating
sweetmeats as he watclied the massacre. Though there is no mention
in other contemporary reconls of tliis incident,^ this does not
necessarily mean tliat it is not true.

As will 1 k' seen from tlie footnote.^, there has been mucli diPu idty
in reconciling .some of de Wnilton's dates witli tliose given by other
authorities, (,'arclessne.ss on the jiart of his translators and printers
may account for some, at any rate, of the discrepancies.

In conclusion, I must express my sincere tiianks to !kir William
Foster, Mr. C. A. Storey, and Sir Arnold Wilson for their many
valuable suggestions. It wa.s tin* late Mr. S. C. Hill. who. by drawing
attention to the reference in the Onne MSS. to de Voulton, enabled
the problem of the latfer'.s identity to be solved.

Tuaxsl.vtion of THE " Verp.\peir.\ E Hx.VCT.r AWtICT-V ’’

[Thr ■■ rcHc and Exact Accon-if ")

In my letter of the .'In I March laA. I had tlie hniiour to inform you
how Tulimasp Qull Kliiiii.” now SIu'ili Xadir. King of Fer.sui. (s\hom
we here call Xadir Shah), after gaining the battle against Tlubaminad
Sludi, Emperor of tlie Moguls, held peace conferences with the latter.

^ Le Mars^iiH reftr.x tu it, but hr was nu r« ly quoting from <k‘ VoaUou.

- <Tiveu in the toxt as Thainu" Kauli Kbaii. Th»* f^^^tuuUlo^•* will not

biven in this traii-iation uiilrss it Jiappoiir^ to b.‘ • oirc t 'as tiio « as-M or uiilrss

nltTitili* at ion is 'loubttul or i in jk»ssi bio. In tfio lattt i t ,n s, tbo ItmwiIlm' • ioi in w il!
be fcfiven lu itabt s, followed |\\bone\or pos'.iblo) by what is -.nriinsod t<t bo tin projicr
spelliiis^ of the name.

2:5(1

LALKEXCE LOCKIIAHT

In mv second letter, I informed you of the Persian King's entry
into Delhi, but as it is possible that the.se letters mav have got lost
through there having been nearly :3()() jxituDiarrs ^ or couriers slain
by the eninny at that time, you will permit me tf) repeat that this battle
was fought near Karnal. in the course of which l(l.(t(lO men perished,
among them Khan Dawran.^ one of the \'iziers. his brother,^ and the
Onthms (or general officers) who were with that [lortion of the armv ;
Saidal Ram ^ was wounded and taken prisoner, and ilied eight days
ago, it being suspected that he had j)oisoned himself.

After this defeat, the Mogul army occujiied an area five or six
leagues in extent ; it con.sisted of lOO.OOO horsemen. SO().(M»(» infantrv,'*
30.000 camels, 2.0(00 armed elephants and 1 .0()0 jiieces of artillery.

Nadir Shahs army contained no more tlian :5(t,(MK) fighting men,''
although it had numbered 00, 0(H) ])er.son.s. composed of Turks,
Persians, Arabs, Armenians and Georgians, there being also 10
Russians and three Englishmen.

On the 10th and 17th of the month of February, 17:39, this small
army seized the jiasses and ways into our camj). in such manner that
it was impossible to bring in provision.s an<l forage, and some 1,000
men of those who tried to go and look for these beyond the barricades
lost their lives.

The famine, which lasted till the 28th day, was so severe that

1 Ptitomtir i.s tlu' Hindi word jLwt, iiif*aiiiiio jiu‘>faoiio(‘r or tourior.

Ivhwaja Azini Saiioamu (|-I)a\vla Ivhaii ])awr<tii wai, AniTrii 1-L iiiara or
Commander -1 n-Chief.

3 iluzaffar K.li.tn. See paoe 27S of I'.C. Beltour a tramslation of tlie Tarikh-i-
Ahwiil-i-SliaiUh Hazin (London, [S31).

* Po.-,sil)ly a mi.spriiit for Kli.'in, Hie .sniialid.'ir ot Oudli (who is often

referred to in works of this period as Sadat Kam or Kan).

5 These fimire.s .are oreatlyexaooerated. Aceordino to tlie journal of Affrz.a Zaman,
who was secretary to Sar Baland Kh.tn, the total niinihrr', of Afiihammad Shiih’.s
force.s did not exceed 2(K),(M)0. Even in the TfinlJt-i-Xiiili'n of Mirza .\Iahdi Khan
(who misht be expected to put the fioiires somewhat on the hioh .dde in order thereby
to make Nadir Shah’s triumph appear the oreater) the total i.s only .'Kin.OUO. Professor
Sarkar, on page 33 of his Xadir Shah in Imha (Patna Cniver.sity, 102.)). .says, ••.\nan-
dram, who was a secretary to the Wazir (Qamaru’d- Din Khan)' and arwom'panied the
army to Panipat, puts the nnmberas . 50, Otm horsemen be.sides the personal continiients
of the three nobles (Qamarn'd-Dm Khan. Kli.lii Dawran, and the Xiz.'iran'l-Afnlk).
We know that the Xi/am had brought with himself only 3, nun iiieii. So the total
Indian lighting force at Karnal i mild not have exceeded 7.5, (KMI men.” If thus number
is ajiproximately eorreet, the other estimates mmst have iiiehided the large numbers
of camp followers that accompanied the army.

- Tins is an under-estimate. XXidir Shah had between liftv and sixtv thou.sand
tightinkr men with him.

1)E VOL LTOX XOTICIA

231

5(1.000 meu and almost all the domestic animals died of hunger ;
in fact, the measme of wheat and rice which used to cost the tenth
part of a rupee wa.s sold at ten rupee.s or 100 sonx. All the profusions
having been consumed, the troop.s were compelled to eat the remainder
of the baggage animals : to crown the.se dlsa.sters. it happened that of
the 200.000 or 400.000 men who left the camp on being put to flight
more than 50.000 were killed by the enemv, and the same fate attended
nearly all the rest at the hands of the peasants called Zattns (1 .Jats)
and Baluchis, at distances from 20 to 30 leagues from the army.

On the 18th the Emperor, whose (juarters were at the end of the
camp, summoned the Nizamu'lAIulk or Asaf Jah.^ one of the principal
noble.s of the Court, in order to con.sult him. but he. before going,
gathered together (Jamaru'd-l)In Kluin, Bonjiteche,- and AzmioJalkani
(? ‘Azinui’llah Khan) and other Viziers : he a.sked them whether they
were brave enough to leave tlieir trenches with their brigades oti the
following morning and attack the enemy, offering to put him.self at
their head. He .said that iMuhammad Shah wa.s so distant from them
that he would not ocam hear the sound of the musketry. As regards
this proposal, it was decided that it was necessary in the first place
to receive the order from the Emperor, for which reason Asaf Jldi
went to him. and. having obtained his approval of the sortie, returned
to his cpiarters to give the orders. The Emperor, however, having taken
the advice of his flatterers, changed Ids mind during the night, and these
timid people all decided to abandon the army.

There being nobody on the following day (the 19th) of the .same
way of thinking as the Xizamu'MMiilk, who took into account the

^ i'hin QuU<'h Khan, the Xizamu'l-Miilk. He \ui.s tlir Ocf'can nt the

time of Nadir Shaii's invasion. Ke<'an.‘5e his izrvixt cxjH'nenre and ainlitv. he
summoiiod to Court to advise Afuhanimad Sliali duriiiir the vri.si^ : he obeyed AMth
great rehietancc on account of his ULte, and alM» l)e<*auhv he knew that he liad many
rivals and enemies at Delhi. Imif oheyimt the Mogul’s coniniand, he was rewardeil
with the title of A^af-Jiih or ” he who has the Ihmip of A-af 'k fn a footnote on
page (U of his HUtoijf of Abh/ir Shnh U-.om!on, 174*2), Fraser remarks : " Jnh

is a title eommonlv given to Vnir-f, It siguities tn fan! liimL Asnf. wlu^, they

say, was Sohnnoti'-^ Vizir. At the same time that they honour their Vizin with this
title, they flatter their own vanity, hy i-omparinn themselve> to Snlnumn."

“ Possibly Muhammad Khan Bangash, the Nawab <»f Furrukhabad. See Fraser.
oj). rtf., p. 1.7.3.

^ Malcohn, on pagf' *27 tfie second voluin** of Ids Iln'tttnf **f aUo nives the

date as the Idth Feliru.irv. I>ut s.ivs tli tlll^ wu'* ’ TliurM(a\ . the 1 7th of Ziikadeii ”,
The vorreet oipiivaleut of this is the 15th Feltruarv. UUl St\!o (Tiiursday, 2t)th
February, New' Stylo) ; this eorrespcnuls with what is said hy Hanway and other
authorities, namely, that this visit was paid on the seeoud day after the battle of
Kama I.

I’.’li LAI KKNCE LOEKIlAi:!' -

(It'vpair of hi^ Kin])eror ami tin* fact tliat tlic rc't of ureat army
wa^ yoing to perish either from liuiiger or tlie enemy s ^teel. the
Mini'ter .--et out from tlie cam]) witli fO.lMlO men. after having reeeiveil
the Emperor .s order, and went in search of tlie King of Persia, whom
he reached at three in tlie afternoon. After tlie usual compliments,
he e.xplained to him the object of liis mi"ion. Xailir Sln’di received
him graciously, welcomeil him much, ami, .seating him hy his side,
put to him the following i[uestion-s : —

■■ After the four years ^ that have elapsed since 1 sent my
Ambassadors to your Emperor in order to ask him to pay the sums
which he owes to Persia, why has he detained them without sending
any answer, and whv has lie put me to the trouble of coming so far
to ask him this (piestion, obliging me to go to the e.xjiense of this army ?

,\saf Ji'di answered him as tlie l^m[leror had said: "When lie
was ill the Deccan and returning to Delhi, he intended to satisfy you,
but the Empire was not then able to carry out what you asked ; also,
the desire which we had of seeing you was jiartly the reason for our
omission, so that we might have the honour of kissing \'our feet, at
no matter what [irice ",

Nadir Shah smiled at hearing this sfx'eeh, and showed the Nizamu'l-
Mulk the memorandum containing his claims, the first item in which
was the value of a royal throne which had cost nine crori'.s of rujiees
(each crore is worth five million pained':) which the great >Shah ‘Abbas,
King of Persia, had sent to Delhi-: ‘’This sum,’’ the King said to
him. ■■ is owing to me : is there any disjmti' as to this I ’’

“ No. iSire, “ Asaf Jilh replicl, it is just to satisfy it."’

'■ Muhammad Shah s grandfather, the uncle of Gehanguire (sir) ®
had need of lO.btlO Persian soldiers, who were sent to him : these
e.xpenses were undertaken on condition that thev would be re^iaid
when the Empire could do so ' ; this wa.s not done. Is this com[)laint
justified i"

^ Morith> " in Hanway. See vol. ii,

- Thib is incorrect ; the throne iss said to have been be<jun by Tamerlane and
hnished by Shah Jahaii.

^ See note below.

^ The text is corrupt here, but the wording in Hanway (vol. li, pp. 47b-8(>) irt
abnoht identical. Thefoivcuf PcrsiantroopMncntioncdiiuiy l»cth.it w hu hSliah’J'ahinasp
sent against Qandaliar under tin* leafler.dup of Humau'in in Jo4o. If this is so,
Voulton (and Haiiuay tot)) is '.unity of a veiy ^•11011.-. anaelll■on^^ul. for Muhaninuid
Sliah’s iirandfather was Qntbu'd- Din Baliadiir Shall, the i:re.it-Lrrand>on of JahaiiLdr.
who, in tnrn, wab the irrandson of Hiima\un. Alternative! v, the refeicnee inav be to
a force of Persian troops w'hich w'as lent to Akbar, one of Awrain^^zili’s sons, ainl
brother of Bahadur Shah, to enable him to invade fndia on his hither .s death and

DR VOI LDJX S XOTU IA

233

Sire,' replied Asaf Jah. ‘•'it is right to give satisfaction

for it.’’

■■ You made a treaty with ns for the granting of uintual aid when-
ever one of us should have need of the other." said Xadir Sliah,
*■ notwitlisf anding this, because of your not having assisted us,
Persia has been ruined witli various war.s. You have asked us for the
same assistance which you liad been given beforehand ; what have
you done for us in return ? Who will pav the iiionev wliu h I have S2)ent
in {ueventing the Turks from seizing, thanks to the tlisturbances,
the provinces of our Empire { Who will pay the interest on the money
that I have borrowed, and still owe 1"

'■ Allow me. Sire." said Asaf Jrdu '■ to write to my master, and
forgive what has passed. Wliile his answer is coming. I will leave
my head in your hands : do what you think fit with me. I la_v iny-self
under your orders."

'■ Since you speak so well." replied Xadir Shfih. " 1 will pardon the
lives of your Ihnperor and his troops, whom I had intended to jiut
to the sword : for this reason. I t)rder you to go and inform him
that we are each here in tlie midst of our two armies, that each one
(of us) shall advance from his side, and that there we will make peace,
according to my way of thinking."

Asaf Jifh went in search of tiie Emperor, whom he told of all that
had happened, and on the folh)wing day. the two kings, having reached
the appointed spot, embraced each other, and Muhammad Bhah
presented the Empire to Na<iir. To this Xiidir rejilied. " 1 salute
your throne and Empire, ami. altlmugh I am master of it. I give it to
you. if you will onlv ^atisfy mv claims.”

IMatters being in this state, they agreed to talk no more that day
of affairs which .\saf .iTdi would settle. Alter six hours' conversation
both retirerl. and it remained agn-eil that Xadir Shah would eiitertaiu
the Emperor on tlie third dav. ;uid on the one after tliere woxdd be
a feast in the tent of Muhammad Sliali.

On the 22iid of the same month of February, the Emperor went

to claiiu the suot for himself. Akhar was defeat* tl and forted to retire l>v Ikthfidur

Shall, and it is tliltieult to see how the trraiubou of tlie [.itt*T eonUl be iield to be in
anv way responsible for the payment of (.(»m])*‘ii>atiou in respet t of the a^■'it^tanee
pnvcn to Akbar. Akbar wasllte uneli* of.Taliand.ir Sliali and of his brother Jahaiishah,
the father of Muhammad Sliah. and ' (lehantru'ie ” (** Jeaii'Auire ” in Hanwav) mav
have been ii>ed in erroi tor one ur ollu r tlieM‘ prim is. In no (:'>e ean dahaneii
be right ; a>. aluxuiy stuteil. Humavun was not tln‘ uneh\ i)ut the erandfather of
•lahaneir. There was no luombt'r of the famdv entitled Jahangir in the tune

of Bahadur Sfulh or later.

•J;5] LAriiKxiK i,i)CKi(\i;r —

over. A'; he had promised, to tli*- Kinj; of Per-~ia -- where lie was

given a sumptuous feast, of whi<di tlie eo-t amounted to tliree lakhs
of rupees (eaeh lakh is one liuiidreil thoii'and rupee-, and eaidi rupee
IS worth half a pntdcn *)• The mo't tamou- danring ejrls of Per-ia
entertaineil the Phufieror. who remaineii there till eight in the evening :
he then inimerliatelv sent Nadir Shah a j>re~ent of <in elephant laden
with different kinds of jewels and precious -tone- and two ot her- hearing
three lakhs of rupees.

On the 23rd Asaf dilh went to see the King of Per-ia. hringing with
him twenty carts filled with gold rupee-, and one hundred camels
hearing three crores of rupi“es wliiidi was the sum whiili the .Mogul
Emjieror had brought with him to the army.

Nadir Slid h raised liisclaimsto Kicrore-. that is. 2(M) million jiafacr^i.
asking as much by wav of imp<st as In- did for the expen-e- which
he had incurred during I I years, inclmling the cost of his army up
till its return to Persia.

Asaf Jah, after having made the strongest ajipcals to Nadir Shi'ili.
arranged a treaty which provided that, in luhlition to the money which
he had brought with him. his Kmperor undertook, in four years, tit
give liint (Nadir Slulh) the eipiivalent of five crores in jewellery and
nine crore.s more for the royal throne sent to Delhi to (sic) the great
Shah ‘Abbas,- Asaf J;ih them returned very .satisfied at having arranged
that the Persian Army should retire two days after ratification of
the treaty, and that, in the meanwliile, thev would give free passage
into the IMogul camp for the nece.ssarv ]>rovisioits and forage, because
all were dying of hunger. Latterly, no one had dared to leave the
trenches, and it .sufficed for one of the enemv cavalrv to show himself
to put thousands of the 3[oguls to flight, although the latter discharged
a rpiantity of cannon shots at them. The uniform of the cavalry
appeared so extraordinary to the Mogul forces that they could not
look upon them without e.xperieiicing mortal terror. Thev wore
a four-cornered hat. eighteen inches in height, a sheepskin or goatskin
wrajiped round them, a cloth garment in the style of the Hei/dnqiie,'^
a ve.st like that worn by women leaving the breast bare, short breeches,
leather boots, a .sword, a flint lock and an axe.

When Asaf Jah reached the Kmperor's presence, he handed him
the treaty drawn up. but he (the Emperor) di.sapproved of it, saving

’ Plot of (‘iirht.

- See footnote ou {>a^^o
^ Hungarian frontier imhlia or muiulb.

I)K VOl LTON S XOTIC'IA

■235

that he had not the money to undertahe to pay such a large sum, and
that he would prefer to ahandoii the couutrv and withdraw to Bengal
rather than to agree to such lianl conditions. Asaf Jiih pointed out to
him that he coulil not help signing tiie treaty and that he ought to
give thanks to (lod for having preserved his life and the Empire,
and further, that he should jiot make the sum aiiv smaller as means
would he found to collect douhle the, amount for the treasur}' by
imposing the former tax on the

The Em})eror postponed the decision of the affair till the following
day. but his council, which dominated him, forced him to retract
and not ratify the settlement, and to declare to Asaf Jah that he would
never give his consent to the conditions which he had arranged.

'■ But. Sire." said .\saf .h'di. “ you have entrusted me with the
carrying out of tiiis matter, you liave pledged your word to Xiidir
Slulli. and I have given him mine to return to-day to his camp with
the ratification of tlie treaty : then. Sire, do you not wish for peace
now ? If luit. you may well prepare for war."

The irresolute Emperor made no reply to this spi-ech. but summoned
Qamaru’d-Din Klian and the other \’iziers or Mini.sters. in order to
ask their opinion. Some said that it was necessary to tight ’. others
tliat it was not possiljle. the soldiers being without spirit and dying
of Ininger ; as a result, uo decision whatever was taken.

(.'onfused and sad. Asaf Jah did not wish to break his word, as
much for his honour a.s fur his own hfe and those of .so many people ;
thi.s con.sideration impelled hiitr to adopt the course of going in search
of Ivadir Shah, to whom he offered his head, saying ; " I have given
you my word. l)ut it ha.s not been jxrssible to execute tlie treaty ;
you may therefore do with me what you j)lease."

The King of Perisa said to him ; “ I have kept my word to you ;
you do not keep yours. 1 am going to make you die of hunger and
I will then behead vour Emperor and your generals." He immediately
has Asaf Jah arrested, ordering that’ he was to be given nothing to
eat or to drink that day. The nie.ssengers, who are there called
Patomarcn,^ went to and from the Emperor's cam]) without settling
anything. Nadir Sludi. however, had our cam]) so invested that all
were dying of starvation, and on this occasion the King of Persia sent
word to Muhammad Sludi that he would have all ins ])eo])le. himself
and all his generation slain ; n])on which, he gave orders to his army

^ Tfic iiindu.s.

* n<»te (m pane

LAURENCE LOCKHART —

2 .' 3 (;

to attack that of the ^Mo^nls on tin- followiiif; <la y. ilestrnyiny everything
with tire and sword, not .sparing PA’en the Empre.ss.

During the niglit iluhaimnad Shah repented of not luiving aj)proved
the treaty, but it was already late. Seeing himself in such straits,
he had poison brought for him.self and all his family to take ; this,
however, his Viziers prevented with their jileadings. When Asaf Jah
learnt Nadir Shah's decision and the orders which he had giA'en to
his army, he entreated him to delay their execution until the following
day. This Avas granted to him, on condition that the Emperor wovdd
go that same day in person to give himself u]) as a prisoner, and that
it would rest in his (i.e. Nadir Shah's) ])ower either to put him to death
or to pardon him, since he had l)roken his word.

Asaf Jah informed Midiammad Shah of Nadir Slulh's intentions,
and the former decided at three in the afternoon to surrender himself
at the discretion of his enenyv. When JIuhammad Shah arrivetl.
Nadir Shah made him his jmsoner, sending immediately 10.000 men
to seize our artillery and take all the Viziers prisoners.

Nadir Shah's troops had many provisions and at the same time
seized those destined for our soldiers, which they then sold to us at
so high a price that our men, who had not much money, died in miserv.

Nadir Shah had .some Omhms beheaded ; Todatarem, his
prisoner, who belonged to their (i.e. the Indian or Hindu) nation,
advised him to make him.self master of the Emjjire, either bv killing
the Emperor or having him imprisoned within four walls ; to this
the Shah replied that if the Emperor had broken his word, he did not
wish to folloAV his example, that he had promised him not to harm his
person, but said that he would take his treasures.

After disarming us and taking his precautions, and having ordered
his army to join with ours. Nadir Shah made us march with his troops
to Delhi, the capital of the Empire, where we arrived on the 7th March,
1739.1

His troops immediately took possession of the fortress, in Avhich
they gave a lodging to the Emperor, together Avith his ordinary guard.
AfterAA-ards, a detachment seized the approaches to the city, so that
no one can now enter or leave Avithout his consent. Owing to this,
it is necessary to buy provisions and forage from the enemy at such

1 This i.s the correet Old Stjle date fur the arrival of the eomhined Indian and
Persian forces at the jrarden.s of Shalimar for Sha'Iahni.Ah) outside Delhi, Miiluimmad
.Sliah and Ins followers went on to IXdhi that evening, hut Nadir iSInth did not enter
the city until two days later, on tlie Hth Dhu'l-Hijja (!)th 20th March).

|IE VOI LTOX S XOTIiTA

■ 2:^7

high prices that v.heat aial rice are sohl at more than twenty times
the ordinary rate and the money which they tllu^ obtain is sent to
the Royal Treasury of Nadir Shtdi. Tlie latter has published a decree
that any soldier of his army who has seized more than lUd rupees will
by put to death bv having his stomach ripped open. So much of
Muhammad Shah's possessions have been seized, even liis own jewels
and the silver of the Roval Palace, the walls of the hall of which were
ornamented with beaten silver and gold embos.sed work ; all this
has been moulded into bars with a hole in the middle to which to attach
a cord, in order to load two on to each camel. Alrt'ady a month has
been taken up solely with the work of coining money, on which he
has had engraved the following inscri[»f ion ; ■'Shah Nadir born to
be King of all the World. King of Kings ; " ' a thou.stnd caigienters
are continually working at the construction of Ixixcs in which to [>ut
the gold, of which there are already Id.dtMt full of rupees.

On Easter Saturday.- fotir young Omliras of medium rank.^ having
become intoxicated at eight in the evening, spread the rumour that
the Emjjeror had killed Nadir SluHi with a blow.-’ These vicious young
men were accompanied by twenty Persian horsemen who acted as

^ This aji])parh to rtfer to uitaiii < oiii> strm-k at Ahmailaltad whuli hfcir on ono
side the Por-^iau ium Tiptioii

ji j.3l"

Na lir, Kniji of Kiiiu.' and (i'»id »)f tin* (fortunato) (onjuintion lof the .'«tcu>h is
Snltaii over the Sultan> of the WOrld.” The ha" tin* folIowiiiL!: wnniui’i in

Ai ahif : —

\\oY a5C[,.

Afay Ailaii jaijuluate i)i-< nTiiii. Strmk at Aimuxlahrul in

~ As is well kno\Mi. the ri'-iiRi took pkn-e <»u the day followinir X.lclir Sh'diV entry
into Itellii. that is. on the lOth Dlin'i Hijj.i or S.itur<lay. tlie lutli 21>t Manh.

^ The Portiih-OU’se text readN : " . , , (fHiitfo 'ft iitifiii <>)•! i nm m , .

^ Here the Spanish t**\t i>, tor onre. sh^Thtly fuller than the PnrtiiLoii'se. Wlnle
the latter ; ” ... de quo o Km|>erad»>r tinha morto a Xailerch.v de ininia

puuhahi'la." tlu' Spanish vpimou read^ : . de <jue el J'hnperador luuia niatado

a X’adcK iia fh* un j^olpt- d** ('nhof. ' titnrtj i.- the Hiiidu'-tuni v.ord inl-'mih

" a short sm ord ” or “ damrer

Professor Sarkar {op. nt.. p. •'a\> tliat. a«''i»rdjnhC to the" 'ra/kira ” of Anan-
dram (uho in [K-lhi at ttie tune «»t the n.-'inii'K hum hief-niakerh >pr(‘a<l the rumour
that Xadir Shah had li»'« u treat Imm oU''l\ shot th-ad at the ui^tiLMt leii i>f Mu haminad
Sliah hy a (^alma'i m < » man-uuar d of th** pa!a« e \%iien !ir was returnniLf fi oin hts visit
to the Phnperor. "

iupervisinjz guards ; havinj; ina<l(‘ tl\fir servants and people join with
them, they killed these men. Thi'' news heinit spread tlironeh the
city, tlie j)opulaee ro.-'e and attacke(l tlie IhTsians, of whom tht'y slew
more than d.OIH), each one taking refuge in his harraeks.* Thereupon
the Persians .shut tliemselves up in tlie fortress and turned the
artillery on the city, on which they tired until miilnight.

In the morning, on Easter Sunday.- Xadir Shfih was filled with fury,
and ordered his troops to enter the city with tire and sword and
sack it, which was done. He went out in person and sat in the Mosque
of Eawshanu'd-Dawla in the ('handni ('hdk.'* where are the shops
of the hankers and merchants of Delhi. From there, this Barbarian
amused himself by onlering the pillaging and sacking of all that
belonged to the people in that unhappy (juarter, which he afterwards
had burnt.

A large part of this beautiful city sulTered tlu* same fate, not so
much at the hands of the enemy as at those of a body of vagabonds
who took advantage of the misfortuni' of their countrymen.

The Nizanui'l-Mulk, one of the most respectable nobles, escaped
from their clutches and went in search of the King of Persia, wliom
he came upon eating sweetmeats, (jf which the King olfered him
some on a plate. E.xcusing himself from taking any. the Xizamu'l-
Mulk said to him : “ I have not come to eat, but to let thee take my
life with thine own hand, since thou art causing so many unfortunate
persons to lose theirs without acquainting thyself of the origin of the
trouble. Dost thou not fear lest God should cause this Mos(pie to
fall U2)on thy head and avenge so many innocent people who are the
victhns of the miserable persons who furnished a motive for this
disturbance ?" *

After peacefully listening to what he said, Nadir Shah commanded

^ Hanway (vol. ii, p, 48fi) ascribes the cause of the rising to Xadir’s general,
Tahmasp Khan, having fixed the price of corn in such a way as to anger the populace
and so provoke a disturbance.

^ See second note on prereeding page.

® There is a curious mistake licre in the l*ortugucsc text ulukh reads : “ . . , na
Mezquita de Rochemdalln, no Cainjjo de Xitkoquf," The Spanish translation faitlifully
reproduces this error.

^ Malcolm {vol ii, }). says that it was Muhammad Shfili himself who went to
the mosque to intercede w ith Xadir, *' exrlaimiiig ‘ Spare mv people ! ’ Xadir replied
The Emperor of India must never a''k m vain According to Fraser {op. cit.y 185),
Xadir Shilh returned from the mosque tt) the castle after giving orders for the massacre
to begin, and “ about two-o’clock Mohammed Shah and Xizani al Muluck waited
on him, who having made great Intercession for the City, the soldiers were ordered
to desist . .

DE VOL'LTOX’S XOTK'IA

239

Asaf Jah to eat what he had given him. and at the same time gave
orders for the massacre to cease. Speaking to Asaf Jah, he ordered
him to ascertain who was the author of the disturbance so that he
might be punislied. and said that no severe measures would be taken
in future without consulting him beforehand.

This massacre did not cease until nightfall, when a brigade went
through the citv. proclaiming the orders and catising those who
continued to pillage to he slain.

These misfortunes were followed by illnes.ses caused by the ipiantity
of dead bodies, as much of men as of animals, of which the corruption
had infected the air, A large number of wounded, whose sad cries were
vainly imploring helj), have perished without receiving any assistance,
as much hv pain as by hunger, Jlanv of these unhajipy Moguls have,
with the fear of aj)proaching death, carried their despair so far that they
have ])ut an end to themselves with poison.

Nadir Shah, insatiable of riches and without the slightest knowledge
of true greatness, although he is vain enough to look upon himself
as a .second Alexander, causes those who are sus 2 )ected of liaving
hidden gold to he tortured, and witli torments worthy of a harharinn
has compelled tliem to hand over to him their last resources, leaving
them with almost nothing for their .subsistence.

It is thus impossible to enumerate the riches that have been
collected by these unjust means.

The scpiare of the fortress and that of .\saf Jah are full of gold,
silver, precious stones and other belongings. To-day. these treasures
have risen in value to 300 crores (which are ecpiivalent to tifteen hundred
million patacas) without couiitiug the carpets, furniture and cloth
of gold and silver which are without number.

It i.s eight dav.s .since A.saf Jah <li.scovered the authors of the
disturbance, and, although he is of their family, he has had them
strangled.

Nadir Shah, as a skilled politician, has married his second son
to a princess, the niece of Muhammad Shah, to whom he has given forty
lakhs of rupees, and a lakh to the Emperor for his maintenanee.

It is rumoured that Nadir Shah will leave on the 27th April, with
a limited force, after re-establishing Muhammad Shah on tlu' throne,
that a treaty will he concluded by which the country of tyindaliar.
as far us the river ('aid ((). will ht* joined to Persia that in the event
of wars, the two Empires will mutually assist e.ieh other, and that

Asaf Jfih will he Prime Minister.

^ Na^ru llak Mir/a.

VOL. IV. PART II.

111

I. \l KK.\( K I.DI MI \l; I

We ,u>' informed tliat ifiiu.dou Kaltimk' li.ive reacliecl a point
ti\'e leaeiie- from (? Titli-') aLtain^t tlie I’i'r'ian-; and that tlieir

aml)a"ador^ ha\'t* to coiik' hen*, lieinir alreailv at Unnir {!).

In hi- letter' dateil the lith and l:ith .May. Mr. N'onlton .'aV' that the
pri'oii' are full of people from whom they want to obtain money,
that all ransom theni'elves. tlie ('liristians not hi'ine more privileged
than the IMoguls. many of the former havinjj lieen kdlled. their two
ehurehes burnt, and the Portiieuese Je'uit Fathers havine been
ohlieed to hide themselves.

He says that all the ediets have been is'Ued in the name of Nadir
Shah as sovereign, and that he Ini' had made with his die !MI(I coins
of one rujiee each ; that he will soon leave for I’er'ia. with the intention
of makine war on the (Jrand Siynor.- takine Ifahvlonia (Faelulad).
seizin'! Mecca and of then returnine here in order to con(|uer t'hina.

Finally, he says that the city of Delhi is entirely ruined, that there
are neither B(tni<nts ^ nor merchants, because some are dead and
others have fled.

('(ilill Ilf t/ii' Elbe! mill Drrlmation nf the Miiijiil Emperur, eurresjiiDiiJiHii
to Mr. VhhIIiiii'.'I letter of the 'list Aptil

Muhammad Sln'di beyius witli tlie compliments which he pavs
to Nadir Shrdi, addressing him ns Kiiift of Kin^s. Sovereign of the
Age. Asylum of the Muhammadans, and the second Alexander, and then
says : —

*■ You have sent me an Ambassador to deal with certain ali’airs.
I did what I had to do so as to secure promptitude, and you would
not have been oliliged to .send Muhammad Khan Turkoman ' to me
but for the omi.s.sion of my ministers and men of affairs, who always
delayed replying to your letters and sending off of your Ambassador,
preferring to entangle us and to sow discord between our States rather
than to do what I ordered them. This has compelled you to come here
to seek me : we have fought, you have obtained the victory, and
fortune has protected you up to the point of making you master of
my countries. You have entered Delhi and you have made yourself

^ Sec nil p. NNWin of Imuk*- P ook*’'-' The MuiihuJ Einpatus t>J llmtln.'^ttin

(in<! flit ir < '<n n V.

“ The Siiltau of Turkov.

^ Sutlers.

^ (iiven in the text as Munuihin Timikmn.

BE VOUL'ION's NOTJCIA

211

lord of it ; you have secured my person ; you have seized iiiv treasures,
])recious stones and jewels, and have forced me to hand over to you
the statement of all my revenues. However, Mij)posing that you
promise to restore my throne and Empire to me, I give voii, make you,
and declare you sovereign and lord of the lands on the eastern side
(i on the western side of the Indus), of the country of Xiimlahck,
of the Indian Ocean (sic), and the river t^antf/azd, of the Horor, of
Kilbnl, of the mountains of Bulan and Jar. of the fortress of Yrjrl-
candahat and of all that aj)j>ertains to Tatta and Lr.^ta, reserving for
myself all Hindustan.'' ^

In the letters from the same jierson dated the 13th and loth May,
from which an e.vtract was .sent by Mr. Groyselle from C'handernagoro
on the 13th July, it is said that Xadir Shah left Delhi on the 13th May.-
1739. with a salvo of artillery and musket fire from the city, in order to
return to Persia, that Jluhanmiad Slnlh accompanied him as far as
EheJamnr,^ Avith Asaf Jah, who is entrusted with the government of
the Empire, and who has to contribute to the Emperor only five crores
of rupees each year for the upkeep of his Court ; that Muhammad
Shah did not wish to accept the Empire on these conditions, and that
he offered his sou in his place, but was obliged to sign. It is also said
that the Nizamu'l-Mulk, A.saf J;lh, has di.'^jui.s.sed the former .sei’vant.s
of the Emperor and ha.s to provide others for him to-morrow, but he
(that is. Mr. de ^'oulton) will continue iti the same emiiloy as one of
the surgeons of Muhammad Shah and Asaf dab. that there vill
doubtless be much cliange in the government and that after all has
been settled, the Emperor wil' go to Agra to spend tlie winter there,
where, it is believed, he will remain with all his Court so that Delhi
will never recover its (former) position.

if. ^

List of the booty Ardiich Tahmasp Quli Khan, otherwise known as
Shah Xarlir, King of Persia, cajUured during the e.xpedition which
he made to the territories of the Great Mogul ;

^ Tiic names uiven here in italics are very corrupt, aiul. much of tiic (im innciit
has been omitted : the latter part of YexflnnuUihnt apparently Khudabad. A
translation of tlu* full text of this document is ^l^en liy Fraser, up. cd. ])p.
Malcolm sa\s, " It is an extiaordiiuirv paper, and was no doubt dictated b\ the
eom[ueror.’'

“ Xildir Sh.'ih left Delhi on the oth U)lh M.\\. 'I’lie date of ile N'onlttaiV' letter (ot
tlie 18 th) may have been in>erted in error.

^ Kvidently a'mispnnt for vShaJijnar.

LALREXC'E LOCKIIARI

Value in
rrores (oj
rupees).

■2V2

Items.

I. The elephants

II. The camels

III. The artillery

IV. The tents .

V. The munitions of

in various l>a

VI. The gold ru[)ees and silver taken from the

Im[)erial Treasury . . . . lo

VII. Pearls and precious stones of all kinds . . H

Vni. The Inqjerial bed of state all adorneil with jewels 7

IX. The Imperial throne, all ornamented with

diamonds valued at ... . t)

X. Table plate and other articles, some of which

are adorned with precious .stones valued at 1 1

XI. Current money of the Treasury and jewelh'ry
taken from the concubines and their
chihlren ...... 3

XII. The (proceeds of the) sacking of the City of

Delhi amounts to . . . . . 10

XIII. !sum raised by a sj)ecial tax levied on the

inhabitants ...... 10

XIV. Sums contributed by the ompiils '■ and other

servants of the OmJiras, Nabobs and Rajahs
or feudatory Princes amounts to . . 10

XV. The value (of the belongings ?) of the Great
ilogiil which Qamaru'd-Din Khan was
made to pay ^ . . . . . 10

102

1 I have been unable to identify this word, but the context shows that an onijiiil
is some sort of servant or attendant. It might possibly be a corruption of wakil

2 The text is ob-scure here, and it is doubtful what particular payment is referred
to. Hanway (vol. ii, p. 495) says: “ Kummir O'Din Khan, the visier, . . .
endeavoured to elude the payment of the large contribution demanded of him ; Nadir
therefore caused him to be exposed openly to the sun. which is reckoned a punishment
contumelicms as well a.s painful, and in that country dangerous to the health. At
length he extracted from him a whole crore of rupees, be.side.s a great value in preciou.s
stone.s and elephants.” This “ contribution ” would, however, presumably be one
of tho.se referred to under item No. XIV. Items Nos. I to XI would seem to include
all the possp.ssinns of the Great Mogul that were seized by Nadir.

Ammmt to
the value of 3
war captunul crorcs.
ttlcs .

1)E VOI'LTOn’s noticta

•2i3

XVI. The value of the belongings of Cavonhim (?),

IMuzatiar Khan, ‘All Hamid Khiin,

Sadaftkhnn (? Sa‘aclat Khfin), and other
ministers whom the Great IMogul ordered
to be slain for having been in communica-
tion with Tahmasp Qull Khan adrled to the
sums referred to above, makes a total of
111 crores.i

In India the mone}’ is reckoned by lakhs, crores, padans and
nils ; each lakh is worth 100,000 rujjee.s : each million lakhs makes
one crore ; 100,000 crores make one padan and 100,000 padans make
one nil.- Others say that one crorc is worth 10,000,000 rupees, each
rupee is worth 500 reis or 50 French sous, in which currency the
whole of this sum amounts to 2,000,775 millions of livres, and in
Portuguese currency to 1,000,387 million cnizndas. The whole of
these immense riches was taken almost entirely from the City of
Delhi, which would be difficult to believe were it not that all who are
of the Empire of the Great iMognl go there with products of the country
and with manufactures. Tliis brings in every year large sums of gold
and silver from Asia and from Europe which are not sent again to
other parts.

In addition to this booty, Tahmasp Quli Khan levied on the
Great Mogul a tribute of 3 crores, that is, of 75,000,dU0 French livres,
and made his Court pay 5 crores of rupees, which are equivalent to
110 (sic) million livres.

The Russian Resident at Isfahan sent this list to his Court.

Letter from St. Petershunj of the Toth September *

By a courier, who reached the Court of 8t. Petersburg from
Darband on the 5th iSeptember, news was received that Shah Xadir

^ This total is much oxayiiicrattMl. Fraser says: '* Xadir Shah earned a\^ay to
the value of 70 Crores in Jeuels and other Effects; and Ins Officers and Soldiers 10
Ororrs'.” Hanway adopts this estimate \\hich. he says, *' is the hl"he^t calculation
that the nature of the thinu w'lW waiiant ; thi> is etjual to eighty-scveu millions tive
hundred thousand pounds of our money.” H.inway prefa»*es these remarks, however
by sayimr *' the different relations we have had of this extraordinary rapine, are for
the most part upon the marvellous ; and several unlers }ia\c suffered their imaynna-
tions to travel much faster than their judgment.”

- These figuics (except in regard to the htkh) are lucorrcit. There are 101) lakhs

in a crore, or more properly, karor ( 100 emra lU a podan ( and 100

padans in a nil (o^). Thus a nil is a billion.

The year is not given, but it must obviously be 1740.

LAl RKNfE LOCKll \HT —

L’ll

left Nfilli.ui at till' licuinniiii; nf .lima with tlia olijcat of liaaiimiiia
hi' caiiqiaian with tha 'iaaa of Ihiliylonia ( Haalulad).^ Tlia Turks
hail, howavar, raaaivail iiaw' of liis intaiitioii. am! had laid wasta tlia
whola country for many laagua around, tramplini; upon and auttini;
all the forauc, and in othar parts .sattinj: tire to all the hay. depopulating
the* di.'trict', and taking away the Persian troops' means of subsistanaa.
Seeing that the troop' ware suffering from a great lack of provi.'ions
and at the same time from the alTeet.s of the a.xce.s.'ive heat of that
climati*. ha (i.e. Nadir Shtih), in order not to lose his men, retired to
Lsfahan again, and placed his army in rest (juarters. The same letters,
which ware written hy the Resident whom the IRissian Court keeps at
Tsfahan. say that the Slu'di himself will order the distrihution of a
large number of gohl and silver medals, which he had taken from the
Treasury of the (draat iMogiil ; among these are some wdiich weigh
si.x gold sequins. These medals will be distributed bv the generals
and ollicers of his army and by the provincial governors of that
kingdom, and he (Nadir Shah) will cause the same to be done by the
foreign ministers (at his Court), reipiesting them to be good enough
to deliver them in his name t<.) their sovereigns.

Aniitlif'r letter JroiH St. Peter.'ihxty. (luted the \)th Sep'euiher

From the same Court of St. Petersburg it is stated in letters of
the 9th September that a Persian Ambassador ^ is already very near
to the city of Astrakhan, and that he has a suite of 2.(»00 [lersons,
consisting of servants and guards. As lie has to obtain provisions for
them at the cost of the Emjiress of Russia, to whom Tahniasp Quli
Khan sent such a solemn embassy, lie was asked how much he would
ref|uire each day for the maintenance of his suite. He replied :
70 jioods ^ of rice, which are weights of 10 (Russian) pounds ; large
quantities of sugar and all other kinds of provisions in the same
proportion. This Mini.ster brings with him a present of enormous
value for the Empre.ss. He has been much delayed eu route bv the

1 It IS diiiicult to acfoimt for this statement, as Xadir was at Herat in .June, 1740.
Acrordiii;; to Mirza Malidi Kh,7n, Nadir did not go to Isfahan either in 1740 or 1741.
Lp Margne states, Imt I do not know on what authority, that N.tdir, when starting
from Isfahan (mV*) on his inareh towards Bukhara, purposely spread the rumour that
lie was going to attack the Tiirk.s, in order to put the Uzheg.s off their guard.

- Husain Kh.lii hy name. The mi.ssion, which wasdispati hed on the 2.’!rd Ortoher,
1739. was originally under .Sard.lr Kh.in Kirklu. hut lie died before it reached .Astra-
khan and was succeeded by Husain Kh7n.

■■ ( liven ill te.vt as pomfos, which is evidently a misprint for *' puii'ln-, ”, the Russian

DK VOl’LTOX s NOTH I A

•245

bad state of tke roads and by the difHenIties eausect by always liaying
such a nniiierous following.

It is stateil from Smyrna that Tahmasp Quli Khan, in order to
reinler liis Knij)ire happier, is iletermined To make the trade of his
•subject.s flouri.sli, and that lie lias written to the consuls or factors
{fpjjtores) whom the European nations haye in his parts, particularly
to those of the French, to be oood enough to comniunicnte this re.solu-
tion to their .soyereigns, so that their subjects may eoine with goods
(fdzemlds) tyhich can be u.sed there (i.e. in Per.sia). in order to export
what is in excess in his country. It is also said that he will grant
them (the foreign subjects) yarious priyilege.s aiul rights, and that he
will place on the sea a largo beet in order to make his flag known and
to assist the trade of his .subjects and the ye.s.sels of the nations with
which tliey haye dealings.

Ldtfr from Paris Julcd the 'I'dth Ovtoher

There are letters from Rome of the 8th October which .state that
on the first day of this same month Monsignore Mori,’ Secretary
of the Congregation of Propaganda of the Faith, presented to His
Holiness a letter written in tlie Persian language by the elder son
of T. K. K. (NVidir bh'di), whereby this Prince ratifies and contirms
all the adyantages and jiriyileges granted by his father to tlie Christians
of Friyan. and adds that all the religions (orders) which haye mi.ssions
in Isfahan may liyc in complete freedom, teaching the Catholic religion,
and administering freely the sacraments to all that profess it.

^ correct name i> L’llippe Mttutt' : he wue ►Sooreiary of Vrupukianda from
ITHo to 174.S.

THE EWAUILI ,S.46’.I OF LIONGO FUMO
B\' Professor A. Wern'er

T N the great mass oE material already collected for the study of
African folk-lore — to which fresh additions are daily being made —
we do not find any considerable number of what may be called heroic
legends. Yet some there are, as in the traditions of Kintu and other
early kings of Uganda, in the tale of Mbega, current in Usambara, and
probably many others, as yet umecorded.

Xot least in interest among these is the story of Liongo, called by
the late Bishop Steere “ the nearest approach to a bit of real history
I was able to meet with Steere was informed that “ a sister of
Liongo came to Zanzibar and her descendants are still living there.
Sheikh Moliammed bin Ali told me that in his young days he had
seen Liongo's sjiear and some other relics then preserved by his
family ; there seem, however, to be none such now [1869] remaining.
Xo one has any clear notion how long ago it is since Liongo died, but
his memory is warmly cherished, and it is wonderful how the mere
mention of his name rouses the interest of almost any true Swahili”.

Some further light on the person of Liongo — whom there seems
every reason to think a historical character — was obtained during a
visit to Lamuin 1912. Some years before tins the late F. W. Wiirtz,
a missionary in the Tana N’alley, had inquired into the subject and come
to a similar conclusion. The .story of Liongo is a living tradition to
this day (unless it has been obliterated by the war !) both among the
coast Swahili and the Pokomo, whose forefathers had felt his heavy
hand too often to forget it.

One man at Witu told me that Liongo carried on war against the
Portuguese, which, if correct, would date him as flourishing during the
sixteenth or seventeenth century. But the general consensus of opinion
appeared to place him much earlier, his town of Shaka having been
taken and destroyed some time after Liongo's death by Sultan Omar
of Pate, variously said to have reigned a.h. 740"95 and a.h. 706-45.
Other information seems to fit in best with this earlier period.

His story, as generally told — most people give it pretty much as it
stands in Steere' s collection — clearly contains some mythical elements ;
and one point in particular is emphasize<l by Sir James Frazer in hi.s
study of the Balder myth — the fact of the hero's invulnerability

AI.ICK WERNKH

24, s

except to one particular weapon. Tlii-' helief. occuri'ine in tne folk-lore
of all countries (witnes.s the silver bullet whi(;h killed Dundee at
Kilhecrankie), is common eiioui;li in Africa at the present day.
Chihisa. in X\'asaland. could oidv be killeil bv " a sand bullet ", and
t'hikumbu. a well-known character in the same country about thirty
years ago, had charms against everv possible means of death, save
“ a splinter of hamboo

The historical Liongo belonged to a line of Persian chiefs —
AjemI atiih tjuke Lioni/o — " .sail! Sharif .Midallah at \\ itu —
who held the little principality of Shaka, near the mouth of the Tana.
They are more esjiecially associati-d with the Ozi. the small river
whose e.stuary (out of all proportion to the stream itself) now forms the
outlet for the much larger Tana. On this estuary are the small modern
towns of Kau and Kipini — the latter on the long sand-spit which divides
it from the o[)en sea. Some distance awav in an easterlv or north-
easterly direction are some ruins, .said to be those of the town of
Shaka.

1 cannot do better than rejiroduce here a document supplied to me
by the kindness of the late Mr. S. Heddie. tlnm Provincial
Commissioner of Lamu. It only reached me in an English translation ■
the work, I conjecture, of his native elerk- whicli is so ipiaint that I
make no ajiology for r(*producing it ivrJ.a'im ct —though

I should naturally have preferred to .see the Swahili original. (This
was written by Mshahame bin Kombo. whit. I believe, at one time
occupied some position in the Government .service.)

“ History of Liongo Fumo, who was not a ruler, but his brother,
Shah Mringwari was the ruler. Their origin is Persian, they were
brought by Haroun Alraschid to increase the power of Africa (? !).
This was after Abdulmalik bin Marwan.* Liongo was one of the
descendant[s] of the senior member [branch i\ of those who were
brought to Africa. They were equal to King. When one of them was
chosen as a ruler, they used to call him a Shah according to the

► O

custom of the Persian Kings. The year of the power of Liongo and his
brother Shah Mringwari is not recorded, but it was before the reign
of the fifth Sultan of Pate, called Sultan Omar. Liongo was very brave
and strong man, and he was older than his brother Shah Mringwari,
but he Liongo did not rule. After the death of their father Fumo

' According to a MS. Hi-lory <if Lninn written by Faraji liin Hamm.ad il-Bakari,
tlip first colonists of Lamu were .sent out liy Ab.lul .Malik.

IHE SWAHILI SACA OF l.H )»;0 FVMU

249

ilriiigwari, the secoinl >on. Jlriiigwari. was chosen as ruler by the
people, because tliev were foiiil of him ; hence Liongo lost hi.s chance
of being a ruler, ami also because liis mother was a concubine. hen his
brother. Shah Jlringwari. came into power as a ruler. Liongo wanted
to assassinate him ^ : when IMringAvari heard about this, he called
conference of the 2ieo]>le of the town and arrested Liongo, first having
been given wine to drink. After his arrest, he was locked iij) in a room,
and his legs was chained, and lie was under the impres.siou that he
will be killed. Liongo sent a me.s.sage comjiosed in songs to his mother,
requesting her to make a bread and jnit a file inside it and send it to
him. accordingly his mother complied with his request, and the bread
containing a file was sent to him. but he thought, if he tries to cut the
leg-iron by the file, ^leojile will hear the noise and therefore he sent a
request to his brother, the King, saying that he is perfectly aware
that he, the King, will kill him but before taking this steps (sw), he
asked hi.s brother the King to give an order to ])lay - ffttfit/u (an ancient
plav) for three da vs. and on exjiiration of three days he could kill him.
Mringwari the King complied witli the request of his brother Liongo
and the jilay was carried on for three days. The ginuju was considered
in those days a great [day. and was often joined hy the elders and
royalties, and jioetic language was used. On the first day of the Jilay
Liongo. during the noise of the jieojile ami drums outiside. began to
cut the leg-iron untill third day ho cut it completely and on the fourth
day lie broke down tlie doors and e.sca[>ed inland, and the people tried
their best to recajiture him. but they failed, and since that time Liongo
resided at Kiziwiliani ■’ and on every Thursday used to [go to ?]
Gani ■* oppo.site to Kan to wash his clothes. 'When the peojile thought

^ Thi« thrown some liiiht on ])<)ints seem obs'Ciire in Steerc’s^ verj^ion : it

feupplies a rea>on for the atttmjits on Lionuo'rf hfe, ami explains the prebeuec of his
mother and (apparently) other attaehed friends at his death.

~ J.e., *■ dame.'’ The verb Incheza means both " daiue ” and play

Two ■' (luiiuu Danee Soil^n " are printed in Steere's Stnih'U Tah-> 472-Sl) ami
some a< ('(mnt of tin' ^iven in the Introduetum, p. xii. The soin^ in whirh his

messujie was coiueyed has been preserved liy truditnai, ami will lie nuen later.

Muhamadi Kijuma tells me that Kiziwiliaiu is “ lx.dw'ei‘U Shaka and
Kiyunga and it^ harbour i^ TeneA\i.

* C'suall\ t ailed ( Jana- -on or near the site «*f the present Chara, at the head of
the Tana tlelta. There was a lar^e lake here, whkh disapjieared dunnn one of the
many fhaiiLres in the course of the river. A frairmeutary l)allad, recited by Mzeo bin
Bisharo, seems to commemorate tlu'Ne expedilitui''. The roktmio tradition speaks
of liis ijoimr once from Shalcti to Kana and r* turning the same day — -an exploit related
to illustrate his nitrautn- >i7.e and str(-n{ith--/</ tmiuhi uiuyK-yn na nu'f an njioju nmnn,
say the W'apokonio.

AIJCK WKRXKR

2.-/I

that tliev could not reca[)ture liini, tliey made a aJ/diin with his son/
as Liongo would not trust to any one else except his own son who one
(lav met - his father sh>eping and with a nail poked his Father s belly
and he died then the son of Liongo carried the bcjdy to Shah Mringwari
who hurried {sir) him.

■■ After this the Sultan Omar of Pate came and ruined their country
and the places called Wangwana wa ilashali and Pa Mwana, the latter
place was named after the name of the rider, who was a woman, and
she was very clever. When the people of Pate entered into the town
she set fire to the gunpowder which was in.side her house. The place
Pa Mwana is situated between Tenewi and Ziwa Yu[u] in the mainland.

“ Written by Jlsham bin Kombo. l.dth Ib'cernber, 191'2. "

This somewhat bald account entirely omits the mvthical element
above alluded to, and also an incident which seems to be a favourite,
as it is also commemorated in Pokomo folkdorc. Steere's version places
it after his escape from pri.son. His enemies “ sent crafty men and told
them, ‘ Go and make him your friend, .so as to kill him ! ' The friendly
overtures consisted in proposing a kiJcoa, e.xplained by Krapf as
“ a banquet among friends given according to agreement by turns
and usually held at the end of the dry sea.son just before the rains —
probably because this is a time of scarcity and peojde find it
advantageous to pool their provisions. He objected on the ground
of insufficient means, whereupon they suggested that the banquet
should consist of makonta — the fruit of the (/«w-palm, a common,
though not very satisfactory resource in time of famine. Each of the
guests in his turn climbed a palm — no very great feat ^ — and threw
down the fruit for the rest ; the plan being to shoot Liongo in the
tree when it came to his turn to climb. But he defeated them by
bringing his share of makotnn down with skilfully aimed arrows.

The legend further adds that, when Liongo had got his death-wound

^ His si&tcr'a son, in Steere's version : a closer relation according to Bantu ideas,
even where the matriarchal system of kinship has l.)een disused. A trace of this system
survives in the fact that Swahili has a distinct word {tnj<»nha) for the maternal uncle,
while the father’s brothers are simply “elder” <»r" younger father ” {f>nhn mkuhwa,
baba nidogo) according to seniority.

2 A common mistranslation of kida, which really means find ”, “ come upon ” ;
the reciprocal form, kutfina, is the ecpiivalent of meet

2 The Pokomo tradition, as recorded by Wiirtz, also gives muko/na, but I cannot
help wondering if this is not a mistake for mithafn— the borassus palm — the fruit
of which, eaten to-day by w'omen and children (but despised by men, unless in time of
famine), was formerly made into an intoxicating drink by the Wapokomo. This tree
would indeed require a daring climber to pluck its fruit and a mightv bowman to
slu»ot it down.

THE SWAHILI SAGA UF LIOXGO FUMO

•J51

(stabbed in the navel with the “ copper needle ", Avhich was the only
weapon with power to harm him), he took his how and arrows and
went out of the city gate. and. his strength failing, sank down on one
knee, still holding his bow, and so died, facing towards the well at
which the townspeople drew tlieir water. Seeing him there, and not
knowing that he was dead, none dared to go near the well, till, at last,
tormented with thirst, they induced his mother to go and speak
to your son, that he may go away ’. “ And she went and . . . took hold
of him to soothe him with song.s (kifnitiimbuizn kuri nijimho). and he
fell down. And his mother wept ; she knew her son was dead. ’

His grave, said Steere's informant, who was probably vague about
the topography of the story, “ is to be seen at Ozi to this dav.’’

Ozi. of course, is not a town, but the river at the mouth of which
Kipini is situated. Being at Kipini in August, 1912, I incpiired about
Liongo Fuino's grave and was informed that it was “ on Tost's
shamba ". '' Bwana Tost," it appeared, was a German, who, several
years before (as nearly as I can gather in the later nineties), had owned
an estate a short distance from the town. It proved so far from a
paying speculation tliat he became bankrupt and had to return to
Europe with his family. His house was still standing — a curious, rather
pathetic structure, like a dream of the German romantic peiiocl
(“ Hast du das Sckloss gesehen carried out in stone and plaster

with floriated arches and walls coloiur-washed in blue and yellow
by Indian masons.

Having hired a donkey at Kipini. with the owner and one or two
volunteers to guide me. I made my way to the shamba, which was
then occupied bv a British concern engaged in the planting of rubber
and cotton. We found two native labourers at work, who willingly laid
down their hoes in order to point out the site of Liongo's grave. There
was nothing to mark it, unless a slight ri.se in the ground — roughly
thirty paces in length from east to west — could be described as a sort
of barrow. The labourers said that a former proprietor had removed
an inscribed stone, seven hundred years old. (This was confirmed,
quite independently, some months later, by Sharif Abdallah, at Witu,
who said that Bwana Tost had shown him the stone, and he, Abdallah,
had read the inscription.) The then District Commissioner of Kipini,
Mr. G. X. Crisford. said he knew nothing of this, though he had once
stopped Mr. Tost from making excavations on the spot. The soil had
certainly been disturbed on one side of the mound — which was not
cultivated, but had evidently been covered with scrub, the

AIJCK WKRN'KR -

stum])^ of small tribes still rfinainiii,!!— Imt wlictliiT tlii^ was iluo to
the excavations in ((uestion. it is iin])0'sil)le to say. I liave nev(>r been
able to ascertain whether the stone at last fouinl its way to .some
museum in Europe.

!>ome (li.stance from this was a depression in tin.' <rrounil, overgrown
with bushes, which the labourers — who were evidently well acipiainted
with the lep;end — declared was the well from which the Shaka people
used to draw their water. They als(j pointed out the spot, in a line
between the grave and the well, where Liongo knelt, bow in hand, when
the death pains came >ipon him.

It doe.s not .seem likely that this was information manufactured on
the spot, for the benefit of tourists; the in(|uiries of ’’ llwana Wiirtz
over tw’entv years before (and pf)ssiblyof stray Europeans since) could
hardly have re.sulted in turning ” Tost's shamba " into a show ])lace.
And I am, on the whole, inclined to tliiidc there may bt* something
in the .story of the inscribed stone, though there is probably now
no hope of it.s recovery.

A .short walk frotu the plantation brought me to s(jme ruins, almost
hidden in the bush — a mosque and .some houses, one of which i.s said
to have been Liongo's own. This is the place known as Kirn W<tn(j\rann
iva Mashuh. The two men who had .so far acte<l as guide.s declined to
come any farther, saying that the ruins were haunted by gho.sts
(wazukn). A little Giryama boy, who had come with me from Kipini,
told me he had heard that once upon a time there were many great
buildings here and many cattle and goats, but " Mwenyiezi Muungu
destroyed the town " because of the w icke<l pride and extravagance
of the people who took to washing their babie.s in milk — in short,
a similar legend to that referred to in Krapf’.s Dictionnrij-. s.v. Ungamn,
where it is .stated that what is now Formo-sa Bay w'as believed to have
been a flourishing country, swallowed up by the sea for the sins of its
inhabitants. Later on. at Witu, I heard of a queen, Mwana Mtama,
in whose time millet (mtanui) was .so abun<lant that she would not have
it beaten out on mats (as is the usual custom), but on the bare ground,
to show how much she could afford to waste. She may be the same as
the queen mentioned in the Lamu document, which gives a different
account of her end and does not represent it as a Divine judgment.

The people on the spot insisted that these ruins were not Shaka,

‘ Locally known as ” JLvaiui -Mwalimu " ami much l)el()V{(l bv tho Pokonio,
uho&e women composed, on roceivinir the news of his a iittlc <ltrLG‘. ^rdl known

and sun<r m 1913.

■imc 'WAiin.i sAfiA OF oionoo ffmo

253

but that the real Shaka was some miles away to the north-eastward,
whither accordinglv we jiroceeded. and after crossing alternate stretches
of hush and cultivated ground found a roofless mosque and a number of
houses all built of the local coral rock and presenting, on a superficial
view, no remarkable features. There was no time — even had I been
otherwise competent — to make a detailed examination ; and I am not
aware than any has been attemjfied since.

On a second visit to Kipini. I inquired for a woman named Chacha
binti Wakainiu, who had been mentioned to me as knowing the
songs about Liongo. She was found without difliculty, and with a
companion sang a ver.sion (very corrupt, according to Mzee bin
Bisharo, of whom more presently) of the ballad ])rinted on p. 440 of
the Sira/uli Tdirs. They seem to liave mixed it up with a fragment
of another song about Liongo's march to Gana, which I afterwards
heard, in a probably mutilated and scarcely intelligible form, at Witu.

Here it is, as sung by the two women. The name of the maid-
servant. not given by Steere, is preserved in their version and also in
the local variants : —

Linn(jire (sir) Futno, ouhtpo Oana
'I'ivan Lmupre Fuiitu . . .

Kijahtii S(iiid((. iuiknfiOMt
Hxi/dtuDtibi }tt<iiicno nanfiH
Nenda kica mania, kamuamhic
Afanijr mkatc bnrnharosa,

Xn ndani j/n mkate atie tupa,

Xinolee pita/n zamju zilo mwjuani.

■■ Liongo Fmno, when he AVent to Gana,

Take rvith me. Liongo Fumo . . .

Handmaid Saada, I send thee,

(Thou hast not yet obeyed my words) ^

Go to my mother and tell her
To make me a loaf of bran.

And inside the loaf let her put a file

That I may cut through my fetters which are on my feet."

^ Or the sfiist* tslionltl l)i‘ (liistri bated thius : — •

Tliou ha>t not vet >er\ ed (me) . (now these are) my w ordt> :

Bu) nl/mnsu, in the sixth line, wa-^ >aid by M/ee and Muhamudi Kijuma to bo a more
nonsense- word ; but the Sultan ot Witu (the late Omar bin Hamid), who was pre-seiit,
recoirnized it asaii old word for UA'shn'ff^” bran ”, the husk^ of maize after puundjiig —
in Zanzibar Swahili aUi) rhachn. tlm wor<lus*d in Steere, though Madan’s Dictiuiiary
^ives its meaning as '■ yeast " or leaven".

254

AT-ICE WERNER

A rough metrical rendering (omitting the irrelevant oj)ening lines)
might rim as follows : —

■■ Handmaid Saada. hence I send thee !

List mv words, and speed may they lend thee !
f4o to mv mother, birl her bake
With chaff and bran a mighty cake —

Chaff and bran, the guards to beguile.

And in the cake let her hide a file.

That the fetters I from my feet may break. "

The second woman added three lines which are sufficiently obscure
and need not be given here, as they were rejected both by ^luhamadi
Kijuma and Mzee bin Bisharo. who thought that the singer had
probably made them up on the spot.

This Jlzee bin Bisharo (T Ausii) was a blind man. met subsecpiently
at Witu, where I spent a few days in December. 1912. He belonged to
the Bajun tribe (“ Wagunya " or *• Watikuu “) who live on tlie coast
between the Lamu Archipelago and the Juba River, and his recitations
were to some e.xtent coloured by his peculiar dialect, which substitutes,
e.g. the sound usually written eh for cerebral t " and tk (H). dh (h) for s
and c respectively. Besides his version of the above ballad, to be
given presently, he recited, from a prodigiously storerl memory, a
number of stanzas ascribed to Liongo, which I wrote down from his
dictation. Some of these I afterwards recognized as very much
corrupted reminiscences of the Mashairi ;/a Liorujo printed by Steere —
others, I feel sure, have never been in print before.

Two poems generally attributed to the hero and circulating in
MS. at Lamu, are those beginning : —

Pijiani pasi, pKinhe ija jnmsi, licachu mtutusi, ao Mivana Nimja
and

Alika kama harusi, uwakusanye unasi, kwa kida alofarisi, haiva
azalomngia,

copies of which have been obtained by more than one European.

Mzee recited the Liongo ballad as follows ; —

Kijakazi Saada, nakwhuma [-!«/««], liujatumika,

Kamicambile mama ni mjinga hngalimka

Hafanyi [afanye ?] mkate. pale kachi [A'abJ tujxi kaweka.

Kakelezn pingu, Mnndakozi (?) yakaniukn,

Katata dari na makuta kijnmetukn

Kangia mu ini kadiririka

Cha mwana nyoka, waume kaua.

THE SWAHILI SAGA OF LIOXGO FUMO

255

The dialect, as will be seen, is not con.sistent throughout, e.g.
-rftu))ui and -tu))iika in the first line, and the variation between -ja-
aiul -I/a- in the three cases where the ” not yet " tense is used. The
first three lines correspond (with unimportant variations) to Steere's
version, the rest varv considerably and are possibly corrupt. I translate
as literally as possible : —

*■ Handmaid Saada. I send thee, thou art not yet sent ^ (or ‘ hast
not vet served ') ; tell my mother (saying), he is a simjdeton. he lias not
yet learnt sense. Let her make a loaf and there in the middle of it
place a file. And I - (will) loo.sen the fetters and ri.se up like a young
eagle (?) and climb tlie roof and the walls before it is light and enter
the town and slip through (?) like a young snake, and slay men.’’

Be.sides INlzee, I had an important source of information in Sharif
Abdullah bin iMidiamiuad bin Ahma<l bin Abdul Aziz bin Darwesh
bin Eidani, a Pate man by birth, but the grandson of an immigrant
from Basra. He it was who read the inscription on the stone found by
“ Bwana Tost ”, “ fourteen years ago ” — i.e. in or about 1898. He gave
the name of Liongo’s brother as Daudi bin Mlingali (or Mringari) and
said that '' Shaka remained till destroyed by Bwana Tamil of Pate ".
As Bwana Tamu. otherwi.se JIuhammad bin Abubakar il-Xabhan,
“ reigned successfully as a friend of the Portuguese," and died in 1570,
this does not help to clear up the chronological question. He main-
tained. in opposition to the Kipini people, that the ruins I had first
seen were the real Shaka — and that those shown me as Shaka were
really called Mwana-mtama, after the queen already mentioned. Both
towns were destroyed by Bwana Tamil, and the inhabitants fled to the
bush and hid there so successfully that for seven years no one knew
where they were [watu Jiairanct hahari miaka sahaa). After that time
they built the present town of Kau on the Ozi. But this is scarcely
pertinent to the story of Liongo.

^ kStPere has uwatumihi, for which his Zanzibar informant gives the equivalent
utatumika—i\iQ ordinary future.

The subsequent verbs (which, in Steere. are more logically, in the first person
singular of the subjunctive) are here in the narrative tense without a pronoun, which
may either be rendered as above, or, by an abrupt change, hardly warranted oven by
poetical licence, be taken as the third person, and as relating Liongo’s subsequent
exploits. But, as already stated, the lines are very likely corrupt. Mnndakozi possibly
represents micann kozt^ '' child of an eagle," an epithet applied to Liongo bv himself
in his Mashairi (Steere, p. 458). For kaniiika I have the gloss kinemka — but can
make nothing satisfactory of either. Dirifika is not in the dictionaries — perhaps,
indeed probably, it should be tirinka, glide ",

A critical edition of the Mashatri. for which three MSS. have been collated, was
recently published by Professor Meinhof, in the Zeitschrift Jiir Eingehorenensprachen,
XV, 4 (December, 1925).

VOL. IV. PART II.

DEVX RESIDENTS MONGOLS EN CHINE ET EX ASIE
CENTRALE. BE TCUINKKIZ KHAGHAN A KIIOUBILAI

Par E. LLOciirr

T E grand liomme d'etat des connuencemeiit;' de la dyriastie moiigole
fut nn ]iersoiinage enigmatiriue auquel les Chinois donneiit le
noni de ^^[1 ^ Yaloutchliou Thsa'i ^ ; les chroniqries dn Celeste

Empire racontent qii'il etait de la race des Tatars Khitaii, et c(u'il
apparteiiait a la famille imperiale des Liao, laquelle avait ete depo^sedee
par les Tatars Kin. les Altan Kliagan, aiixqiiels Tclnnkkiz fit nne guerre
sans merci jionr s'emparer de leurs possessions du Nord de la Chine.

Ce fut en I'annee I'il.j que Yaloutchliou Th.'^a'i entra an serr'ice du
Conquerant ; ses talents adtnini.''tratifs, sa haute valeur morale, com-
pleteinent inconnus au sein des tribus mongoles, etonuerent les
barbares ; ils lui attirerent la favour et la confianee de Temoutchin,
dont il sut dejouer les projet.s inhumains. Ce fut ce ^landchon. eleve
dans radmiration de.s rites du Celeste Empire, quiemjiecha Tchiukkiz
Khaghaii de domier suite au des.seiii monstrueu.N; qui lui traversa
Tesprit de faire massacrer toute la population chinoise pour n'avoir
point la peine de la gouverner et de poiuvoir a ses besoins ; ce fut
lui qui fit compreudre au Conquerant qu'unvaste domaine nesegouverne
pas comme un clan tonghouze. et qui osa lui conseiller de conformer
sa conduite aux preceptes de Confucius, lequel avait ecrit : “ Certes, il
faut bieii se dire que le moude, si Ton pent s’enemparer sur le dos d un
cheval, il est impossible de le gouverner en restant sur sa selle. ' '

Taloutchhou Thsa'i devint le conseiller intime et le favori de
1 Empereur jauiie, qui le nomma son executeur testamentaire ; Ogota'i,
dont il avait favorise I’election, lui temoigna la meme favour que son
pere, et il lui laissa toute liberte de gouverner ses etats a sa guise ;
il lui coiifia 1 administration financiere de tout le pays (pii avait forme
la monarchic des Kin (1’230), et sa gestion fut a ce point heureuse que,
1 annee suivante (1231), il lui remettait le grand sceau, en lui conferant
1 administration generale de ses domaiiies imperiaux. Le tout-
puissant ministre inspira au nouveau souverain toutes les mesures
politi(|ues et administratives cjui permirent a la dynastie mongole

* En prononciation vulgaire et moderne Ye-liu-tchhoii Thsai.

“ ii Bi ^ T SI # ± .fr, _h ^ iil JUJi

258

E. BLOCHET

de vivre et de subsibter,i et. si Ton en croit 1 autorite des liisturieiis de
la terre de Haii. il mourut en 124;5, iinnicdiatement apres Ogotai. tout
au debut de la singuliere regence de Tourakina Khatoun, conime
si eette princesse avait redoute <|ue la tidelite que le Khitan gardait
a la memoire de ses maitres ne put devenir un obstacle invincible aux
desseins qu elle nourrissait.

Les cbroniques jiersanes rapportent (pie lors((ue Tchinkkiz Kbaglian
eut conquis et devaste la Transoxiane. dont les deux cajdtales (^Uaient
Boukliara et Samarkand, il contia le gouvernement de ces vastes
contrees. avec la mission de relever leurs mines, au tr(''s grand ministre
Yahvatch. et a son fils, 51as‘oud Beg’’; re fut en cette qualite rpie
Yahvatcli se vit 111^6 a rinsurrection de Mahmoud Tarabi et aux
a ventures etraiiges qui la signalerent.^

Les Mongols, au commencement du regne d'Ogotai. traiti'rent le
Khitai, la Chine du Nord. I’empire des Altan Khaghan, le royaume
des Kin, avec la meme ferocitii ; ipiand le pays fut entierement (U'vaste,
saccage a fond, Ogotai s'cn retourna. gai et content, a Karakoroum,
sa capitale, tandia qu'il envoyait ses armces centre la Chine du Sud,
pour la mettre dans le meme etat que ses provinces septentrionales ; ce
fut alors qu'il laissa ‘Aziz Yahvatch dans les contrees du Xord en la
(pialite de vice-roi.‘‘

Eashid ad-Din, dans sa Tarikii-i monhanik-i Ghnznni,'^ raconte
qu'Ogotai nomma le sahib Mahmoud Yahvatch resident mongol
dans toutes les provinces du Khitai. e’est-a-dire (ju'il lui confhra le
gouvernement de tout le Nord de la Chine, en meme temps qu'il confiait
I'aclministration de tout le pays qui com])renait Besh-Baligh et
Kara-Kliotclio, qui formait I'ancien royaume des Ouigbours, Khotan,
Kashgliar, Almaligli, Kayaligh, Samarkand et Boukliara, juscpi’aux
rives du Djaihoun, de I'Oxus.c’est-a-dire tout le royaume de Tcliagliatai,’’

^ Yaloutchhou Thsai, en 1229, pcrsiia<Ia a OL^otai d’lnstitiicr le trhhi mon^o)l,
avec son etiquette, a riniitation des rites du Celeste Empire ; ce fut lui qiu. confornu'-
ment a la mentalite chinoise. et eontre toutes les idees des Mongols, restreij^nit forte-
ment le pouvoir des militaires, en meme temps qu’il etablissait I’assiette d'un budfret ;
ce fut lui qui, en 1230, obtint de son souverain que I’on divjsat les contrers qui avaient
ete arrachees a la domination des Allan Ivhaghau en dix provinces. ur^an>ees
suivant les dognies administratifs du (Vdeste Empire, et d’apres les idees des Chino.s.

2 ‘Ala ad-Din‘Ata Malik al- Djouwaiiii. Djihanifnu-^ha. edition de Mirza Mohammad
ibn ‘ Abd al-Wahhab al-Kazwini, tome I. pages 75 et 84.

3 Ibid., pages 80 et 90.

^ Ibid., page 154.

^ Edition des (Iibb Trustees, tome ! 1 . pages S5 et 80.

® L’apanage constitue par Tchinkkiz Khaghan en faveur de la hgnee de Tchaghatai
s'etendait de Kara-Khotcho, sur la frontiere du Celeste Empire, aux rives de TUxus,
sur les marches du plus grand Iran ; mais, dans I'esprit de Tchinkkiz, qui fut celui

DEL'X RESIDENTS MONGOLS EN CHINE

259

a Mas'oud Beg, fils de Yalwatch. les contrees qiii s'etendent depuis le
Kliorasan jusqu’aux froiitieres de I'empire grec et au Diar Bakr,
c'est-a-dire toute la Perse, a I'emir Keiirgiieuz.

Tourakina Khatoun, apres la mort d'Ogotai, an cours de I'interregne
qui commeu^a a sonner le glas de I'empire mongol, s’empressa de
revoqner Yalwatch de ses hautes fonctioiis, et elle confia la vice-
royaiite de la Chine a un ilusulman, nomme "Abd al-Rahman ^ :
Mas'oud Beg fut enveloppe dans la disgrace qui frajipait son pere, inais
Kouvouk, des son avenenient, s'em[)resaa de les retablir dans leurs
dignites. Ce prince et, apres lui, Mangou Khaghan, conserverent toute
leur confiance a ces hoiiimes qui furent les veritables administrateurs
de tout rOrient, jusqu'au jour oil la monarchie, avec I'election du
khaghan Khoubila'i, avec I'independance des gouverneurs de I'lran,
avec I'insubordination et I'esprit demoniaque des princes du
Tchaghata'i, commenca a se disloquer, et a courir a sa ruine.^

d'Ogotai, de Kouvouk. de Mangou, de Khoubilai. oette souveminete, comme cede de
Vnnlous de Kussie, etait purement nominalo et houoriticiue. la realite du pouvoir
temporel devant etre exercee par un resident qui relevait dircctement d\i khaghan
mongol. Ces dispositions tinrent et durerent jusqu'a Mangou : il est vraisemblable
que Mas'oud Beg fut le dernier resident a la eour de I’Ouloug Ef . qu'apres lui commenva
la lutte deloyale et sans merci que les souverains du Tehaghatai menerent centre les
empereurs de Khanbaligh, et contre leurs vassaux, les princes de I'lran ; elle ae
poursuivit, implacable et criminelie. et, apresdes vicissitudes sans nombre, elle se ter-
mina par I'asservissement de la Perse au descendant d'un maire dn palais du roi du
Tehaghatai, si tant estqueTeniour-le-Boiteux ait jamaispu.se prevaloir d'unesemblable
origine, et par I’independance de la Chine, qui se separa d'un monde qui s'en allait a
la derive, pour s'en retourner a ses destinees traditionnelles et seoulaires. Le bon
Iila.sir du successeur de Tchinkkiz donnait ainsi li Mahmoud Yalwatch et a Mas'oud
Beg un pouvoir absolu, une autorite sans appel, sur la Chine et sur tonte I'Asie Centrale,
le khaghan se reservant I'administration de la “ yourte originellc ", le pays des
Mongols. Les i-ontrees iraniennes. a I'Oecident du Djaihonn, dans ce svsteine, furent
gouvernees par des gencraux d'armec. jusqu'au jour oil le prince Houlagou, par ordre
de son frere Mangou, s en vint prendre la souverainete de la Perse, avec le dessem de
poursuivre. conformement aux volontfe de Tchinkkiz, les conquetes des Mongols dans
rOccident, dans I'empire byzantin, et dans les contrees .soumises au sceptre des sultans
Mamlouks. Ces functions de rcsulent dans les jKiys conquis par le Thai-T,sou des
Yuan donnaient a ceux qui en ct.aient iiivestis une autoritc absolue ; le resident,
eoinnie le naraiestnik que I'empereiir de Rustic envoyait en mission speciale, comme
plenipotentiaire, en Siberie. ou au Caucase, ne relevait que de la couronne ; il n'avait
aucun conipte a rendre aux bureaux de Karakoroum et a leurs scribes.

' “ 11 y avait, dans ce temps la, dit Djouwaini, dans le Vjikttngoushn, page 199, une
femme, nommee Fatima Khatoun. qui semclait des affaires du gouvernement ; elle
envoya ' Abd al-Rahman dans le Khita'i, a la place de Yalwatch.”

Kouvouk fut a peine monte sur le trone qu'il fit mettre a mort le favori de Fatima,
‘Abd al-Rahman. et rendit la Residence a Yalwatch; il est vraisemblable, quoique
I’histoirc n’en dise rien. que Mas'oud Beg avait etc revoque par Tourakina. car Rashid
ad- Din dit dans son histoire. page 248, que Kouvouk “ donna le gouvernement du
Khital au sahib Yalwatch ; le Turkestan, e’est-a-dire I'Asie Centrale et la Trans-

2G0

E. BLOCHET

II ebt impossible de separer le sahib, tres grand saliib. sahib etaiit
le titre des administrateurs civils, Mahmoud, ou ’Aziz Yalwatch,
auquel la confiance des khaghans donna le gouvernement des contrees
orientales de la monarchie mongole, la toute-puis.sance dans le Celeste
Empire, du Yaloutchhou Thsai, auquel le prince qui succeda a Teraout-
chin remit le soin de I'administration de .ses immenses domaines.

Le Yuan-shi, la chronique imperiale chinoi.se, pretend bien tpie
Yaloutchhou Thsai niourut immediatement apres le fils de Tchinkkiz,
en l'24r3, tandis que I'histoire ])ersane afiirrae ([ue ce ])ersonnage
etait dument en vie au cours de I'annee 1251, huit ans plus tard,
et qu il ne se regardait point comme a.ssez age pour .se retirer des afiaires
publiqiies et prendre sa retraite.

Ces deux assertions sont antinomiques. irreductible.s. inconeiliables ;
il est inutile de chercher a resoudre un probleme dont I'enoiice contient
line inexactitude ; je n'hesite point a admettre la version d' 'Ala
ad-Din ‘Ata Malik al-Djomvaini. qui a etc adoptee par Rashid ad-Din,
centre les pretention.s du Yunn-shi \ la rtblaction de la chronique
chinoise a ete menee avec une rajiidite invraisemblable, qui en fait
la plus mediocre des vingt-quatre histoires dynastiques, tandis <pie
Djouwaini vecut les evenements qu'il raconte, tandis qu'il fut le
contemporain de Yahvatch et de Mas‘oud Reg, a tel point (|u'il est
impossible que, dans ses voyages en Asie Centrale, I'auteur du
Djihnngousha n'ait pas ete renseigne d'une maniere absolument
certaine sur I'identite veritable des deux homines d'etat auxipiels la
confiance imperiale avait remis la souverainete de toute I’Asie
orientale.^

oxiane. jusqu a I’Oxus, a i'eniir Mas‘oud Beg: le Khora'^an, r*Irak, TAzarkaidian,
a I’cmir Arghoun Agha Cos diNpositions, a uiie personne pre«, le resident de Perse,
retal)li.'''’ait dans son integnte le statut des debuts d'< ; elles i endaient a Yah\ ateh

et a Mas’oud leurs dignites. dans la foiine meine oii elles leur avaient ete conferees
par le buccesseur du (’onqiierant du Monde ; ‘Ala ad-L)in “Ata Malik, dans le }>j{hnn-
ijou-^ha, man. supp. persan 2(K).f(*lio 143 verso, dit fonnellement qiie Maniion, “ eontia
tons les pays, du commeneement du cinquieme olnnat, des nve>. de TOxus, pistpi’au
point le plus extreme de ce cliinat. au tres grand sahib ui')n (izvini) Yahvatch ;

la Transoxiane, le Turkestan. Otrar, le pays <les (.buVhours. Khotan. Kashuliar,
Djatid. Khwarizm, FarLdiana, a Mas’oud Beg/' te que Rashid ad-Dsn repctc (ed. des
Gibb Trustees, paL^e 309), en disant qu’au debut de sun regno, Mangou confii le
gouvernement de toutes les contrees orientales au sahib Mahmoud Yalwati-li ; lo
Turkestan, la Transoxiane. le pays des Ouighours, le Farghana, le Kliwarizni, a
Mas‘ oud Beg.

^ 11 est inadmGsible q<io Djouwaini ait fait vi\Te Yahvatch a une epoque a laquelle
il etait mort.ou qu'il se suit trompe sur les liens et le degrede parente qui unibt>aieut
Yahvatch et Mas' oud Beg ; le Djihangminha n'est pas une teuvre Uvresque, executee
a coupe’ de licheb et de depouillements, dans lesquels peuvent se glisser de singulieres
erreurs, dont tout iin lot peut seperdre, sans laisserla moindretrace ; il n'est pas un ouvrage

DECX RESIDENTS MONGOLS EN CHINE

261

Par trois fois, ‘Ala ad-Diii acconipagna reoiir Arghoiin dans les
voyages penibles que le resident ilvit faire a Karakorouni. soit pour
traiter dcs affaires de son gouverneinent, soit jioiir se disciilper des
infamies lancees contre lui par ses calomniateurs ; c'est ainsi qu'il
se rendit en Asie Centrale au cours des annees 1246-1247. sous le regne
de Kouyouk ; en 1249-1250, apres la mort de ce prince, durant la
regence d'Oughoulgliaimisli Kliatoiui ; en 1251-1252, quaud I'eniir
])artit pour assister a I'election du nouvel enipereur et a rintronisation
de ilangou Kliaghan, alors qu'il arriva tres en retard, apres avoir
perdu beaucoup de tem[)s sur la route, quanrl tout le monde fut rentre
cliez soi, ce qui n'arrangea pas ses affaires.

Ce fut au cours de son second voyage, en 1249-1250. qu' 'Ala ad-Diu
passa avec son maitre par la capitale du prince du Tcliagbatai, Yisou-
Jlangou, auquel Arghoun le presenta : il est imjiossible que Mas'oud
Beg, resident mongol a la cour de rOulough Ef. n'ait pas assiste, pour
rendre compte au Trone de ses peripeties, a la visite que le resident de
Perse faisait a son souverain ; que si Ton vent admettre qu'un tel
usage ne fut pas suivi a cette date du moyen age, on sera bien force de
reconnaitre que les convenances les plus elementaires voiilaient qu’
Arghoun allat rendre une visite officielle, de courtoisie pour le moins.
a son eollegue et confrere, et qu'il se fit accompagner jusqu'a la porte
par son secretaire. Dans les deux cas, ’Ala ad-Din ne pouvait se
tromper sur I’identite du resident mongol a la cour du royaume de
Tcliaghatai, ni sur ses tenants et aboutissants, ni sur le rang de son
pere, et. s’il a ecrit que Yahvatcb, a cette date, flirigeait la politique
du Celeste Empire, c’est que le Yun)i-sln se trompe en affirmant que

conime ]a chronique de Rashul. qui fut redii^ec fc*ur des documeiitN luorts, eii Porse, a
TaurifJ, a des centaines <le heues cle I’Asie Centrale ; c’e-'t iiii hvre dans lef^uel Djuuwaini
n a fait que (•()ii''igneretinettre par cent 00 ((U il vitet entendit.en Perse, en AsieCentrale.
dans I’entourage d’Artihoim Aglia. eii quelquo sorte les lueinoires d un teinoin oculaire
d‘" I’epnpee mongole. Qui pouvait etre iiueux reusei.uue sur les cadres adm'nlst^atit^
et les questions politicpies que ie secretaire lutinie et favon du vice-rui de I’lran V
Et I' on ne saurait allesuer que Djouwaini a’eu laissa eonter ; Abanha n’aurail
oeitamement pas contie a un niais une charge <pii fai''ait de c'elui qiu en etait iuvesti.
en quelque sorte, le successeur du khalife de Baghdad ; sans compter que Rashid
ad-l)in qui, dans la Taukh-i mouharak-t Uhnznni, professe la meme doctrine que le
Djiliamjoufiha, etait ofticiellement renseigne, de premiere mam, sur le statut admiiiB-'-
tratif dcs commencements de la monarchic, et cpie ses eollaborateurs travaillaient
sur des hstes et sur des documents qui veiiaient clirecteincnt des archives de Kara-
koroum, dans le&quels d ne pouvait point se irhs^er de telles errenrs ; c'cst un fait
evident que Ton savait en Extreme-Orient, quaiicl avaient commence, et quand
a etaient tenninees les fonctions de Yahvatch : si I'histoire mon^ole ne ciit pas d'une
favon formelle a quelle date Yalnatch quitta la Residence, v't st cpie Khoubilai le releva
de ?a charge quand il prit en main les renes de I'empire.

262

E. BLOCHET

Yaloutchhou Thsai mourut immediatement apres Ogotai, fils de
Tchinkkiz Khaghan.

C’est un fait evident que beaucoup des pieces administratives
du commencement de la monarchie, qu'iin grand nombre des coni-
mandements de Tchinkkiz, d'Ogotai, de Koiivouk, de Mangou,
Be perdirent dans les chariots du Conquerant, ou dans les mediocres
bureaux de Karakoroum, avant que Khoubilai n'ait installe I'empire
a la chinoise dans Yen-king, et encore ne devait on pas conserver la
minute de toutes les pieces que Ton faisait copier par les scribes de
Tadministration.

Tourakina, visiblement, avait condamne Yaloutchhou Thsai a mort,
en meme temps qu'elle le revoquait ; Tun n'allait guere sans I'autre
chez ces barbares ; le hasard voulut, en 1330, quand on ccrivit le Yuan-
shi, que les yarlighs de Tourakina destituant Yalwatch et intronisant
‘Abd al-Rahman fussent conserves a Pe-king, alors que Ton ne trouva
aucune trace de ceux que Kouyouk et Mangou avaient signes dans
leurs campements de iilongolie, pour retablir Yaloutchhou Thsai dans
ses dignites, prerogatives et prfeeances. Les redacteurs de la chronique
imperiale en infererent que le personnage avait disparu de la scene du
monde en cette annee 1243, puisqu'on ne trouvait aucune trace de
son existence, aucun acte a son nom, aux dates posterieures ; des
historiens modernes, avec leurs methodes, connaissant le temperament
et lesmoeursdes Tonghouzes, en Tabsence de tout autre renseignement,
n'eussent guere pu en decider d'unefa^on difierente, et conclure en autres
termesd

L’identite des deux personnages ne se revele pas moins par
I'analyse de leurs noms que par la similitude de leur carriere politique ;
la restitution de la forme tonghouze originale qui se dissimule sous la
transcription Yaloutchhou Thsai s’opere sans difficulte dans les
deux mots Yaloutchou Tsai, qui, d’aprcs les regies de la grammaire des
langues altaiques, signifient : “ Tsai, le magicien,” ^ et non “ le bon
magicien ”, qui serait Tsai Yaloutchou.

1 II ne faut point perdre de vne que c'est seulement a dater de I'epoque a laquelle
Khoubilai Khaghan s’ installe a la four du Nord, en la qualite d’empereur chinois
et de Fils du Ciel,que ley!ta«-sAi,l'histoire officielle, commence a parler de I’administra-
tion des Mongols ; les rMacteurs de la chronique imperiale n’eurcnt entre les mains
qu’un nombre infime des pieces qui remontaient au regne des predecesseurs de
Khoubiiai.

“ Tsai signifie “ qui est oonrenable, agreable ” ; ce mot ne se trouve plus dans
la langue mandchoue, oil dshm “ second, en second lieu ” est un vocable tout different ;
il s'est conserve en mongol, dsai dans la prononciation moderne, “ aisance, commodite,
agrement,” d'oii I’adjectif courant dsai-tou, dsai-tai, ‘ convenable, digne d'elc^es ” ;
ee mot existe egalement dans les dialectes altaiques, avec la dissimilation frequente

DEUX RESIDENTS MONGOLS EN CHINE

263

C’est par suite d'une circonstance aussi remarquable qu’elle est
exceptionnelle que le noin Tsai' se trouve, eu cbinois, transcrit, en
menie temps qu'il est traduit, par 3^- thscu. qui designe un homme
vertueux, doue de qiialites eminentes.

Mahmoud Yahvatcli et ‘Aziz Yahvatch. Yalwatch Maut la forme
ou'ighoure du participe turk Yalwa-tchi = Yalou-tchou, constituent
deux traductions-transcriptions tres oxactes et tres judicieuses de
Yaloutchou Tsai ; le fait (pie, dans deux passages consecutifs, Djou-
waini nomme le premier ministre des Mongols, ilalimoud Yalwatch
et ‘Aziz A'alwatch, suffit a montrer que Mahmoud et "Aziz ne sont
point les noms de ce puissant personnage, mais bien la traduction de
celui sous lequel il etait connu dans le Celeste Empire ; il serait

(-« = s •, il est en turk sai “ ressource, faoulte ”, et la ineme alternanoe phone-

tique se retrouve dans le turk midam •* Wane en face du mongol tmidam

“ lait ” ; Yaloutchou-Yalouti'hi est, sans qu'il soil necessaire d'y insister plus long-
temps, le doublet de la forme tongbouzc-niongole i/olm-khl. avee ses vanantes et
ses aspects yiU-a-tchi, yalii-tchi. yilhi-khi ''envoye celeste, prophi’te. devin. sorrier ”,
dont le sens etymologique est " celui qui emploic les appa'-enccs pour faire agir les
hommes ”. Yah-a-tchi est en effet un nom d'action derive, par le suffi\e participial
chinois -tchi, du mot yah. * yala, de * ^alru. qui se retrouie dans ynlru-tchi, yaltt~
fcAi. et qui a les deux sens de damme ’, traduisaiit le Sanskrit ji'iija, et de
“ fantome”, puis, par suite du passage du nom d’agent "celle qui trompe ”, aii
nom de Taction, “ tromperie, supercherie,” d’oii ynU-khni, yaJt-ghai ” magicien ”,
yali-la-khou “ duper les gens ”. Si eloigiiees en apparence que soient les deux
significations de “ tlamme ” et de ” fantome”. d'entite qui trompe les homines,
elles n’en sont pas moins intimement liees semantiquemeut : la tl.amme qui declare
les voiles de la nuit ne demeure-t-elle pas eternellement insaisissable aux mains
qui la veulent saisir, et auxquelles elle se derobe en les devorant de briilures cruellcs ?
Du mongol yali, yala. la voyelle etant ambigue. eomme dans tout le phonetisme ton-
ghouze et altaJque, derive yala-yhou, et. avec la chute de la gutturale intervocalique,

yala-ou, qui a passe dans letchaghatai ,avec son sens priimtif de” flamme ”, qu'il a

vite perdu pour prendre celui de “ drapeau ”, par Tintermediairc de ” fanion ".
La flamme s'eleve comque et triangulaire sur le brasier ardent qu’ont allumc les
hommes, et c’est sous cette forme qn'elle est representee dans les pemtures qui enlu-
mineiit les livres persans, sous les especes d’un triangle isocole aux bords dechiquetes ;
c’est un triangle d’etoffe qui flotte aux lances des chefs do section et des parlementaires,
et e'est par une extension abusive que ce mot a tim par designer la piKede soie qui
forme le sandjak, mot dont j'ai donne Tetyniologie autre part ; e'est par un fait de
semantique analogue que le mot “ flamme ”. dans la marine militaire, designe la longue
banderolle terminee en pointe aigue, interdite aux navires de commerce, qui flotte
aux mats des batiments des armees navales, tant que dure la clarte du jour. De
yala-(<jk)ou. s’est forme, par Tadjonction du suffixe-fcAi, ynlanu-trhi . primitivement
“ celui qui porte le fanion du parlementaire ' I . puis ” inessager, envoye "

Touighour repond a la forme yalaou-tchi par celle de yalnmi-lch avec la

reduction du suffixe -tchi a -tch, eomme dans la formation des nombres ordinaux i

■264

E. BLOCHET

inadmissible ([ue. sous le regne des descendants de Temoutchin,
le vice-roi de la Cliiiie ait porte dans radministration imperiale les
deux noms simultanes de ilahmoud et de 'Aziz, accompasjnes du
titre de Yalwatch.

Quelles qu'aient ete les preoccupations mentales des ])ersonnes
qui ont cree la forme Maiimoud A'alwatcli. et son doublet ‘Aziz
Yalwatch, en traduisantle nom de cet liomine d'etat, et en transcrivant
I’epithete qui le qualifie. alors (pie la logiipie cut indiipie de faire tout le
contraire,il n’en est pas moins certain (lu'elles se sont rendu exactement
compte que, d'apres les normes de la granimaire tonghouze. Yaloutcliou
Tsa'i signifiait Tsai le Yalwatchi, dans une forme syntactiqiie inverse de
celle dupersan, et qu'il faut intervertir les deux termes de la traduction-
transcription pour (ju'ils signifienl IMahmoud, ou ‘Aziz, le A’alwatchi.

Cette forme a I'allure islamiipie est loin d'iinpliijuer. comiue on
le pourrait croire an premier abord. que le ])ersonnage que Djouwa'ini
nomme Mahmoud Yalwatch et 'Aziz Ahdwatch etait musulman :
riiomme qui ne craignit pas de commenter au Tha'i-Tsou des A'uan

la forme tchaghatai ynhighiiii-hh reeouvre uii mot ouighour (((li est identique

a ynla-ghou-tchi, aver I’ulterit.mce <los doiix (.(iffixos-frAi et -li'h. De yrihi " mirage ''
derivent les mots teliagliatxi ynl-yhin • ytl-ghottn ^ , avec i = au.

qiii sigmlient “ tlamme et iiuiage ( omme le moni'ol y<ili, la forme yal-in, affaiblie de
y'll-yhn, jJY par la cliute <le la gutturale, ayaiit conserve uiiiquemcnt le hens

pnmitif (le " tlamme " ; tie ynln derivent encore ynl-ghnn , (lul ne sienifie

plus que ’■ tlamme”, et yal-hntg cehn qui est faux dans son es^ence.

qui passe sa vie a mentir De yala-yhoti- — yahi'Ou, par uite d’un phenoniene
epeiithetique sur lequel je me suis louguement expliquc, derive tlamme”,

d’oii ynj-akh are-en-tiel ee mot turk etaut visiblement derive de la forme

mnncrole ^ynhi-yhou, par la ehute dc la desinence, lequel mot yoht-kh est devenu yohi
, par suite de la chute de la guttiirale ; du mou<roi *yoIfi-yhou, eat derive un participe

act if ouighour *yf)hi-(jhou-trh. qui est devenu yt>Ift ou-trh ^ mV *) en tcha'diatai,

<Lr-^ v.

avec le sens de ” celui qui p(-u*te le fanion du parlementaire. nie'^sa^er ” ; de la forme
*yoln, se sont formes le turk-tehajzhatai yol-dnurmun ‘'eclair”, comme keu-turum
estropie, malade ”, duiit la pronom-iation a evolue en yoZ-derewm , puis en

yil-ihrim. qui est 1 osmaiih yohdouz J etoile ” ; yala est devenu *yana

dans le dialecle qui a abouti a Tosmaiili. d’ou yan-mak bruler ”, ytin-yhin et yan-
gkoun “ feu ” ; ces mots n’ont rien de commun avec ynn-trhnuk ‘’porte-manteau de
cheval ”, yan-djtk, yan-dji " courrier, palcfreiiier ”, qui derivent, comme le inontre
suilisamment le doublet yafti-djik de yan-djik\ du mot turk-mongol yam ” cheval de
la poste”, lequel transcrit le chinois ^ ” cheval de poste ”, ou ^

ye-mu “ la poste a cheval ”

DErx RESIDENTS MONGOLS EN CHINE

265

line sentence de Confucius, qui, en 1236. etablit dans renijiire des
colleges oil les dignitaires mongols durent envoyer leurs fils jiour
ctudier les livres canonii^iies. sous la direction <le niaitres (j^u'il avait
choisis, n etait certaineinent pas, et ne poiivait etre iniisulnian ; la
famille touglioiize des Liao, coninie celle des Kin. coniine les Ulongols
eux-nieines, avait adopt e les usages et les rites de la Cliine. tpiand elle
etait arrivee a la souverainete dn Celeste Empire.^ Les Tonghouzes,

^ La forme ynlnu, dont denvent ynlontchou et ijahvatch. &e retroiive dans le nom
<l autres ^X‘^^onnagos de la famille royaledes Liao ; les historieiis ihiiiois doiinent au
toiidateur de la puissance des Khitan Liao, au commencement dii x- siecle. le noin de
^alou (ou \alouk, aujourd'hui dan's certains dialectes. lynl njut eu coreen,
id': ~ nt en japonais, /tee/ eu annamite) — apoki, c'est*a-dire Yaloii-aboki. dans lequel
nhf)-ki est une forme participiale tonghouze a sens impr<x-ls, par I’affixe — ki, lequel se
ti'ouve en maruk-hou sous les aspects kkn. hh^, khi, k<t. /.v, ki. suivaut le theme verbal
auquel il s’applique ; " eenre nm-kha '* cerit ou ecrivant ” ; ahn-ki,

pour amo-k( , avee m = h, est une forme participiale d'uii verbe nmn. •• (‘ tre heureux."

en mongol, d’oii (imo’r , aino-fjholank" bonheur ’ ; nmo.ki sigmhe’'qiu

jouit du bonlieur ”, ou “ qiii procure le bonbeur d’<*u pour Valou-aboki le sens de
'* celui qui a la puissance d’illusionuer les homines pour lour bonheur, on pour le <1011 ;

uu general khitan, qui vecut vers OTo, e^-t appele par les t hromques Yalou-uka
flC a la tlouble prononciation, par I'aspiree, hat en eoreen et en annamite

par la gutturale, km en japonais. ynu en eantonais moderno. pour ou. u. I'e^prit doux
dans ootte forme ctant Tatfaiblissement du k, eomme dans la traiisenption eliinoise
Yu-thieii du noiu sansknt de Khotan. Kustana, voir Kashid, Hi.dintp iIpa J/foc/o/.v
Appendice, page b8), dans lequel nom uka trauscnt une forme tonghouze iiija. uku
'• parole en mongol i/yc. la transcription de f/c monuol par ^ etant eoii'-taute ;
Yalou-uka sigmtie ” celui dont la parole produit rdlu>ion ehez les hoiiuue'i ” ; d'autre--
formes analogues setrouveut dans riiistoire des Thang: Yalou-yenhi
qui transcrit Yalou-khangiji. enteudu par les Celestes Yaiou-’eiighi , avec le traiisti rt
inatteiidu de 1 aspiree de -kJKttnjfji an deiixieme element -gi rle ce mot. transform * eu
-y/iijCette aspiree etant reinplacee dans la premiere svllahe par uuelementeonsonuan-
tique equivalent a 1 esprit doux du gree. par la transformation de ladite aspirce en
gutturale, ce qui est uu phenomcne insolite. (Je nom toimhouze est une formation
participiale eu -khonfjiji, ideutique a celles en -khfoirijt’, ‘kftmjg^ de la lanune maiid-
choue ; elle sigmtie, a proprement jiarler. celui epu pratique l illusion ", et elle est
identiqne, pour le procede d-* derivation qiu lui est applniue, ii Yalou-tchuu. Yalwa-tch ;
le personiiage qui porta le nom de Yalou-khauirgi regna sur les Liau ; en raniice 11 Id,
il fut battu par Akouta, qui foiula la dynastic des Km ; le reste de ia nation des Liao
marcha vers 1 Occident, pas>a dans la vallee de I’lli, ou ils fonderent le royaume des
Kara Khitan, dont alou-tashi desreiidaiit a la huitieiiie geueratioa

du fondateur de la, dynastie des Liao, fut le premier Mniveraiii ; son nom se restitue,
sans aucune difticulte, en Yaloii-tash. qui est un derive de ynJou " illusion par le
suthxe lequel, en turk, signitie“ compacnon ", et, postpose a uii nom, forme uu

adjeetif indiqiiant le possesseur dela quahte designee par ee mot ; Yaloii-tash smiiitie
done celui qui possede lafaeulte de se servir de I'lllusioii ", dans un sens tres voi^m
des deux noms Yalou-tchou et Yaloii-khanggi : Yalou-tash regna de 1124: a 1130 ;
11 eut pour Buceesseur sou tils, YalouiUk ^ ^ ^ij, qui exer^a lautonte de

1136 a 1154, d’abord, de 1130 a 1142, sous la tutelle de sa mere ; le nom de ee souveraiii

266

E. BLOCHET

qu’ils appartinssent au clan des Liao, a celui des Allan Khaghan,
a la nation mongole, ne temoignaient aucune liostilite a I'lslamisme,
qu'ils admettaient au meme titre que toutes les formes religieuses ;
un illustre poete persan, Shams-i Tabbassi, a lone Tayangou dans
des vers splendides : mais ces fails ne permettent pas un seul instant
de supposer que Yaloutchou Tsai se soil convert! a la foi de Mahomet.
Les membres de la famillc des Liao qui demeurerent dans le Celeste
Empire, apres la mine de leur nation, en 1115, resterent confucianistes ;
ceux qui s en allerent fonder, dans la vallee de ITli. le royaume des
Kara-Khitan oscillerent entre les diverses formes religieuses qui
se partageaient la conscience des Altaique.s, turks et tonghouzes ^ :

est Yaloui-lik,adjectif forme par le suttixe turk -liL\ qui n'est pas ton^houze, du mot
yaloxii = yaJou, qui se retrouve dans les formes mongoles yaJii-trhi, yilhi-lchi (voir
plus haut) ; Yaloui-lik est “ celui qiu joint de la faculte de faire illusion ” ; il signifie
un aspect de la faculte dont Yalou-tchou est le nom d agent Vn autre de ces Khitan
joua un role important dans I’histoire des Mongols, au commencement de la souverainete
de Tchinkkiz, comme le personnage qui fait I’objet de cette notice ; le Yuan-shi lo
nomme ^[1 # ff Yalou-louka, c ’est-a-dire Yalou-louk, qui esst une forme absolu-
ment equivalente a celle de YalouMik. Yalou-louk souleva le Liao-toung eontre le»
Kin qui avaient depossMe aa famille, et .a'empara de Liao- yang, dont il fit sa capitale ;
Tchinkkiz le fit roi du Liao-toung ; Yalou-louk n’^outa pas les conseils des anoiens
sujets de sa famille, qui le poussaient a prendre le titre imperial, et a se proidamer
independant des Jlongols ; ee personnage, qui fut tres utile aux Mongols, a leurs
debuts (1213-12 14), savait qu'il ne faut pas jouer avec le feu, L'analyse deces noma ne
manque pasd'interet ; ellemontrequelcsformesturkes, comme Y’alou-tash, Yalou-louk,
Y’aKva-tch, Y'alou-tchou, voisinaient dans la langue de ces Tonghouzes avec des formes
purement mand choues, comme Y'alou-khanggi, Yalou-aboki, tandis qu’aujourd'hui,
etdepuis de longs Biecles,la discrimination est absolue entre ces deux series de formes,
les unes speciales au turk, les autres au mandchoo ; c'est de meme qu'au moyen age,
le mongol connaissait le participe jiassif en -mibh a cote de sa forme -khsan, -keen,
alors que cette derniere seule est usitee depuis le xiv siecle dans la langue des Mongols,
t'e nom de Yalou n'a certainement rien a voir avec celui qui se trouve tran-
B^rit dans le Liao-shi sous la forme m ya-la^ que le vocabulaire annexe a cet
ouvrage historique considere comme la transcription d'un mot mandchou yarou
“ requin si Ton en croyait les auteurs de cet ouvrage lexicograpliique, ce serait le
meme mot yarou qui se cacherait sous les especes des transcriptions yenAou m ^ et
^BE (chapitre 7, page 23 verso) ; yah, dans ce vocabulaire (chapitre 1, page 12 recto,
et chapitre 9, page 10 recto), est, de Tavis des philologues qui I'ont redigc, un mot
mandchou, qui signifie “ viande ” ; enfin yu-lou (chapitre 9, page 13 verso) serait un
phoneme mandchou yarou qui designe les quadrupedes en general ; ces assertions
philologiques, comme toutes celles que I on trouve dans ce livre, teraoignent de I’lmagi-
iiation des linguistes chinoi.s de I’epo jue khien-loung, qui eurent la singulicre idee
de refaire les transcriptions des xii‘— xiv*' siwles. mais non de leur science.

* Au xiie siecle, les Kara-Khitan etaient Nestoriens ; en 1140, Y'aloiillik professait
le Christianisme, et le pape Alexandre III ecrit a son fils Tchourlouk “ Indonim regi
sacerdotum sanctissimo Ces princes firent une guerre terrible aux Musulmans,
ce qui n’est d'ailleurs pas une preuve de leur foi en la mission du Christ ; les Mongols
de la Perse, au xiii» et au xiv» siecle, professerent le Bouddhisme et IT.slamisme,
ce qui ne les cmpwha point de se faire passer pour Chretiens aux yeux du roi de France

DEUX RESIDENTS MONGOLS EN CHINE

267

il serable que le fils de Yaloutchou Tsai, avec son nom de Mas‘oud
Beg, ait pratique la religion musulmane, a laquelle il se serait convert!

et dll roi d’Ancleterre, pour ca])ter leur allian<*e, et les precipitor dans une croisade
insensee a lour unique profit, coutre les sultans Mamlouks ; le fait est enoore plus
visible apros la conversion de (lhazau que du temps deses predecesseurs bouddhistes,
lesqiiels avaient une oertaino tendaure, une certaine bienveillanoe. pour le Christian-
isme, que (ihazaii, coninie tons les Musulmans. poursuivait d'line haine aveu^le
Quoiqu’il en s<iit, qu’ilsaient prof esse la foi du Christ, ou qu'ils s' on soient vantc^ pour
duper le Saint-Pore, les Kara-Khitan aneantirent le rovauine tiirk-karlouk de Satok*
Boghra, '^’'Unpareront de Ka^h^;har,de Khotan, chasserent les Saldjoukides des vallt'e-^
de I'Anioii-daria et du Sir-daria,p(»ussoront prcsqiie jusqu* a Samarkand, et ilsintiu^orent
une dMaito saniilante a Sultan Sindjar, qui chorchait a arroter les jirogres vers
rOc ident des Turks, se^ oonirenere.s. C'e>t a j»ropo^ des Klutan qu'est nee la lej^^ende
dll ‘■presbyter Joannes" ; pour justitier ee titreetrange. Rubruek raconte que les gens
(de cette nation) ordonnaient oomiue pretres tons leurs enfants males, alors qu’ils
etaient encore dans leurs bcrceaux, et que e’etait la la raison pour laquelle presque
tousles hommes y etaient pretres ” ; cette interpretation est une glose nec dans I'esprit
d’un Occidental pour justifier le titre du souverain des K.crait. ou plutot de la forme
sous laquelle il crut rentendre. Presbyter Joannes est une transeription-tradiiction
dt* Wang-khan. titre de ces princes mandchous, dans le sens de “leroi-souveram",
dont on retrouve la traduction mentale, chez les Altuujues, dans les royaiimes musul-
mans, sous les formes Sultansbah, Malikshah (Malaksbah ctant une incom-
prehension). ees barliares ne pouvant, comme I’empereur clnnois, se lontenter d’uu
titre royal, et en exigeaiit uii double, eoinme les Turks, (pii se fa:saient nonimer Vinal-
teguin, Wang se prouon 9 ait Van(g), ou plutdt, sa prononciation oscillait entre la

forme ehinoise Wang (Ang == Ong Vang, comme le montre sufti^amment

ie titre niongol 1) iT Tayang, qui est le nom d’un chef de la tribu ilcs Xaimau, perc

de Goutchlouk. et qui transent d'une mauiere tres exacte le i-hinuis ^ ^ tai-wung
“ roi ^upi't-mo 'k Comme on le vOit par <le nombreux pa>>ages de sa narration.
Rubruek a constamment et systcniatiquement confondu deux vocables essentiellement
ditferents, khan, forme roduite de kfuajhan, qui dcsignc le chef des cIan^ altaiqiies,
et kain. le titre des sorciers-pretres du culte fetichiste des Turk> et des Tonghou/es,
qui, avec la confusion dos gutturales, et reqinvalenre m-n. sonnait a pen de chose
pres coiuiuc khan. Il a eiiteiulu Vang-kam. an lieu de Yamr-khan. et il a fort rcguliere-
ment traduit Yang-kam par Yan le pretre. Presinter Joanne-N, a’ors que Bar Hebreus.
qui a ega'ement compn.s Vang- Wang comme I’equivalent tie Johannes, s’est partaitc-
ment rendu conipte que khan dans le nom de Wang-khaii est le mot iim sigmtie
souverain d’ou sa traduction Malik Yohaniia du nom de I'adversaire de Teinoutchin.
Kt Bar Hebreus n’etait point le seul ii professer cette opinion, pui^que cost cette
meme interpretation de prince Jean ", traduisant le litre Wang-khaii de tons les
souverains kliitaiis, clout avail hente Tadvorsaire ma'heureux de Teinoutchin,
qui, en 1145 , se trouve appliquee a Yulouilik par I’eveque de Gabaki ;
e’est la meme erreur, la confusion du litre de khan, cpie portait Tchuur-
louk, avec kam,qui a conduit le pape Alexandre III a le trailer de ‘‘ sacerdos sanc-
tisslmus”, en se figurant vraisemblableraent que la puissance et la dignite du chef
des Khitan etaient comparables a celles du Souverain Pontife Cn s’etonne a juste
titre que le moyen age ait tail de ce personnage enigmatique le souverain de i’liide et
de I’Ethiopie, et, d’une fa^on gcncrale.que les hommes de cette epoque aient confondu
la peninsule hindoue et le royaume d’Abysslnie ; la raison en est simple: I'lnde
et I’Ethiopie etaient deux contrees situees a I’Orient du monde, que Ton ne pouvait

268

DEUX EESIDEXTS MOXGOLS EX CHIXE

j)Our sui\Te I'exemple des populations qui vivaient dans I'Ouest dii
Tarim et dans la Transoxiane, lesquelles, sous le sceptre de souverains
bouddhistes, formaient I'element essentiel et vital des sujets du
royaume de Tchaghatai.

gagner qu’en traversant la Mediterranee et la mer Rouge ; les manns qiii naviguaient
dans ces para^res savaient que pour aller dans I’lndc on eri Ethiopie,il fallait siiivre un
c-hemin qui conduisait sous Ics meines eieux, aux nK-mes latitudes, ou l aspcct des
constellations sur lesquelles ils so guidaient etait identique ; Ics memes hommes
etaient alles dans I'lnde ou en Afrique par des routes qui se Miperymsaient sur
une grande partiedeleurduree ; ilslesconfondirent. et leur ooiu ept resta vague ; I’lnde
comprit tout son hinterland. I’Asie Centrale et la Chine continentale ; I’Ethiopie cnin-
prit I’Afrique jusqu'aux source^ lointaincft, du Xil . cV-^t en ce ^ens <pie. dans le titre
d un niaiiuscnt flu roman fie Barlaam et doa'-ajih (arahe 2hS), on lit (yiie ce rerit
merveilleux -‘a etc ajiportc flc rmterieur de rAln'-sinie, < Vst-a-dire de rinde, au
convent de Saint-Saba ", que Mart o Polo trade rAI)y<'‘inie d Jndc majeun*. qinn jusqu’a
la tin du xvnn sikde. Idcean Indten porta Mir les eartos marines le nom d’otean
Ethiopique. Je ne cioi^ pas inutile fl'ajonti r. au sujet des titrt's des souveraui'*
turks, fornu.'S de deux mots sii'iiitiant “ roi ", que dams Vinal-teoiiin. y'Dtal e^t le
mot turk. it t^tjuin son equivalent ( hiiiois. tui k<>an " ottieier superieur ", ijm* le^
Japonais out emprunte sous la forme ta/koun^ les Annamites, smis celh* de tiuhni
" rnei'anicien d‘uno ehaloupe, patron " : eette siiutinanie poussa les Altaique^ a
emprunter aux Celestes, par un pur siiohi'^me, <le.s mot-s dont ils iravaient aueun
besom reel, eomme Ungri " ciel qm e>t Je ehinois thien-Ji " la fjoi ecleste ", alors
qu'ils possedaient le terme ogkan.

THE JUNGLE TRIBES OF THE MALAY PENINSULA
By Pater P. Schebe^ta
(Translated b}’ C. O. Blacden)

rpHE jungle tribes (or. as the Malays style them, Orang Utan) of
the Malay Peninsula are not altogether an unknown quantity
from the point of yiew of anthropology and linguistics. A number of
scholars and trayellers haye deyoted themselves to the study of them,
the most important being Hrolf \'aughan fStevens. R. Martin.
M’. AV. Skeat, the leader of the Cambridge expedition, Annandale. and
Robinson. All this was some thirty year.s ago, and though their
researches ascertained a number of facts, fresh ])roblems have since
arisen. We knew practically nothing of the tribes dwelling in the
real interior of the country, for none of these explorers had succeeded
in penetrating there.

The importance of a fresh exploration of the inland tribes of the
Peninsula, and especially the Negritos, was repeatedly stressed,
particularly as the Negritos were expected soon to become extinct.
Pater AV. Schmidt, who in his work on the Pygmies had raised an
appeal in support of this line of research, eventually took an active
part in the matter of organizing an expedition himself, as his previous
appeal had led to no response. AAhth the a.ssistance of several
sympathizers in London, facilities were arranged and after the present
Pope, Pius XI, had generously financed the undertaking, it became
possible to carry out this plan.

Towards the end of 192.3 Messrs. C. 0. Blagden and AA^. AAh Skeat
gave me an insight into the problems affecting re.search among the
tribes of the interior and some instruction in the Malay language,
for which, now that the undertaking has succeeded, I must express
my hearty thanks. In the same sjiirit of grateful remembrance
I must mention the French Catholic Alission, which offered me its
hospitality whenever I returned to the coast from my tours in the
primeval forests, likewise Air. J. R. Evans, then stationed at the
Aluseum in Kuala Lumpur, whose good advice on many matters
was freely put at my disposal, and above all Captain J. Berkeley,
at that time District Officer at Grik. Kpper Perak, the true friend
and protector of the Semang. who first brought me into actual contact
with them.

My researches extended to the states of Kedah, Perak, Kelantan,

■270

PATER P. SCHEBESTA —

Pahang, and the Xegri Seinbilan. I made a brief stav in the region
of the Semang of Trang and Patalung in Siam, and spent a month in
Sumatra among the Kubii. I devoted twenty months to my ta.sk
of e.xploration. With the exception of the Jakud'n tribes in Johore
and Eastern Pahang, as well as the tribes of Trengganu. I visited all
the principal tribes of the Peninsula, ily attention was particularly
directed to those of the interior, and of course I spent most of my
time in studying the Semang. who have hitlierto been somewhat
of a problem.

The jungle tribes, whom I designate by the general name of Orang
L'tan. belong to three different races or stocks. In their nomenclature
I follow that of Skeat and Blagden. as it is the mo.st widely known
and has been generally adopted by scholars. The Orang Utan them-
selves do not use these names and to some extent repudiate them.
We must distinguish between —

1. Ulotrichi (woolly-haired) or Semang.

2. Kymotrichi (wavy-haired) or Sakai.

3. Lissotrichi (lank-haired) or Jakud'n {alias Jakun).

The origin and meaning of the name Semang are obscure. In any
case the people never style themselves Semang. I only heard them
mention the name on a few occasions, and then it was used to denote
either some wild, legendary beings or else Malays. Reallv it is a
term of abuse. Only once did an old Negrito in talking to me speak
of himself as a Semang and that was to draw a distinction between
himself and the wild, nomad Negritos. He was in fact no longer a
nomad, but had a permanent dwelling-place and was Dlalayized ;
therefore he was a Semang”.

The most probable derivation seems to me to be from the word
senia‘ (with a final glottal stop). This word belongs to the Sabub'n
language and means “ man, native " as opposed to gob, “ Malav.
foreigner". In Malay pronunciation the final n‘ has a nasal sound
so that it approaches " Semang ”. Moreover the Semai also call their
Teniiar neighbours Sem3,‘ " (with a nasal d').

As already mentioned, the Semang have no name for their race
as such ; they use the various current tribal names. The race, in
fact, is divided into tribes, which are not, however, held together
by any external form of organization, but are conscious of being
units by reason of identity of speech, traditions, and tribal area.
The Semang are divided into the following tribes (the wmrd for “ man ”
being prefixed by me to the tribal name) : —

IHE JUNGLE TRIBES OF THE MALAY PENINSULA

271

(1) The Moni‘ Tonga' or Mos, in the Patahing-Trang region of
Siam.

(2) The Meiii' Kensiii, in Xortli-Easterii Kedah and the adjoining
part of Patani.

(3) The !Meni‘ Kenta‘, in Sonthern Kedah and the region of the
Kroh in Perak.

(1) Tile Men'ra' .Jahai, on both banks of the Perak Eiver from
Grik up to its headwaters and those of the Pergau, and down the
latter to the Bala Eiver. a tributary of the Pergau.

(5) The Meii'ra' Meiiri', on the Kelantan and Lebir Eivers in
Kelantan. and also in the region of the Serau in Northern Pahang.

(6, 7, 8) The Batek; Nogn, Kleb, and Temo‘. The first at the
headwaters of the Cheka-Krau, the Kleb in the Eaub district, and
the Tem6‘ in On Bera. in Pahang.

As appears from this classification, there are three groups among
the Semang, each with a different name for “ man ", viz. the
the men‘ra‘, and the batek. The third group, however, may
be neglected, as it is too small and also seems to be closely allied
to the >nen‘ra' group. We must also distinguish between the meni'
group and the )nen‘ra‘ group on linguistic grounds. This distinction,
however, has nothing to do with the formerly common distinction
between Semang and Pangan. This last is merely based on Malay
usage, whereas the other is founded on real differences, particularly
differences of speech.

The word Pangan is often used even now by Malays of the Eastern
half of the Peninsula. It is really a term of abuse, meaning some-
thing like ‘‘wild, omnivorous, and uucircumcized person”. The
Malays of tho.se parts apply it to all Orang Utan, not only to the
Semang. There is really no reason for retaining it as a name for
the Semang of the Eastern half of the Peniusida, and it should be
dropped altogether. From the linguistic point of view ive must
divide the Semang into t\vo groups, the Meni‘ group in the North-
West and the Meii'ra' group in the Centre and South-East. These
groups are again divisible into several dialects which coincide with the
above-mentioned tribal names.

Finally, there is a separate tribe of Semang to be mentioned,
namely the Sabub'n or Lauo'. These live on both sides of the Perak
Eiver, from Grik downwards to Lenggong, and extend along the left
tributaries of the Perak Eiver about halfway up those tributaries.
On the Piah Eiver they have already been recorded by other explorers,

VOL. IV. PART II. IS

272

PATER P. SCHEBESTA —

for exanrple by De Morgan. From the point of view of their physique
and culture they are without a doubt to be classed as Semang, but
in their speech they deviate from all the other Semang, for they
speak a Northern Sakai dialect.

The wavy-haired tribes are termed Sakai. This name is also
used in the Peninsula as a general designation for all the Orang Utan
tribes. Its origin is unknown, but it is also found outside the
Peninsula. 1

The Sakai are divided into two stock.s ; the Semai and the
Ple-Temiar.

The Ple-Temiar on their extreme Xorthern frontier run with the
Semang. It is no wonder, therefore, that some of them appear to
be very mixed ; and they in their turn have also influenced the
Semang. One of the elements in their compo.sition seems to be
Semai, a tribe bordering the Ple-Temiar on the South.

The Ple-Temiar are a double tribe. In Perak they are called
Pie, while on the other side of the mountain-range they are called
Temiar. I was able recently to ascertain from the reports of Vaughan
Stevens preserved at Berlin that these are not identical with the race
which he styles Temiar. His TOniar are the Semai of the region of
Tapah and Slim, whom E. Martin calls Senoi. The Temiar of the
Nenggiri River are, however, identical with Cliflord's Tembo-, for the
Semai on the Serau River call themselves Tenibe‘ to this day.

The southern boundary of the Ple-Temiar runs north of the
Rivers Bertam (Bertak) and Telom (Telob’n), takes a northward
bend to the Nenggiri River up to its tributary the Jindera (Chenero),
and then follows this stream as far as the Norintr

' O

The Semai occupy the regions of the Batang Padang, Slim, Bertam,
Telom, Serau, and the lesser Jelai. In physique they are certainly
the purer representatives of the Sakai race. In language and culture
they are clearly distinguished from the Ple-Temiar, but anthropo-
logically there are indubitably connexions between them. The
Ple-Temiar belong to the Northern Sakai group, the Semai form the
Central Sakai group. The lank-haired or Jakud'n (.lakun) tribes
border immediately upon the Semai and are already to be met with
to the south of the Tembeling River (to the east of the Pahang River)
and on the Krau River (to the west of the Pahang River).

The name Jakud'n also seems to have unpleasant implications

1 In Malay the word also has the general meaning of •• followers, retainers
dependents”.. — C. O. B. ’

THE JUXGLE TRIBES OF THE JIALAY PENINSULA

273

and is not popular amongst the tribes themselves. It is supposed
to mean much the same as Orang Eayat (i.e. .subject peoples).

The Jakud'n are divided into many tribes, among which I may
name the Krau Jakud'n on the Kraii. Mai. and Tekal Rivers, the
Semilai on the Triang. Bera, and Serting. the Xiap in the Eaub district
and on the middle Triang, the Kenaboi in Jelebu, the Temuadn on
the Muar, Palong, and Keratong Rivers. The 8isi and Belanas Mantra
are the tribes that have advanced furthe.st towards the west. The
Mantra in Labu and illalacca reckon them.selves to belong to the
Niap. The Jakud'n of Johore did not come under my own
observation.

The Sisi, Kenaboi, Semilai, and Krau speak languages of their
own, while the Temuadn and the Niap speak an archaic form of
Malay. The Krau and Semilai dialects contain many Semang or
Sakai elements. The Krau dialect in particular is very strongly
impregnated with Semang. There can be no doubt at all that the
Jakud'n of that region have absorbed the Batek amongst iihoni
they had intruded.

In physique, culture, and partly also in speech the Jakud'n are
plainly Malay. They are identical with the Kubu of Sumatra, whom
I examined and studied with an eye to their connexion with the
Jakud'n. I call them Proto-Malays.

As I am only concerned here to give a broad outline of the results
of my investigations, these brief indications must sutlice.

The numbers of the Orang Utan now existing in the Malay
Peninsula can only be given approximately. Attempts have been
made to enumerate the inland tribe.s. but as some of these groups
were scarcely represented in actuallv a<lministered territorv. we cannot
speak of anything like an accurate enumeration. JIv own figures
are based on e.stimates made by myself. As. however. I repeatedly
traversed the juincipal districts and endeavoured even in the trackless
interior of Perak. Kelantan. and Pahaim to jrather information as
to the numbers of the population in the neighbourhood, I believe I am
in a position to give at any rate a fairly close estimate. I did not visit
the extreme east and .south of the .lakud'n region, and therefore
cannot express any confident ojhnion as to the total numbers of the
Jakud'n.

I am best informed as to the Semang, having seen fifty different
Semang camps and made the personal acquaintance of their inmates,
some only in passing, but most of them for a longer period. I estimate

274

PATER P. SCIIEBESTA —

the total numbers of the Scmang at 2,000 persons, distributed as
follou's : —

Tonga*

100

Kensiu

200

Kenta*

130

(Kenta* Bogn .

G4)

Jahai

800

Menri*

400

Xogn. Kleb. and Tenio'

100

Sabub'n

250

These figures are certainly not uiuler-estimates.

The Sakai are much more numerous, although their area is less
than that of the Serna ng.

The Semai probably do not exceed 2,000. On the other hand,
for the Ple-Temiar in the Centre of the Peninsula an estimate of
8,000 would not be too higli. When one looks down from a mountain
top and sees the jungle clearings made for their plantations, one is
tempted to put the figure much higher. But not every clearing
represents a settlement. We must not overlook the fact that each
group of Sakai makes several clearings in the course of a few
years.

The Jakud'n that I am acquainted with fall into —

(1) Krau Jakud’n, say 1,000, and

(2) Semilai. say 2,000,

of whom the majority are to be found in the Tasek region. However,
I believe that the Jakud'n total exceeds 10,000.

The question, whether any diminution can be observed in the
numbers of the wild tribes, must be answered differently for their
several groups.

The numbers of the Ple-Temiar and Jakud'n, and probably also
the Semai, are stationary.

Amongst the Semang a diminution of the population is obviously
taking place. One constantly hears them .say that they were formerly
more numerous and that epidemics have made havoc amongst them.
The mmiber of children in the family is normal ; many families with
three, four, or more surviving children are to be fomid ; and, allowing
for the fact that infant mortality is high, one may fairly say that the
family is in a .sound state.

I must refrain from a detailed description of the physical
characteristics of the three races, because the materials I have brought

THE JUNGLE TRIBES OF THE MALAY PENINSULA 275

back (viz. some 200 measurements and portions of three skeletons)
have not yet been worked out. The Semang are rightly reckoned
among the pygmy races. Although their height slightly exceeds
150 centimetres, the majority of the adults do not reach this standard.
A few taller individuals considerably raise the average.

A striking Semang characteristic is the length of the trunk of the
body and the length of the arms. Some individuals resemble African
pygmies in their facial expression. The nose is alwavs broad and
often has a deeply depressed root. The eyes are round and widely
opened, and the iris generally has a reddish coloration. A steep
forehead is the normal thing ; I have seldom seen them with receding
foreheads. The face i-s round. Prognathism, when present, is
moderate.

The skin colour is darker than that of any of the other races of the
Peninsula, but never becomes coal black as it does among the Sudan
Negroes. As a rule it is a dark brown.

Two types of hair can be distinguished among the Semang. Some
have it curling in a mop and woolly, others have it irregularly curled
in spirals. The former type reminds one of Africans, the latter
of Papuans.

Mutilation of the body does not occur, e.xcept for the piercing
of the ear-lobes of women and the filing of the teeth among some of
the tribes, such as the Kenta' and Kensiu. I am inclined to think
that both practices have been borrowed from other races. Among
some groups of the IMenri' I observed body painting, but this habit has
been borrowed from the Pie.

The Sakai are generally reckoned among the ])ygmoid races. In
my opinion they have no pygmy characteristics whatever, so that
the expression pygmoid is unjustifiable, ludess indeed we like to apply
it to the border groups of the Ple-Temiar and to certain of the Jakud'n
groups. The pure Sakai are slight in build, and therefore look slender
without being really tall. Nevertheless thev considerably exceed
the Semang in stature.

The cheekbones are very prominent, the chin is decidedly pointed.
I have observed in many individuals a tendency to the Mongoloid
fold, the upper eyelid descending sharply at the inner corner.

The beard is often well developed, particularly on the chin, whereas
among the Semang it is almost entirely absent. The head-hair of
the Sakai is wavy. Their skin colour is fair, even fairer than the
Malay.

276

PATER P. SCHEBESTA

When I first saw the Pie near the Piah River (wlio were Sakai of
the purer type) I was involuntarily reminded of Polynesian types.

The Sakai all perforate the septum of the nose, and the women
also pierce their ear-lobes. The Temiar also practise tattooing, but
not universally ; body-painting, on the other hand, is t[uite the rule.

The Jakud'n and Kubu tribes agree in physicpie with the Malays,
except that thev look slighter. Mixture with Semang blood is
exddenced in certain parts of the Jakud'n region by a darker coloration
of the skin and by wavy hair. The latter characteristic also often
indicates a Sakai admixture.

From the cultural point of view these races also fall into three
distinct groups, which can be properly said to represent three stages
of development, though it mii.st not be assumed that any one of them
is based upon another.

The Semang inhabit the trackless interior : they occupy the
hill country, but are never found on the mountains. They generally
keep to the neighbourhood of small, clear streams, and wander at a
certain distance around Malay villages (in some parts also. e.g. in
Pahang, around .Sakai .settlements). They live in a kind of symbiosis
with such villages and settlements, for in my opinion they are unable
to subsist solely on the roots they find in the jungle.

They are definitely nomadic, this habit of theirs being based
on their inability to engage in any form of agriculture. The .Semang
have never reached tlie stone age. There is no evidence that would
justify us in maintaining that they ever knew the use of stone
implements. Iron was introduced among them at a relativelv very
late period. Being without stone or iron implements, thev were
never in a position to make clearings in the forest ; and that is the
fundamental reason for their nomadic mode of life.

The Semang never emerged from the bamboo age. All their
implements were, and still are, of bamboo ; even the bows, which are
nowadays made of wood, seem to have been formerly made of bamboo.

One consequence of their desultory wandering life is that the
Semang only set up temporary windscreens, although it would
certainly have been in their power to make more comfortable huts.
Closely connected therewith is the fact that they can keep no sort
of cattle, even if they had ever reached the pastoral stage. Their
only domestic animal is the dog, and even that seems to have been
derived from the Sakai. Their nomadic habits also explain their
family system. They cannot remain together in large groups, because

THE JUNGLE TRIBES OF THE MALAY PENINSULA

277

the jungle does not afford sufficient sustenance for such larger
agglomerations ; so they have to split up. and consequently wander
about in small parties consisting of a fcM' families, mostly such as are
closely related to one another.

As regards their religion. I must mention their decided belief
in a supreme being, called Ta Ped’n or Karei. who in certain circum-
stances must be propitiated by an offering of blood. The peccant
Semang cuts his shin and throws the blood, mixed with water, towards
the sky. They do not, however, jiray to the deity.

The Semang believe in a kind of spirits called Cenoi (Chenoi).
small, .shining beings, who are servants of the deity and friends of
man. But these are in no way connected with the Malay Jtnntu
(spirits and ghosts, etc.).

The Hala‘ or priestly medicine-man is the intermediary between
the deity and man and is also a physician.

Belief in a future life is universal.

Polygamy is allowed, and occasionally occurs, but monogamy is
the normal practice. Marriages are often dissolved while the parties
are still young, but as soon as there are any children the jiarents
keep together.

The Sakai culture differs in many respects from the Semang.
The Sakai prefer the high ground in the mountain ranges, and owing
to their plantations of roots, Italian millet, and rice, they are
independent of the Malays. As domestic animals they keep dogs
and fowls.

They hunt the smaller animals, as do also the Semang, but unlike
the S«nang the Sakai are skilful trajipers. The Sakai weapon is the
bloM’pipe (or blowgun).

The Sakai, and particularly the Ple-Temiar, have communal
houses and display the beginnings of social organization. Polygamy
and even a special kind of polyandry occur and are allowed among
the Ple-Temiar.

The deity of the Ple-Temiar is a female named Ya Pudeu, Granny
Pudeu. The belief in Karei. the god of thunder, exists, but only
in a decayed form. The belief in a future life is definite, and among
the Ple-Temiar includes a belief in resurrection and requital for deeds
done, which is unknoMm among the Semang. Magic also plays a
considerable part, whereas among the Semang it is almost absent.

A few words must be devoted to the Jakud'n. I regard them as
Proto-Malays. They are identical with the Kubu of Sumatra. The

278

THE JUNGLE TRIBES OF THE MALAY PENINSULA

Jakud'n prefer to make their settlements by the side of rivers.
Plantations of roots and rice are quite general. The domestic
animals are dogs and fowls. The goat is not universally found.

The Jakud'n huts are built on posts, and when occui)ied by several
families thev are divided by partition walls into several compartments.
The Kubu weapon is the spear. In a good many {daces the blowpipe
is unknown.

It is important to note that there is a definite social organization,
with headmen bearing the titles of Batin, Mentri. and Jukra.

Monogamy is the usual {iractice, but {)olygamy is allowed and
occasionally occurs.

The {irevailing religious belief is in nature. s{)irits, and magic.

From the linguistic [xiint of view, the classification worked out
bv Pater Schmidt and ('. O. Blagden remains in essentials unchanged : —

1. The Semang fall into a Meni' group and a Men'ra* group.

2. The Sakai are divisible into

(a) Northern Sakai, including the Sabub'n Semang and the
Ple-Temiar, and

(h) Central Sakai, i.e. the Semai.

3. The sections styled by Blagden Southern and Eastern Sakai
will, in my opinion, turn out to be Jakud'n dialects which approximate,
through admixture, either to the Semang lMen‘ra‘ group or to one
or both of the Sakai groups (Northern and Central).

Besides these, there are Jakud'n groups which speak archaic
Mala}’, just like the Kubu of Sumatra.

As, however, I have not yet had enough leisure to work out and
compare my linguistic materials, this is not intended to be a definitive
decision as to the linguistic classification.

NOTES ON SOME SANSKRIT MANUSCRIPTS ON ALAMKARA
IN THE MADRAS GOVERNMENT ORIENTAL MSS. LIBRARY

By Sr^niL Kvmar De. 3I.A., D.Lit.

TArRIXG tlie Third i^essiod of the Oriental Conference hcdd in
Madras (Dccemher, 1924) I had the opportunity of examining
cursorily some newly acrpiired mamiscripts on Sanskrit Alamkara-
sastra in the Government Oriental Manuscripts library. I propose
in this paper to note liriefly certain pieces of information which I have
been able to gatlier from them, as it was too late to incorporate them
in the second volume of my Sanskrit Forties (to which I refer below
as Sr.). Jlost of these MSS. were originally found on the Malabar
Coast, and the copies in the Library are transcrijds in Devanagari
character.

1. UiUihalalanikara-vivrti by some unknown author, in the form
of brief notes on the verses and illustrations of Udbhata s work.
After Pratlharenduraja’s elaborate commentary, its value as an
exegetical work is diminished ; but it is interesting as throwing some
light on a doubtful point. In the te.xt of Udbhata as printed by the
Nirnaya 8agar Press (Bombay. 1915). the illustrative verses are
incorporated in the viiti of Pratlharenduraja. Colonel Jacob's edition
of the text in JR AS., 1897, pp. 830 f., however, prints both the
karikd-veises and the illustrative stanzas as constituting the text
of Udbhata's work. The question, therefore, arises whether the
illustrative verses are Udbhata's or not. In the present commentary
the illustrative verses are given and commented upon along with the
karikds : and they are the same as those incorporated in the irtti
of Pratlharenduraja by the Xirnaya 8agar editors, although no
indication is given here of the possibility of their being taken from
that source. This fact would raise the presumption (which should be
confirmed by other available commentaries on Udbhata) that Colonel
Jacob's procedure is correct, and that the illustrative verses are most
pirobably Udbhata's. This is also apx>arently indicated by Pratlharen-
duraja himself, when he says (jr. 15) that Udbhata drew his illustra-
tions in the particular case from a part of his own poem entitled

280

S. KUMAR DE —

Kunidra-sambhava. One woukl suspect from this that all the illustra-
tions in a luislubh -metre ^ are drawn from the same source.

2. Dasa-rdjxt-i'tjdkhifd by Bhafta Xrsinaha (Oppert, 2015, SP.,
i, p. 135). The title is misleading, for, as it .says, it is really a hifihn-tlkd
on Dhanika's vi/ukJijid on Duki-rd puka :

dosarupasija t/d vi/dkhi/d Dhanikeiia samdhild |
taspa Bhatta-N rshnhpna Jaghu-ilkd vidhlgitlr I j
This verse (No. 2) at the befrinning of the MS. is interesting as
mentioning Dhanika as the author of the commentary on Daki-ruixika,
and would support the contention of those who refuse to identify
Dhanika with Dhanahjaya (see SP.. i. pp. 132-4). The author of this
commentary does not a[)pear to be old. ami therefore his testimony
must be taken with due caution ; but the tradition thus recorded by
him is not without some value.

3. Camatkdra-candrikd lay Visvesvara Kavicandra (SP.. i, p. 213,
fn. 1). This is really a work on Alanikara. divided into eight chapters
dealing respectively with : (1) vanja-jMida. (ii) vdki/a. (iii--iv) urtha. puna.
and dosa. (v) rasa, (vi) hbddlanikdra. (vii) arthnhtmkdra. (viii) general
topics (incomplete). It thus follows the arrangement of the India
Office MS. of the same work (Eggeling, Catalogue, vii, pp. 1 507-8) •
It is composed after the panegyrical manner of Vidyanatha's Pratd-
parudr'ga. and all the illustrative verses celebrate Harvajha 18inga-
bhupala, whose Rasdrnai'o is freely quoted. In the fifth A'ilasa, mention
is made of the author's preceptor. Kasisvara Mi.sra. whose work Bnsa-
mlntdinsd is quoted (tathd coklam asinaducdrgaih Kaslscara-misrai
Rasa-mlmd?nsdgdm).

4. Sdhitga-cfiddmaiii Kdvga-prakdsu-vgdkhgd by Lauhitya Bhatta
Gopala (seeSP.. i, p. 186). Xo fre.ffi information can be gathered about
the author and his suppo.sed identity with Bhatta Gopala, author of the
commentary Rasika-radjunl on Rasa-mad jarl. The work, though
brief, is one of the best-informed commentaries on the much com-
mented text, and the author show.s himself conversant with the
literature on the subject. In one passage (on ch. v, p. 214, in the

1 There are some verses in arya wliicli are quoted from Rudrata by Pratiharendu-
raja by way of illustration ; these could not have been given by Udbhata, For
instance, the illustrative verse lajjala-hima-knnaka'^ , at p. 43, is quoted from Rudrata,
vii, 3(i, while the verse immediately preceding (cited with a fad ukfam, p. 42) is not a
k-dnk-u-verse of Udbhata’s as printed, but quoted in the commentary from Rudrata,
vii, 3o. Rudrata is also quoted by Pratiharenduraja without being actuallv named
at pp. 11 ( = R , viii, 40), 31 ( = R , viii, 89), 34(= R , viii, 94), 49 (=R., xii, 4), There
are quotations by Pratiharenduraja from other sources also, e.g. from Megha-diita
at p. 18,

SANSKRIT MANUSCRIPTS ON ALAMKARA

281

Library co})y) he refers unmistakably to the views of the Yakrokti-
jTvita-kiira regarding the three mar<jns : htvi-ruclnnm hhinna-
svah}mvand{m anc)t;avi(lha-})uhmndm madhije vaidnrbhijadi-vi/aiireJicna
sukumdra - dim - madhijamn - litkmnu - mdrga -frciijn - ynyilaijd iri-mdrgd
sarasvatl. He refers to a work of his own called Parimala. He quotes
a verse from Anandavardhana's lost Visama-bdna-llld, which verse,
however, is quoted by Ananda himself in his viiti on the Dhvangdioka
at p. 2-11.

5. Sdhitga-dlpikd, commentary on Kdvga-prakdsa , by Bhaskara
Misra. It is a brief commentary in the form of notes on difficult
words and passages, and does not seem to possess any great value,
having been utilized by numerous later commentators on Mammata_
The Avork cites (on ch. x) Alagikdra-sarvasm and one Hari (on slesa,
loc. cit.). There is no other definite clue to its date, and no information
regarding its author (see 8P.. i, p. 171).

G. Kdvga-lo.kmita-sahigraha by i^rlnivasa. This appears to be
the same work as Kdcga-sagigmku mentioned in SP., i, p. 319. It
cites the following, among other works and authors on Poetics :
Kdvga-pnikdsa. Dasa-rupaka. Bhoja. Sdhitga-cuddmatii (some verses
refer to and celebrate Vema-bhupala. apparently Peda-komati
Yema-bhupala, alias Vira-narayana, to whom the Sdliitga-cuddmagi
is dedicated/ these being apparently citations from the latter work),
Yidyanatha and his Pratdparudrlga. Ramrnava. and &riujdm-tilaka.
It must be a very late work, inasmuch as it quotes the verse jmksa-
dva>ja-krasima-ix)m° from Appayya's Vrtti-vdrltika (actually naming the
work), p. 2. ed. Kavyamala 36, 1910 ; i.e. the Avork must be placed
later than the beginning of the se\'enteenth centurA'.

7. Snigdra-prakdki by Bhoja, in thirty-six chapters. An account
of the AA'ork is already gHen in SP.. i. pp. 147-3, and also in the Report
of the Peripatetic Party of the Madras Library, 1916-17, 1918-19,
Avhere a list is giA'en of the important Avorks and authors, many of Avhich
are iioav lost or forgotten, quoted in this encyclopaedic Avork. A cursory
examination rcA'eals the folloAving names : Antarn-rdma-cnrita (a
" philosophical " poem). ChaJita-rdma, Tdjxisa-vatsa-rdja-carita,
Vikrdnta-sdd raka, Sudraka-kathu (of Pancasikha), Jdnakj-harana (of
Kumdraddsa).Dhurta-vita (of IsA'aradatta),- ilaijura-mdrjdlikd, Kutlini-
mata (of Damodaragupta),® Anaiigavatl, Matsga-hasitd, Lildvatl

’ See SP., i, p. 314.

^ Publ. in Daknna-bknrati Series.

^ Publ. in Kavya-nidla,

282

S. KUMAR DE —

Indumnfu Citra-lekhu.VdsavadaftH-campu.Haijagni-a-vadhn (of ^Ientha)>
Abdhi-ntathina (of Caturmuklia). Bhunn-kuhjn. Rati-vdnsa. Brndnrnnn-
kdrja, Yadu-vamsa, Dillpa-iainsa, Mdnca-vcuUia (Prakrit kdi'ga),
Krsnn-carita, Usd-haram, Hara-vijuga (of Sarvasena). Rdvana-vijaga,
Kuvcdagd-iva-carita, Rdi'aguhkgudngii (probablv- the same as Rdvam-
vadha or Setu-bnndha). Klmka-vndhrt (of Xitivarman). Lnksm'i-sirigagi-
vara,^ Suhhadrd-harnnn. Rdmkddka (an aiika). Mdlatikd (prahasana),
Pragognhhgudaga (prakaraga). Yagdti-caritu, Pdrtkn-vijaga (drama by
Trilocana), Devl-randragupla (drama), Abhisdrikd-mdcitnkn (drama,
of Yisakhadeva), Krtgd-rdvana. Bvapna-vdsnradnttn (drama, now
attributed to Bhasa), Rdmdbhgudagd (of Yasovarman), Rdghivannnda,
]\lukn{n-1ddtlaka (of Bana), Kappdnubhgndaga (of Sivasvamin),^
Kddtunbarl-sdra (of Abhinanda), Ildriscandra-cdritd. Mdddbiso-
pdkltgdttci. Ddyumafi {kdi.-ga), Trddokgd-nunddrl (of Rudrata),
Brhat-kathd (in Sanskrit), Kunda-vtdld,^ Sdlim-srnnvddd, Adtakdrni-
harana, Sdkhd-viklkkopdkhgdna, Mddhavl, Avimdrnkn (drama) and
Dcisnnidhdna-kdvga (of Dandin). Govinda. Barcu. and Candrasekliara
are cited as poets. Two stanzas are quoted from the ('dura-]xidcdsikd,
now attributed to Bilhana, who was Biioja's contemporary. Apart
from its value, as a lar«e, if somewhat uncritical, compilation on rasa
(especially sn'igdrn). this work is important a.s constituting an nidhologg,
which quotes thousands of verses from the whole ransje of Sanskrit
literature known to its author, and which jireserves for us the names
of many otherwise unrecorded works and authors. As such, it deserves
publication, although its unwieldy dimensions would neces.sitate
large expenditure on printing alone. Some enterprising scholars in
Madras have undertaken the editing of some of its chapters on srggdrn.

8. Bhdca-prakdsn by Baradalanaya. of which a description is
given in SP., i. pp. 241-2, is a much shorter work, in easy stanzas,
on the same lines as Bhoja's elaborate treatise, which it T>artially
summarizes. Besides regular ndtakas like Rdmdnnnda, Sltdpnhnraga,
Krtgd-rdvana, Turafigaddttd, Sugrlva-keld.ia, Gadgd-bhaglratJtd, and
Gaurl-grhn, it quotes Dcvl-jxiriaaga (9 acts), Mdrlra-vadcita (8 acts),
Stambhitd-rambhaka (7 acts), Naki-vikromd (8 acts), and Madakkhd
(8 acts). Of pmhasdna, mention is made of Saabhadrika, Bdgnra-
kaumndl. and Kali-keh, of dimci, Tripiira-ddha, Vritoddharana, and

^ See Seshasiri Sastri’s Report, i. p. 5.

^ Sec Seshagiri Sastn’s Report, ii, pp. 49-50,
^ Publ. in Daksina-bhdrati Series.

Sanskrit manuscripts on alamkara

283

TarakoddJiaronn. It quotes an unknown Sdrwld-candiilxi of Bana,
and. the Sra]jn(i-rdsacudatt(i of tlie so-called Bhasad

9. Rasdniara by Prakasavarsa. It is in five pnriuhedas, the
first four of which deal with (/uiin and di pt, and the last with ntsa. This
\York also shows the influence of the above work of Bhoja. It is a
comparativelv recent composition, and Prakasavarsa cannot be
identical with the Prakasavarsa known to ns as the preceptor of
Vallabhadeva, the famous scholiast on the standard classical kdci/as
(see SP.. i, p. 97).

10. Rasn-hdpndriinM by Jajtannatha. son of .\nanda Misra.
The author biflongs to the Vaisnava Saiiipradaya. Besides standard
texts on Poetics like the Kdi'ijn-pnihlsa and Sdkiti/a-dai-jjaiia, the
author cpiotes very extensively from erotic m.s«-writers, from

tihika downwards. He gives long passages in cxti’n.fo from standard
works on erotics like Rnti-rahnsija, Panrn-sdi/ala, Anaiign-rahga, and
S'tnarn-dipikd. It is a huge work, chie.fly in the nature of an elaborate
compilation on the rasas, after the manner of Bhoja’s Sriigdta-
prakdsa ; but the author digres.ses largely into erotics and kindred
topics, dealing incidentally with dramaturgy and some fine arts. It
quotes Jayadeva and Veiikatadesika (a.d. 1208-1369 ; the verse
nih.ksam ambara-tahtin yadi patrihd sydt from Pddukd-sahasra, ed.
N.S.P., hi, 2) ; but it also cites some very late authors, and cannot
therefore be earlier than the seventeenth century.

University of Dacca.
lOfA February^ 1925.

^ Mr. C. Rama Pipharoti. Mliose article on Srapua'i.d’'ff(vadaf(a and Bhava-prakd^a
is published in ii.s’O.s' , intends publishing an edition of this work under the editorship
of the present writer.

JAXAKIHARANA XVI
By Lionel D. Barnett

rpHE School of Oriental Studies has recently acquired a manuscript
containing the complete text of the JanakViaxina — twenty
cantos in all — and from it I publish the following sarga. As only
cantos 1-15 haye hitherto been edited, the contribution here presented
should be of some interest, altliough the lack of other makes it

impossible to produce a definitive critical text.

The MS. is written on paliudea\ es. about 11 in. long and 11 in.
wide, in old Malayaiam character ; it may be of the si.xteenth century,
and possibly is even older. The colophon bears no date, but gives the
name of Garttavana Sankara as the owner, A certain number of
mistakes and omissions are to be found in the MS., some of them
perhaps due to the scribe and others certaiidy due to a faulty archetype.
Some of the scribe's errors suggest that the original copied by him,
or, at least, a parent or ance.stor of it. was in Sinhalese script. The
spelling is of the kind common in southern MSS. ; I and I are often
confused, final m is assimilated to following initial consonants of the
palatal and dental .series, consonants are usually doubled after r, and
final s is assimilated to an initial sibilant and is often omitted before
initial sibilant and consonant (cf. Whitney ,2 § ITilu) ; in my text I
have retained all these peculiarities, however inconsistent, with the
exception of the last. The division of the verses is marked by a dot ;
I have substituted for this the double damja, and inserted in the
middle of each verse a single dnnda.

The metres of canto xvi are puspitdgrd (1-78), manddkrdnta
(79-81, 83), and sdrdidavikrldilu (82). The themes are a description
of sunset, the nocturnal revels of the Eaksasas, and the dawn of the
day of battle.

Atha divasavidheyam indrasatror nnirac asitarn pratiharato viditva ]
anumatim adhigamya tasva bhanur ggirim aparantamaharnnavastham
iyel,[l.]

arunadrdhakaravakrstarasmdvranam iva kandharabhugnacarughonah |
divasakarahaya girindrabhitter jjaghanapatadrathanemayo
’vateruh jj [2.]

286

LIONEL D. BARNETT —

sarabhasanipatadghananilhakarabhramarakulair amilij)yamaiianirirtrih j
apasaranavidhau s;amlhamanali paya'^i bliayad iva raajiati sma
blianub j [3.]

ariinitam atha pandbyaya mubfirttain tadaiui tamobliir upatta-
kosarandhram |

kuniiidani aligano dadarsa durad amnapitetaravarijabhisanikl [4.]
sarasijamanivedikasu bbiiinapracurataramgakanavalclriinapate |
upavanaparasTniban dinante hatam iva sTtaravena safirukoca [b.]
dnitam apasarataiti bhaniir astam sarasindiesu dakirggala'i ])ataiiti |
bliramarakiilam iti bruvanii ivalib kvanitakajain vicacara
dlrggbikayani I [6.]

sati divasaparikpayasya yogc nipatitasadvayasas tainobliibbritfib |
vinamitacalamastaka babbfivus sanuipagata jaraseva vrksa-
gulmab !' [7.]

vigalitavati tigmaidiasi sandbyaparigatalobitatarakan nabbas tat |
tridasasarasatavranavaklrnnani brdayam anuvrajati sma
ravatiasya [I [8.]

divasakarabbayad ivavalliio jaladbijalaiitaritas tiisararasmib |
ravir atba calito na veti boddbuii nabbasi karan iva caravamba-
bbuva II [9.]

prathamagamitam andhakaribliavam ])unar atij)inigalatarakain
vidbaya |

bbiivanam atba kalatinaiia samasvains trinayanarupam alanibbavat
pradosab |j [10.]

divasavigamalaiiibitasya bbanor avanatir lumatir indumandalasya |
avikalavapasas saiiiaiiakalaii nabbasi tulaiii adbirudbavor
ivastani j| [11.]

gbrnibbir adbipurain puras suvelaksitidliaramastakajarjjaraih
patadbbih |

pramadam adbamaiio nitaiubiuliiam abbinavanirjibarasainkava vi-
tanvan |j [12.]

djmtibbir avajito nisacarlnam abam atula.sya no kevalain mnkba.sya |
ayani api barino jitab kataksair iti jagatiim iva darsavan
mrgamkab Ij [13.]

manasi manaBijam manasvinlnarn aviralam unnamayaii nijeiia
dbainna |

dvipadasanarucih padain kalanaiu udayagirer udiyaya dikpra-
dipab II [14.]

3; MS. .nipatat: 4; MS. -sitetamri-. 10: awlhnlnri- contains a pun on
andhakdri (i.e. andhaka-ari). 12 : MS. patathhih.

JAXAKIHARANA XVI

287

acirasaimiclitaya liaragaurair liimasisirair auugrliuate, karaiighaih |
udakalavaparamparabliir argghyam sasimaiiitoranam indave
tataiin [ [15.]

udayam arunima jiaritvajantani pravisrjati sina sasamkam

acchabinibani |

casakani amalam indradinniukbena spliatikamayam madliuniva
plyamane [ [10.]

&tham iva dayitan disah pradosam inubiir adbigamya ruseva
bhlmiavarnnah |

sthitam upari payodhara.sya sandhyavilasitakumkumamandanam
inamarijiih ji [17.]

ksipati disi payodharan iiisaiite raliayati kin tiinirottarlyam asa |
iti racitaviparyyayasya saksl spliutam iva kaumudam atalana
hasain jj [18.]

parablirtarucitamasain himainsor udayagirer uditasya niandalena j

. . . te nibitan nu sainLrtan nu ] [19.]
iha harinaka|ainkakautile<ais saha patita nirgalaksanasya kantih |
alibhir avanatair nnv athaiva vapTkumudavanair iti samkitan
janesu j; [20.]

gagana.sarasi caudrarupyakuniblie nikara ivatigkanas tamali-
prabarak I! [21.]

surakarina ivahatab karena pravitataaantamasainbnrasir indob |
anupahatagatir ddigantavelavalayavanani vilaingbayau pra-
tastbe I; [22.]

priyavirabasamagamasrayai.iain niukbakanialani nisa nitainbininaiu |
uditavati sasanikacandrabinibadyutibbir ivcxlupatav alancakara [23.]
patbikayuvatidrstayo 'nujagnms saraaijaragamanisriyain rucaiva |
sasini saniudite sasandvaknntani kiranavrtain knyay:lj)i dar-
sayantyah j; [24.]

apibitasalilena nispradesain knmudavanena kiiniudvatl vireje ]
ghananipatitabbringacitrabbasa nirgaripucarniniakrtavakuntbane-
va I [25.]

nisi payasi padani kurvvatlau grabanikarapratimasu mallikaksah |
itaram api jalasayan nikujan samupasasara kiimudvatiti hrstab |j [20.]

16: MS. madkunUja. 18: MS. hlsiln-, the emendation ia rather uncertain
19 : the lacuna of 16 syllables is marked in the MS. by a blank space, an inch long.
20: MS. nnyddha vapikumuila-. 21: the gap of two pfidus is not marked in
the MS., and it is not clear whether they belong to the beginning or to the end
of the verse. 23: MS. -bimhandyutibhir. 2A : MS. kiranai'rafaiii knydyapi
darsayantyah. 2.5 : MS. -kunihaneca.

VOL. IV. P.^IRT II.

288

LTOXEL D. BARNETT

iti tuhinarucau vikirnnadliamni pracnratamobhidurasvarasmijale |
manasi makaraketanasya yfuiani vilasitam atmani vikriya
viv'avruh !' [27.]

svavam api viracayya patjabliaktiin vadanabimadyutilaksanani
kaya cit |

ciravati hrdayesvare ramanya nayanajalena phalacyiitanirase || [28.]
na bbavati dayitasya .=annikarse phalarahito virabe kiin a.sya ragaili |
iti manasi nidbaya yavakena vyaracayad anyatarii na danta-
vasah jj [29.]

itarayuvatipadaghatacihnani sarasasamarppitayav'akani padam yat |
urasi na dayitasya tad viveda spbutamanikundalaragaruddham
anya ] [30.]

priyavacanavidhayinT na bharttus caladajakacyutacurnnale.sam
aksnob |

madanasamucitamgasanigidrster vvyapanayati sma mukbanilena
ka cit ii [31.]

STirapatiripavah ])riya nirasya sravanasarornbanirvvrte ’pi dipe |
ratisu dadrsur eva kanciratnadyutiparibbinnatamisram uru
mulam ]l [32.]

vivasanavibitopagfdiananatn gbanajaglianastannkunibliakuinkumesu |
api parigalitesu kamininan na vigalitani tanudarasrayani || [33.]
caranatalasaroruhena yat tvani pralirtavatl sirasi priyiltikope |
sa kila paramanigrabab prasade brdi racite tava kidrso nn
labbab ij [34.]

adbaraputam idam madarttaramarabbasasamarpjiitadantakbanditan

te I

ayi satba parisantaye rujaya nayanajalena nisificati prasaktani |1 [.35.]
karakisalayagopitam mnkham svam kim iha vidbaya vadasy alam
mamagre |

tirayati dasanaksatam priyaya vayam uta gaiiravabhajanara kim
evam ] [36.]

iti vacasi rusa pariskhalantyah pranayisu raksasayosito vipaksaib |
parimalitavisarjjitesii ruksan najmnajalagrathitain vaco vitenuh Ij [37.]
api tava dayite samipabbaji svasitarayaglapitadbarasya kantih ]
carananipatite nipatitas te na ca karunaparipanthikab kataksah ij [38.]
stanatatanihitab karo ’vadhiitah parigadite samadbisritan ca
maunam ]

vibasitam api santvane sarosam pranayijane yuvater avam hi
dandah [| [39.]

29: MS. anyataranna. 30: MS. -pala-, -yavahapadam. 34; MS. yattva,

prahrtavali.

JANAKIHaRANA XVI

289

sakhi jahihi rusam hinasti pascat tava taralani hrdayani puranu-
tapah I

iti nipiinasakhJbhir anirase manasi nisiicarayosito 'hhimaiial.i | [-40.]
yadi ciravati duti vallablio me bhr«ini ajani tvayi kini ruso ‘vakasah |
nijam atirabbasam yato vidasya k^tibbir imain saniayuyiijas tvani
ostbam j [41.]

madbiikusumavilepanadibbavagrabanavidarsitasaubi'dayvavrttya |
ayani api ca saklii svayam pratastbe priyaparibbogasukbasya
sainvibbagab |j [42.]

dasanapadam atispbiitani vibbiiti F;[)lmrati tanusiamavarisiktam
asyani |

avitatbani abbidbat.sva kamini tvain kidilagatir iinanu dr.stavan
bbujaingah S| [43.]

adbaramanim asaa vyakbandayat te s[)r3ati sanair iipacuinbito na
dosam |

amabad api krtaiu pra{)adya kaittur dvigiinatarain vidadbati yas sa
sadbuh [ [14.]

avitatbam idam atinanirvvise.sa saklii Idiavasiti vacab piira yad
uktaiu I

abbidayitam aiiustliitarL tvayii bi yatnato vidbeyain j; [45.]

iti racitamsas fc.abasagarvvani srainajalabinducitam mukbatn
dadbatyab [

sravanakatu uisacarasya vadbvas calitadbrter uj)aduti vag
iajrinbbe i, [4(1.]

svasitabatarucir vvaradbarostbab karatalasa inkrainita s ca
patralekbab |

uijagadatur iipagate cirei.ia pranayini raksasayositab praciiitam ;] [47.]
vipbalaparikara vidbaya dfitis tadami .sametya ca prstbato nillnaib ]
yiivatinigaditain sanisagarvvaiii paribrsitair iipasusruve tadl-
saib 1 [48.]

ksatir iyam adbarasya yat sura.su srutasabakararasrdiita tad astu |
atarajabrdayasya gandabinibe tava kataro ’dya nakbaksatasya
hetuh I; [49.]

yuvatinayanacunibitesu paksinapraviracita patirrafijanasya rasih |
tava capala nirupitatisuksma bakidaplialaruuarocir uttarostbe j| [50.]

43 : MS. tva. 45 : after hi the MS. marks the lacuna by a short blank space,
and then reads sva yatnato vidheyam ; but, as the metre shows, sva is either a mistake
or is out of its proper place. oO : MS. pasma- ; the fern, gender of rCi^i should be
noted (B. R. say : “ dis f. ohne Beleg '')

290

tiOXEL D. BARNETT

yuvatimukViagatena locanena sphutiim api me iia srnosi jalpitani j
mukhamadhura bhujainga vena satyain kutilagate nayanasravo 'pi
jatali p [51.1

iti manasijacancalain ynvanain rajanicarapramada nirupayanti |
aniinisanayana sabasagarvvain pranayaru.sa catiirain vaco
babliase ; [52.]

svatanuvitaranena tain vilobbya dvipam iva vaiiyam ibopanetu-
kama |

sakbi gaiaganikeva cestitasi spbiirati bi .sajjana . . sadhukrtye || [53.]
akarunam adhigamya tarn madarttbe visasanam evani asabyain
asthitayah |

kitam idam adharasya kevalan te mama brdayasya sakbi vyatba tu
tlvra [ [54.]

iti sakbibasita krtavya]Ikam arunitalocanavaktraeaiidrabiinba |
siiraripuvanitapadisya diltlm akrta girab parusa rusa paritidi ji [55.]
sarasiiamanikuntajopayuktam madlmvapnr anigaiamantbara
yuvatyab |

katbam iva paiinissrtas tadlyo rasa iti miigdhataya visain-
kamanah [ [56.]

vniacitapatucarurammyabbavain pramadarasain ratimfdam adarena |
madhu nibitasarojam amganas svair mmiikbacasakair ddayitan
nipayayarite [ [57.]

madhu vinamitasatakiimbhakiimbbasmtam akbilananasaktabema-
suktih I

sapadi dasamukhab piban vijigye salilanidbin dasadiimadlb piban-
tam ij [58.]

casakamadhunibimbitampriyaya nayanam aveksya sarojasainkayalih |
adbimadbu nipajiata gandbalobbad visayasukbapravane katbarn
vivekab [ [59.]

mukulayati sitetarani sarojain sasini samagrakalaspade tadiyab |

asitakuvalayadjmtim kuramgapratinidhir atra tatfma sldbupktre i' [60.]
abhinavara^dbimbavahinibhir ddyutibbir abhinnataya manobarabbih |
sarasijamanisuktisu pranastain yuvatijanair mmadbu gauraveiia
jajfie ,, [61.]

hrdayavadanalocanesu tasbm madhu madagandhavapussrivan
ninaya |

sramasablakanacchalena subhrani babir abhavac cbarapbnduganda-
bimbat [ [62.] • • & • ■

lacuna of two syllables is not marked in the M.S

JAXAKIHARAXA XVI

291

dasabhir abhimiikhais «i!gandbi brdyam madhu vadanair upanltani
arngananam |

bahuvadanaphalan nipiva leblie suraripur etad aho durapam
anyaib || [63.]

priyagunasatajarjjaraiva purvvain madhusu ciram paripitavatsu

lajja !

na yuvatibrdaye padaip vidbatum madanamada.‘^thitisainkate
visebe [ [6-1.]

karakisalavadbunanani imikhaidabkajamanitan nayanarddhamllitam |
aviratakalasltkrtani vadbunain pranayisu nianmathadipanany
abbiivan j| [65.]

apagatavinayani yad astalajjani yad asamayani yad anistam
astadbairyyapi j

yad adayara asaraadhi ragavrddham ratisu bi tat tad abbfid guno na
dosab [ [66.]

upari vibarane vilasimnatn kucakalasodgajitan mdagbaviiri |
manasijam abbisincoti sma yfinani prtbidabbnjantarapltba-
sannivistani ; [67.]

vadanam idani urojakunikuniarddrain .sutaim vilokayatiid iti svam
anikain |

sarabbasam adbiropita tadostbatn kva nu tad iti bnivati cucumba
bpsta II [68.]

taruni tava bbavami vallabbo’bani bbavapatir ity udite &o dbunana |
nabi nabi valayani svakiyam eka dayitakare nyadbitarumksur
anikani j; [69.]

svayam atha pavanena saudhaprstbe brtarajasi pratiharacoditena |
kiranam anuvahaty asitaiihasab ksanam upagainya payodbarair
nnisikte jj [70.]

surayuvatikadanibakasya gitair anugatatuinbiiruvallaklninadaih |
sapadi parivrtas aanianmatbena tridasaripuh praniadajanena
reme [71.]

tata\’itatagbanadyaYadyaiatair nniiakarasantativaditais sa ekab |
trividbalayaparigrabena vaktrair yyuvatim abarsayad astabbis ca
gayan ji [72.]

pratiyuvativisaktababnpanktir ddasavadanagatatanmukbaravindah I

64 ; the passive meaning of paripTUivatmi is noteworthy. 66 : M.S. ahhut.
67: M!S. -kalaiotgalitan, sinnici-^tam. 68: il'i. adhtrjpik'l. 69: MS. i aUabhlham,
72 : MS. nhattiyad ; I feel some doubt as to the eonjeetural emendation aharsayad,
but cannot find a better one ; m Sinhalese script the confusion of rtsa and t'A would be
rather easy.

292

LIONEL U. BARNETT

samuiii atlia paritah priya m^nnah pariramayan na dadau ruso
‘vakasam [73.]

itarayuvatidastaclantavasa vadanatatisthitasitkrtas samabhih j
navasu manasiianmana sirassu ksatadhrtibhir rldayitah krudha-
bhijaghne [ [74.]

satha yadi casaklkrtam mukham me kim adharam adya vikhaiidaya.sy
akande |

bhavati madbu nipiya bhajanagragrasanaratir nna hi kascana
pramattah ] [75.]

pibati katham ivapara yuvatya dasanapadaih parimudritan

tavostharn |

iti yuvatijanena raksasendras sphutaracitablirukutipatakam Qee ,, [76.]
atha katakanivasadrptanagab pravitatadliatuvibliusitas suineruh I
dyutim abhrta puratrayasya bhettus sirasi muhus stiiitasitarasini-
bimbah ' [77.]

tribhuvanabhayarogadanavantan dvipam iva nirbliayam etya danavaii
tarn I

navasasadharakotidhamadantaii dadliatam agus suramagadha

madantam i [78.]

mcrosi srnigau tuhinanikarasparsasitas sasitah
prthvibhago 'py aruiiakiranair vvyastama.-<tas tainastah j
dhiinvan Tjaiiktiin vahati kumudajiremaliniim a]inani
asyan vicinilayani anilas sara?antam rasantam [79.]
labdhva muncaty udadldr udakahrasacelatp sa velain
yata nidravigamavirutis cavirama viramah j
panducchayam iipayati disam anane tan na netan
taracakrani vigatacaranolla^am astain samastain [80.]
rksasrenyam pihitaparighollainghanayani ghanayain
sanmitrau cagatavati riputrasahetau sahetau ]
ko lame ca ghnati varabhatas tatsahas te sahayte
kin tatsainye praharati ripucchidy asese 'dva sese [81.]
raksolokavinasanesu rahitacchedani sito damsito
drptah paiiiyugena dustaratarasvarhetina hetina !
yuddhayopagatah karoti manasam kampain sa nah panisanas
seyam manada tavad asrutapurakrosayita, sayita [82.]

76 : MS. namstham. mksasendra. 77 ; MS. mahusthita-. 79 : MS. -kiranaif,

lyasta-. 81 : cdijata,nta. 82 : if the above division of word.s is correot damcifo

18 from . dams = dri Whatupatha, x. 137) ; a similar d.il word is pamsana, from
^ pams(Dh.,x, ,4: past nasane). v.-hii:h. as Prof. Rapson has pointed out to me
occurs m S.k.^samucraya (see Bendall’s index, p. 383) and m the Kharosthi tablets
or bir M. A. btem s collection.

JAXAKIHAEANA XVI

293

naktan nakradhivasam kusuniasarasatatrasitaiiam sitanam
krldayam. amgaiianam ghanakucakala^ih kataran tan tarantam |
utthajivaivan tatas te satataratasukhavyasakaniam sakaman
tusnim asan sasanikhadlivanipataharavajyanisante nisante [j [83.]
iti janakiharane soda&is sarggah ![

83 : MS. ghanaruca-.

AJAMILA-MOKSA-PRABANDHA OF NARAYAXA BHATTA

By Pandit V. Venkatarama ^^arma Sa^trI, Vidyabhusana

rpHE Campii-prabandha Ajiimilu-mokm is a little literary work
belonging to Travancore. In publishing it I am relying on a
Malayalam manuscript written on cadjaii leaves, wliicli I obtained from
Mr. Tazhaman Sankarar Tantri of Clienganur in the Travancore State.
A piece of poetry inter.s})er.sed with jirose is calleda Campu-prabandlia,
or Prabandlia.i in the Keraja country. There is evidence of many of
such Prabandhas having been extant in Travancore. MTitten on
the basis of Puranic stories, these Prabandha.s tend to propagate
religious faith among the people. A Hindu sub-caste named
t'akyar - used to present, with commendable histrionic skill, the
most interesting efjisodes of the famous epics and Puranas through
these Prabandlias. Even at the present time, when national art has
become almost extinct in India, the Cakyars. who make it their
hereditary profession, represent these Prabandhas in the Hindu
temples during tlie annual festivals, when people congregate in their
thousands. But. as the encouragement which they had been recemng
in the past has been steadily on the wane, they have become mere
figureheads, ignorant of Sanskrit and devoid of expository skill.

Besides being preachers of Prabandhas, the Cakyars were hereditary
actors of the Sanskrit dramas, which they used to exhibit in accordance
with the rules of dramatic art expounded by Bharata. Their acting
has been popularly named kfajiijattam. The dramas or parts of
dramas which were ordinarily acted by them were Xagananda,
Mantrahka (from the Pratijha-yaugandharayana), Sephalikahka
and Svapnahka (from the Svapna-vasavadatta), Dhanahjaya, Sain-
varana, Kalyana-saugandhika, Bhagavadajjuka, and Parna-salahka,
Surpanakhiinka. and Asokavanikanka in Cudamani-nataka. Neither
Prabandha-preaching nor were performed by the Cakyars

anywhere else than in the Temple IMandapa. The important part of
their acting consisted of gestures of hands and movements of the
body, which might appear crude and nonsensical to the eves of the

^ The Dravidians used to give the name Piuhnndha to purely poetical works
also, e.e., the Dravidian Vtda of the Sri Vawiiavas named Xaldyira-prabandham.

“ By name kidtaccakkayan in Tamil. The existent e of these Cakyars in early
times IS evidenced in the third part {V anjikkamhim) of the famous Tamil work
Cilfippailigdraui, which mentions these Kuttaceakkayas as acting the kotticcedam
episode in the Puranic story of Tripura-dahana

•296

P. V. V. S. SASTRI —

civilized artist accustomed to the fashionable movements of the
modern stages. It is noteworthy to state here, however, that I have
had to fill up a certain lo.st portion of this nianu-script from the memory
of a Cakyar.

The statement.s made about the life of Xarayana Bhatta. the author
of the present manuscript, by K, Vasudevan Muttatu in the si.xth
volume of Kmijn-grantha-mnld.'^ and by V. Xagam Aiva in the Tra van-
core State Manual - and also by T. Ganapati Sastri in the preface
to the 18th volume ^ of the Trivandrum Sanskrit Series, all agree
as to the time during whicti he flourished, but differ in many other
respects.

Xarayana Bhatta was a native of South Malabar, at present
a British Indian District in South India, and a Xambudiri Brahman,
and well versed in the different branches of Sanskrit Literature, such
as grammar, astrology, medicine, the Vedas, etc. He was a versatile
author. Jlany works are ascribed to him in various departments
of knowledge, including Prakriya-sarvasva (not printed), a treatise
on Sanskrit grammar praised even by Bhattdji Diksita, Mana-
meyudaya. on Mimamsa (published in the Trivandrum Sanskrit
Series). Silpi-ratna. on architecture. Dhatu-kavya. another important
work on grammar. Xarayanlya (publishetl in the Trivandrum Sanskrit
Series), a devotional poem to Krsna. and several famous prabandhas
.such as Rajasfiva, Svaha-sudhakara (published in the Kavya-mala
series). Subhadra-harana. Xrga-mdksa, etc. Xaravana was an author
in Malayalam also, Kuttappadakani. Kodiva-mrahani and Candri-
kdtsavam are considered to be his works.

The date of his birth is determined by the words Ayur-drogga-
mukhyam occurring at the end of his Xarayanlya, which are believed
to indicate the date on which the book was finished. Calculating
from this, that kali-dina falls on Sunday, the 2.3rd Vrscika of 763
ilalabar era. i.e. apparently in a.d. 1590.

Ajamilamuksaprabaxdh.v of Xarayanabhatta.
Xarayaneti caturaksaram eva punisanr
kaivalyam akalayateti vidhuya papan
samketitam nijasute ’py ava-6 yad uktva

lebhe param gatim Ajamijabhumidevah [j (1)

* Edition of ilangalodayain Company, Tnehfir, Cochin.

Part It. Languagp and Literature.

^ Nrirayaniyam by Xarayana Bhatta,

^ [Pupam — L T). B.]

AJAMILA-MOX.SA-tRABAXUHA OF XARAYANA BHATIA

297

Aiiiaiiusatapobalo liaripadambuje bhaktunan
yaniadiparisllanad iha nitantasantantarah |

Ajamila iti srutas sakalavedasastrartbavid

dvijatimakutlmanis samiidabbud abhutupamab [I (2j

Vedesu prathitan vidhaya vidhivad dharman grbasthasraml
nitva kaficana kalani aficitasukhain susrfisamano gurun |
ekasmiu divast? svatatavacasii karnioditan adarad
anetum sa samitkusan vanani iidudliotsaham adhaiikata j] (3)

Gadi/am. Tatra khalu vieitrataratarulatanikaraniraiitare niadliura-
madhukarajhainkaramiikharitadigantare vanabhyantare svalpam
api niiiiittain uddisya kramaraliitam analpafi jalpata vinisrastani
vastram api nistra[)am aganayata aracitabahiitaraghosam akaranani
eva hasatii [irasvarani udgayatantarantara ])riy;\hrdayavarjanaya
mantharatarain ivtilapata lilayam adhikalolena lolayamaiiamgena
k'napi halapibena drdliataram alinigainaiiain parisithilakimtalabbaram
madaviglu'irnitaldcanatn niadakalitaganabaiidlmram vivaslkrta-
yiivajaiiahrdantaraiii preyajanasapitisamupajatasiidbamadhuryam®
niadhuniadadviguiiIkrtaniadanavegasamudaficitagbarmakanakRncita-
romancakaficukitasakalavayavam mudranuragasamudramagnam
abhadraspadabbutaiu kam aid sudriim samadrakslt j|

Sadacarasaktah satatarn api dharniaikaniratal.i

prakrtya nirdosal.i pracurataradhairyo ’pi tarasa |

sa tam drstvaivarat sniarasaraparipakavisamani

avastham apede kam iha bhuvi kamo na lagbayet |1 (4)

Cittani tasyani prasaktani vasayituni akhilair esa yatnair asaktab
smrtva tain eva bhuyali saniajani viratab svasya dbarmad
dvijanma |

pitryair anyayalabdhair api dhananivahais tosayitva nivasam
cakre tasyab sakase viharanarasikab santatam manmathandhab jj

( 5 )

Sadbvlin bharyam svatatam pravayasam anupetavalambani
athambani

tyaktva tatpritihetor anucitam api cauradikain karma krtva ]
labdhair arthair ajasrani prana}mvivasadhTs tatkiitumbam
prapusnan

nirlajjo "sav anaisid bahusamayam aho strlpisaci matigbni H (6)

^ [Kanndcit'ln ? — L. D. B.]

- [This use of prr-ya for “toddy (cf. Winslow's Tamil Diet.) is not
recorded in B It ■ — L D. B.]

298

r. V. V. S. SASTRI —

Tasyani asann atha cla& suta bhusiirasyasya daivad
antyas tesiim agamad abhidham banta Xarayaneti |
purvadrstair iha kini ii tadlyair ilukuiidasya yad va
namnani evani katbayitum idain du'krter ni'krtitvam (7)

8a tadami dasamitvam prapya Xaravanakbve
ratim akuriita tasmiii l)alake kf jilole |
aviratam api pasyanii asya lllavisesatu

ayam ahaba ia(Iatina inoliasiudbiiiii jagabe (8)

Gadj/ani. Tatas caiityakale satn])rapte so pi dussabamarsatibbi-
tanatyaiitaraktodvrttainbarlsasadrkseksani'iditvarasu.suksanispbulim-
gapisanigitapurobbagaii atipariisitatainrdrdlivapra.saritanisitatara-
sirorubasakalitajlmutajalaiv candatarabbujadanilamauditamabatta-
niadandodbliraiiianaiiipunatinistburattabasaiopaspbutanulrsyamanar-

alavikatadamstrakaralan antarantara samiidlryamanatmakrtaduskr-
tavratan asitavarnsin atibbayanikaran aiitakakiinkaran antiko
samalokya nirbliarabbayavesavivaslbbutasayab p^ira kincid
■Ac\ utabinrti\ asaiiabalat kridalblupatii l)alakaiii. iiddisva iiijagalarpi-
tapasavakarsananiruddbasvasam viccbiimaksaram Xarayanety
abhanit 'i

Ittbam vyarthlkrtayuli sa tu mrtisamaye Return atinanain arad
ayatan viksya lokatritayaiibayakaran [)retarajasva dutan |
pur\ asr a ^asa^aya balata iba krtanekapapo pi bliuyali
Si'iccair Xarayaneti svasutam atibbayad ajubavakulatma ,! (9)

Gadjjam. Tavad eva iibmakirtanam evainviflhara avastbanr
gatasya tasya imikbatab samupakarnya parikalpitapalanlyadbayo
mahitasusamabbaranaramanlyavilokanab karakalitasanikbacakragada-
pariikeruha mahainerava iva sainullasitacSmlkaradvutipItambaral.
satkavyasandarblui iva mabitagunalanikaraparibliasura varayosajaiia
iva manoharamgaragi ravikar.'mgba iva dbsavasanadrsyamiinri ma
bbaisir iti ma bhaislr iti jaladagbosagabhlraya giril karunataramgi-
tair apaingapatair api tam ativa harsayantal.i paramapurusaparsadbs
tvantataram abbipetuh ,| ' '

T5vad eva caturah puro bhuvi caturbbiijan urukrpamrta-

syandimanjiitaramandahasasisirlkrtakhiladigantaran |
niinakundalakirltaliaravanamalvapitavasanbjjvalan

tiIlanIradavilobhaiuyasu.saman dadarsa Harip^rsadan il (iQ)

AJAMILA-MOKSA-PRABANDHA OP NARAA’AXA BHATTA

299

Vikarsatas tatas tanis te sainpa-^yajaniilam gale |

vimuncateti rurudluis tarasa Visnuparsadali (11)

Atlia ruddlia Haridiitriir Yamablirtyrdi kalitavisiiiayas tarasa |
viralCdarabaliiimanad evam avocan gabblraya viica ;| (12)

Ke va yuyaiii na tleviib kiin ii puiiar iij)adevah kim aiiye mabanto
vesakarajirakaral.i katbayati bbavataiii bbavyatain divyatain ca |
praniin etasya iianaviilbadnritavato yatanani netiikaman
asmaii kasmad idanlm ariulhata ca vibbdr Dharmarajasya dutan |j

(13)

Vaivasvatasya bbrtyanam evaip vacain iiisamya te j

ittham ucur Harer dfitii niugdbasmerainukbanibiijab | (14)

Prccbaniab sadbu yusinau idam akliilavibbor Dbarmarajasya
dutan

kidrg dbarmasvarupah katbayata visayali ko 'pi dandasya loke |
sarve kin nv asya dandya jagati yad aparain kin nu dharmaika-
nisthain

yad va kiiu te nu sainyag duritain abar abo ye vitanvanty
adliarmain (15)

Gadi/am. Atba te yatbasrutam pratyavadan j
Amnayair vibito 'yani atra bbuvane dbarmo 'nisiddbo 'paraili
vedas te 'pi jagattraylmayatanur devas sa Narayanab |
tasnun dbarniapatbe carann avisay(5 dandasya punyaprabbo ^
yo 'nya.smin niratab puinan sa tu budluiir daialvo "tra iiirnTyatam ;|

(16)

Ayam ca pitarau tyaja svagrbiinin ca sadbvlin puna
ramasva kidatayuto virama dharinatah svlvatah |
praposaya kutumbakain paradbanain musananvabain -
vinindyani iti nakarot kim iba karma kaniaturab '! (17)

Punar api HaridCita Yamyadfitan avocan

jananasatasabasriiir duskrtaugbe krte pi |

yad iba sakrd aiieiia vyabrtani nama Visnor

viditam ababa kin no niskrtis tatkrta vali J (18)

Should we read punyaprnhh'ir'i — L. D. B.]

This is an example of the use of the innx-iative in lieu of a hiiite tense
kriyilmmabhihCirc, to denotea series of acts, to which Paniiii alludes, III, iv, 2 —
L I). B.]

300

AJAMILA-MOKSA-PRABANDHA OF NARAA'AXA BHAITA

Xrnam agham daliati nania Harer abuddliyapy
akhyatam amayam ivausadham agnir edliali |
amnayabhrtyam akhilam samalani punati

seva Hares tu salia vasanaya lunati j| (19)

Ittharn tadvacanam gabhlramadhurain dbarmyain nisamyakulas
te Vaivasvatakimkaras sarabbasarn jagraub svatatantikam |
sriNarayanaparsadesu ca gatesv AmbhojanetraniHa-
svantab so 'pi tapas carann iba punas cagat svarupain Hareli 1| (20)

Iti Ajamilamoksam samaptam jj

A PllAYEIl OF HAFKARACEAUYA
Contributed by S. G. Kaxhere

S ANKARACHAEYA, the great philosopher, the founder of Yedic
Monism, the avowed and uncompromising opponent of Buddliism,
the commentator on Sutras of Badarayana, the Upanisads and the
Bhagavadgita, flourished at the end of tlie eighth ceiitiuy a.d. His
life has been written by his direct disciple Anandagiri, in Sanskrit
prose and also by Sayanachar\-a. the great Sanskrit scholar, who also
held the proud position of minister to the state of Yijayanagar. This
latter work, which is composed in Sanskrit verse, is called Sankara-
digvijava. In the present century biographies of Sankara have been
written both in English and in vernaculars by various Indian scholars.

Though Sankara died quite young — probably in his early thirties —
he was a most prolific writer, and has left behind hinr many notable
works in prose and verse. He advocated a form of monism based
upon the Upanisads. He systematized and commented u})on all the
principal Upanisads. His most scholarly work is his commentary
on the Brahma-Siitras. Sankara was not a mere commentator —
Tikakara — but a Bha.syakara, i.e. one who explains the text, draws
his conclusions and then adds his own remarks and his independent
judgment and views. ^ The commentator, Tikakara, can only explain
the text, but is not free to criticize or add any remarks. Sankara
takes full advantage of his privilege as a Bhasyakara in the Bhasyas
on the Upanisads, on the Sfitras of Badarayana and on the Gita.
His theory of ilayii — illusion — is wonderfully well explained in these
three works, which are collectively called Prasthanatrava. Besides
this, he wrote a Bliasva on the Visnusahasranama (the 1,000 names of
Yisnu). This is, in fact, a grammatical work, in which he explains
every name of the Lord by showing the derivation of it. He has
also a Bhasya on the Sanatsujatiya.

Besides his Bhasyas Sankara wrote hundreds of other works, in
the form of manuals and treatises on the A'etlanta. His Yivekacliu-
damani, Aparoksanubhfiti. Vedantasara, etc., may be quoted as
examples. UpadesasahasrI in two parts is a beautiful independent
work on the Vedanta, the first part being in prose and the second
in verse.

Os ^ Os

302

g. G. KAN'HERE —

He al.s(; wrote a miinber of sfiort but chanuing liyimis to tlie
t4an<res. to the Jamna, to the Narmada, to ditfereiit .sacred places
he had visited, and to various god.s and godde.sses. Hveii tlie.se small
hvmns are marked with vedantic .significance. His style is very
sim[)le and easv. It is his commentators on his works in Hliasya form
who have made him difficult to understand. We give below a hymn
of seven verses by Sankara. This hymn is in the form of a prayer
to Narayana. It Is called Satpadi stotra.* Here is the original
and its translation.

Ary.I 3Ietre

tf TfTf: ^ ^

?f?^Tf^fHTamTT^r|-n:aaTWIIT ^«V|T3R[
tTT^^T H^riT H

'ITTW ^TWlftr ^TWt

Tr.axsl.atiox

1. Take away my want of humility. 0 Lord, enable me to control
my mind, lessen in me the intensity of my tliirst for external objects.
Extend in me. 0 Lord, compas.sion for all beings. Save me from the
ocean of transmigration.

2. I salute the feet of the Lord, the feet which are the lotuses of
the heavenly Ganges, the exquisite aroma and delightful substance of
which is Existence, Knowledge and Bliss, and which take away all
the mi.serie.s of transmigration.

3. Although all .sense of distinction has vanished, still I am Thine,
0 Lord, and not Thou mine ; the wave always belongs to the ocean
and not the ocean to the wave.

’■ The & 1 .\--W 0 id hymn. For an explanation of the title see verse 7

A PRAYER OF SAXKAR VCHARYA

303

4. 0 Lord, who liftest up the mountain, who art the Brother of
Indra, the Enemy of demons, the sun and moon are Thy eyes ; will
not the round of birth and rebirth come to an end when I have
.seen Thee.

5. I. who am afraid of the scorching heat of worldly existence,
am to be saved by the Lord, who has saved the earth in every age,
by becoming incarnate as a fish and in many other forms.

6. 0 Damodara. 0 treasure of virtues. 0 beautiful of face, 0
Govinda, 0 Mandara, the churner of the ocean of worldly existence,
take away niv fear.

7. Nilniyana. Compassionate (I) take refuge (at) Thy feet : may
these six words dwell always on the lotus of my lips.

The exactness of metre, the simplicity and charm of the language,
the alliteration, and the deep and profound meaning in this prayer
speak for themselves. The third verse expresses both knowledge
and realization of the Truth and also absolute surrender to the Lord.
Verses 4, 5, and 6 refer to some legends from the Puranas.

S. G. K.yxhere.

VOL. IV. e.iRT ir.

•20

iri3/.4-Y PASDlTSCIIOLAll AAiB MABATHI POET
{17 th centurij)

By S. G. Kanhere

Biography

TT^AilAX PAXDIT was born in the second half of the seventeenth
' ' century (the definite date is not obtainable) at the village of
Kiirathe in the Satar.i district of the Bombay Presidency. According to
the late.st re.search work of the Bharata ItTluisa Sammdhak Mandali of
Poona. Waman was a native of Bijapore. In his early da 3 'S
he received some training in Sanskrit from his father, who was the
village-astrologer b\’ profession, and who had considerable knowledge
of Sanskrit. AVhen about 18 he went to Benares, the centre of Hindu
learning and also the most sacred place of the Hindus. He was
accompanied by his wife, an incident which shows that his parents
were dead at that time. He applied himself rigorously to the study
of Sanskrit for not less than twelve years, and having completed his
education, in all departments of knowledge, he returned to his native
place.

\Miile on his way home he would argue with other Pandits on
deep philosophical problems, alwaj’s proving his superiority.

Originalh' Waman belonged to the Dualistic .sect of the Aladhva
school, a verj’ bigoted sect. He observed most meticulously all
the tenets and rigid rules of the Vaisnavas. and to add to his sectarian
bigotrj" he became puffed up with pride over his learning.

One day while on a pilgrimage he put the rice for his meal over
a woodfire, and he sat in meditation on his Diety Visnu. According
to the A aisnava sect ever}' member of the sect must cook his own
food, even his wife is not allowed to touch it. AVhile AA'aman Pandit
was deep in meditation, the rice boiled over into the fire and was
burnt, but the wife, who was looking on, could not touch it. She
laughed merrily at what was happening.

AA hen he came out of meditation, AAAman Pandit was surprised
to see his wife laughing, and on asking her the reason, she gave him
the true one, that although .she saw his food .spoiling she was unable
t(j keep him out of the difficulty.

He became ashamed of his eccentricity, and also of his great
learning. His wife s mirth had humbled him in his own eves.

306

S. O. KAMIERK -

Accoidiiig to popular tradition he went to Tukaraiii and Rainda^^
the two great saints of Waman's contemporaries. From Eamda>
teaching, he learned the monistic or non-dualistic theory, and was so
convinced of its truth, that he hecame a devoted and enthusiastic
follower. Seeing Waman's great poetical jiowers. and knowing him to
be a great Sanskrit scholar. Ramdas commanded his clever disciple
to turn hi.s attention to com[)o.sing Jlararhl poetry.

^^'aman has m ale it clear in Xigamasara and elsewliere that he
received instructions regarding the identity of the individual soul
with that of tlie Supreme Being direct from his cherished deity who
appeared in the form of a monk.

Having at hi.s commaml all the great treasures of Sanskrit
literature such as all the different schools of philosophy, the Sankliya.
the Yoga, the XWava (logic), grammar, rhetoric, etc., and being
stimulated by his honoureil teacher Ramdas. Waman devoted all his
energie.s to carrying out his instructions.

Previous to turning to MariithT composition. Waman had written
some poetry in Sanskrit which had attracted the attention of his
teacher, who was .struck by the beauty and elegance of the thought.s
expressed.

Waman, putting aside his Sanskrit poetry, together with his pride,
now turned his whole attention to Marai hl compo.sition. In .sjhte of
the strong prejudice of the Brahmans of the prie.stly caste, he had
determined to carry out the injunction of his guru. Ramdas. The
Brahmans did not want the common herd to know the deep and
profound ideas embodied in the Vedas and the Upani^ads. They
considered that they should have the exclusive privilege of explaining
the doctrines and truths contained in Sanskrit literature only through
the medium of the Purans. AVaman defied them and carried on hi.s
work slowly but steadily. The object of his Marathi composition
was that the rich and inexhaustible treasures of knowledge embodied
in Sanskrit literature should be given broadcast to the general public,
and thus directing their thoughts to the spiritual ideals contained
in them, to awaken a keen devotion to the Lord, the Self of all. This
is the reason why we do not find his Marathi poetry mixed with
Sanskrit words.

He has brought out the most profound ideas of the A’edanta
philosophy in the simplest of Marathi verses. And herein lies his
greatness. He was not merely a translator, but an original thinker,
and has poured forth independent ideas into his compositions. His

WAMAN PANDIT — SCHOLAR AND MARATHI POET

307

■similies, liis metaphors, his rhymes, his propositions and arguments
are most fascinating and attractive and his versification is faultless
and charming. Sometimes it is hard to follow his reasoning and point
of argument, but that is not the fault of the poet ; it is due to the depth
of thought and also to the dullness of the reader.

There are some sporadic instances of Waman's having used what
is called the “■ poet's licence in his choice of words, but such cases
are very few indeed ; as a Marathi poet his poetry is elegant, full of
sublime ideas and most instructive.

The most famous of all his works is the Marathi Commentary —
Yathartha-dipika — on the Bhagawadgita. This is wTitten in the
simplest ovi metre. He has attacked bitterly Jnaneswar on some
scholarly points, and in some places has criticized even r^ankara.
In this commentary he betrays his own dualistic views. Yathartha-
dipika enjoys the greatest popularity. It amounts to about
25.000 ovis.

The next of his works in importance is “ Nigamasara a thesis
on philosophy, a most useful one to a practical student. The subject
is taken from the “ Taittirlya-Upanisad ". It is also in ovi metre.

He has translated (but not written a commentary on) the Bhagawad-
gita, the three .satakas of Bhartrihari, the Gangalahari of the famous
Pandit Jagannath, Aparoksanubhuti of Sankaracharya, and
Chatuksloki Bhagavata. These translations are composed exactly
in the same metre as the original. Here we see the poet's great powers,
his economy of words, the exactness of meaning, how he conforms
to the rules of the metres, and the ease with which he trans-
lates them.

The themes of his other works were the legends selected from the
Bhagavata, Ramayana, and Mahabharata. Some dialogues are
picked up from the Upanishads as well.

The best example of Waman's poetry in ^a/ia-metre is Brahmastuti.
the Dwaraka Yijaya, the Kaliyamardana, etc., and the most independent
subject, cast in picturesque metres, is the Karniatatva

His style is pure and simple, his thoughts and ideas profound.
His Karniatatva, Xamasudha, Gitarnavasudha, and some of the
miscellaneous works are fully worthy of him.

Waman's ovi metre has no charm in it, it reads just like prose,
divided into four half stanzas. Excluding Yathartha-dipika he
has composed about 25,000 verses.

There is a popular saying put into the Arya metre which says,

308

S. C. KAXHERE —

Wamaii is the master of Bloka metre, Moropant of Arva metre,
Juaiiesvar of ovi and Tukaram of Abhanga metre.

Waman Pandit can claim a high place among the sage.s of his age.
But it was not assigned to him probably because he entered too much
into controversy with many a savant, and had not that modesty
and humility which should be natural to a learned scholar.

The death of Waman Pandit took place somewhere about the
year 169.5. A shrine was erected to him at Bhugao, on the
banks of the River Krisna, in the Satara district. His followers
still pay homage to the metal representations of his feet.

W.aman's Philosophy

AVaman Pandit occupies the most prominent place among the
Marathi poets. Jnanesvar, the poet of tlie thirteenth century,
has written the most brilliant commentary — the Bhavartha-dlpika —
on the Bhagawadgita. As poetry it is excellent, but it is read only
by the devout. The works of Tukaram are clearly inspired ; and for
the same reason they excite emotion in the devout mind, while
Waman's poetry appeals to the devout as much as it appeals to the
intellectual. His sound reasoning, profound logic, correct judgment,
and deep devotion to the Lord has provided a most beneficial nourish-
ment to readers of all classes, f'ommenting on the Bhagawadgita,
he has composed several oris in explaining a single verse. For
e.xample, the 12th chapter of the Gita, which contains only twenty
■dokas. was commented upon in 1841 ocis. Besides the Yathartha-
dlpika he has composed poems on subjects which can be put under
nearly as many as 1.50 headings. He advocated the cult of
JndnottarahhaMi (devotion preceded by the knowledge of the truth).
Jnane^var, Tukaram. Ekniith. and many others have the same point
of view. This cult is based upon the famous Bhagawat Purana.
Sankara ignores it, or at least treats it as of secondary impjortance.

M'aman compares Bhakti (devotion) with the seed and the fruit,
and jmlna (knowledge) with the tree. Bhakti, he argues, the seed,
when sown, grows into the tree (Juana) upon which the fruit is Bhakti.
Without knowledge the realization of the Highest is not the true
form of devotion as it is not disinterested. While Jnmin, devoid
of true love, does not fructify. When a man has acquired knowledge
of the truth he sees the truth in every being, and he sees the Lord
in every being. This is the fulfilment of knowledge. Bhakti, previous

WAMAX PAXDIT — SCHOLAR AND MARATHI POET

309

to knowledge, is a means to knowledge, and Bhakti following the
Jndna, is the natural result or the fulfilment of it. This is the point
which he urges with great stress in the whole of his commentary on
the Bhagawadgita, and in many other independent compositions.
To support this view he had to fight hard against Sankara and
many other commentators among Sankara's followers. Sankara's
view is that Jndna is the last stage after the acquirement of which
man has nothing whatever to do. He has finished all that he had to do.
Sanyas (Renunciation) is the path advocated by Sankara. That
all activities, with the mind devoted to the Lord, form the true path
to final liberation is the Bhakti recommended by Ramanuja, Madhva,
etc,, and by practically all the Marathi poets.

Ill

Wa.man's Metre

The peculiarity of Waman consists in the fact that he composed
most of his poetry in sloka metre. With the exception of a few
poets of little importance, AVaman was the first to introduce
gana metres in Marathi poetry. Not that he did not compose
ovi or Cirijd. but the sloka metre was at his fingers' ends.
He was quite at home when composing slokas. His rhjTues are
most charming.

The only Sanskrit compositions of Waman ' in existence are the
Siddhanta-Aujaya and Anubhutidesa ; the former consists of 56,
and the latter of 325 verses. Both are cast in doka metre. They
reveal his skill as a great Sanskrit scholar and shoiv him to be the
master of a complete Sanskrit vocabulary.

Jnanesvara. the earliest poet whose wTitings have come down
to us, MTote all his poetry in the ovi metre. He belongs to the
thirteenth century. Some jmdas (lyric) are attributed to Jnanesvara.

Muktesvara has Muitten the Mahabharata in the ovi metre.
His poetry is most brilliant and replete with poetical ideas.

Namdeo (fourteenth century) and Tukaram (seventeenth century).
Both these poets wrote their poetry in the Abhanga metre.

Moropanta (eighteenth century) is a great poet. None has excelled
Moropanta in composing draga. AVithout losing the essence and the
thread of the original he has composed the whole Mahabharata in the
Arya metre. It is said that he has composed Ramayaiia in the

' A manuscript of Sriitikalpalata, a Sanskit composition of Wiiman, aars
recently found, but it is not jet published

310

S. G. KANHERE —

Arva metre in 108 variations. He has composed some slokas,
but they are not so graceful as AVaman's.

AA’e give here some of the principal metres which are used very
frequently in Sanskrit poetry by many an author and in Alarathi
by AA’aman and some others.

Anustup. — This is the commonest metre. This is employed
in the great Epic and many of the Puranas. AA’aman has employed
it in translating the Gita into Marathi. This version he calls
Samasloki. There are many varieties of this metre, but
commonly it has eight syllables in a foot, the fifth being short.

Name of the
Metre.

Sgllables.

Pramanika

Manavaka

ATdyunmala

Indravajra

8 (4—4 pauses)
8(4-4)

8 (4-4)

11 (5-6)

Upendravajra

11 (5-6)

Dodhaka

11 (6-5)

Rathoddhata

11 (3-8 or 4-7)

Salini

11 (4-7)

Swagata

11 (3-8)

Totaka

12 (4-4-4)

Drutavilambita

12 (4-8 or 4— 4-"

Bhujangaprayata

12 (6-6)

Praharsipi

13 (3-10)

A^asantatilaka

14 (a-6)

Scheme of gam
{sgUabic, foot).

Prithvi

17 (8-9)

WAJIAX PANDIT SCHOLAK AND MARATHI POET

311

Name of the

Metre.

Syllables.

Mandakranta

17 (4-6-7)

Sikharini

17 (6-11)

Harini

17 (6-4-7)

Shardulavikridita

19 (12-7)

Sragdhara

21 (7-7-7)

Scheme of gana
[sgllahic. foot).

, 'i W ' J ^ ^

Typical Examples op Waman’s Poetical Style
The prominent feature of Waman's poetry lies in his Madhunja
(sonorousness) and prasada (perspicuity). There is no oja (over-
elaboration of style) to be found in it. To discriminate between
these two qualities (Madhurya and prasada) is a difficult task, as the
former is the result of the latter. He is unsurpassed in depicting
natural scenes of any description. The figure of svabhavokti (vind
presentation) is the dominant character of his poetical works. The
whole work is bristhng with this marvellous feature of rhetoric so that
it requires no special example to illustrate it. Waman was a great
scholar and must have been very fond of using a great many Sanskrit
words and expressions even in his ordinary conversation. But we
do not find this tendency affecting his poetry in the very least. He
has most scrupulously avoided the employment of unusual Sanskrit
words and long compounds of four, five, or six words linked together,
which Moropanta was very fond of. His style is simple, straightforward,
and lucid. The very selection of the legends for his composition
proves this fact. And in some cases, the natural description of the
scenes (see Hari-llla, Venusudha, Dwaraka-vijaya) is most attractive
and graceful. It does not appear that the poet set to work, prompted
by the idea that he must write his verses in strict accord with the
rules of rhetoric and poetry. Of course, he did observe metrical rules
strictly, and did not indulge in the use of any ungrammatical
expressions. But he did not attempt to decorate his work with the

S. G. KANHERE —

31 -J

cliarni of rhetoric. The principal object in view was nothing else
than showing the path of devotion to the unenlightened ma.s.ses.
Being a fervid devotee of Krisna he has poured forth the praise of
Krisna, the identity or oneness of Hagum-nirguna (qualified and
qualityless). And in many places Bhakti and Santarasa (devotion
and holy calm) are the ringing notes. Some examples may be quoted
from his poetry : —

(SardOlavikridita- Metre)

xnxnW I

f 7TTW II

(Miscellaneous.)

(Let a devotee dedicate all his activities to the Lord. Let him
detest misdeeds, let him enjoy singing the juaise of the Lord. Let
him be in the company of sages, let him always be conscious, let him
enjoy solitude, let him kill sinister feeling, and thus cross the ocean
of transmigration.)

(.SikharinI Metre)

rfr gw

W36T^ wgw fTfT ffl wTtrw I

wfl WTT fq-afw W wIt

wtfl 3lt:36TWf^ ll

(Miscellaneous.)

(A fault assume.s the character of virtue when one is in company
with a righteous man, and a virtue is di.sgui.sed as a fault when one is
in company of a rogue. As .salt water becomes fresh when drawn
up by the clouds, and milk sucked by a snake is thrown out by it
as poison.)

Alliteration. (Drutavilambita Metre)

gw i

gg WTWrT% mtt,

WfXTTWVJTT I

(Sita-svayaravara.)

(Seeta portrays the gait of an elephant to the earth, the mother
earth is happy (to see this).

WAMAN PANDIT — SCHOLAR AND MARATHI POET

313

The earth knows that the bride is her own daughter, Sita weds
Marukandhara (Eama with a necklace).)

(Drutavilambita iMetre)

TFT JTf^r ^T?T I

(Nrihari darpana.)

(He who has discarded all the desires of the heart is the happiest
man ; if thou grantest a boon (O Lord) give me the one that I shall
desire nothing.)

(Sikharini Metre)

^ iff,

^ fTTMTE I

^ -snz ^T35TTftE

ijarTMT <i fit »T3r>lT I

<?v

(Gajendra-moksa.)

(I do not know Brahma, nor Shiva, nor the lord of Laxml. who cools
all the heat (of passion) by lifting up the M’aves of His grace. He,
whom the all-destructive time is afraid of, and M'ho is a terror to
Death itself. Be Thou graceful M’ho art the Lord of the universe.)

Translations
(Anustup iMetre)

Original Sanskrit.

fTT^ ff i

(Aparoksanubhuti.)

Marathi translation in the same metre.

fTt’iT'^T xrrtrl^ wra ^ i

(It is only water that manife.sts itself in the form of a w ave. So is
copper in the form of a pot. It is the Atman (soul) that is manifesting
itself in the whole universe.)

Original Sanskrit.

fTTHfr ■?rw t 1

(Aparoksanubhuti.)

314

WAMAX PAXDIT SCHOLAK AND MARATHI POET

Maratlii translation in the same metre.

ft I

ffs ^■rer^r i

(The distinction “ seer, seen, and sight " disappears ; only cht
(knowledge) is persistent. In that state sight (propelled by the
mind) should be fixed, there is no use in fixing it on the tip of the
nose.)

(Upendravajra Metre)

^ I f HtT JTfT^r^lT^ I

rT^lTO f^WRTJT %ft, f^TTTf ^ »nft II

(Bhartrihari.)

(The deer lives on grass, the fish on water, and the sage on content-
ment. However, the hunter, the fisherman, and the wicked man
are the enemies to these harmless beings.)

(Anustup Metre)

Original.

»Ttwtifr ?rsJTrT«T:

(Bhagwadgita.)

Marathi translation.

<?rr 1 I

w xrr^^T ^ f mth W ii

(That is my heavenly abode which is not illuminated by the sun,
moon, nor by fire, (and) by the attainment of which (there is) no
succession of birth and death.)

SrRESS-ACCEXr IX ixno AEYAX
By Baxarsi Das Jaix

TN the phonological development of a language the shortening
"*■ and loss of vowels are usually ascribed to the absence of stress-
accent on the syllables containing those vowelsd When in their
study of Prakrit Phonology Drs. Pischel ^ and Jacobi ^ found numerous
instances of the loss and shortening of vowels, they explained them
in the light of stress-accent. The one supposed that the musical
accent of Vedic also acted like stre.ss, while the other assumed that
after the pitch-accent had died out, a stress-accent developed in
Sanskrit and Prakrit which was placed on the pemdtimate or ante-
penultimate syllable as in Latin. Now about the nature, history,
and even the very existence of stress-accent in PI or its subsequent
stages nothing certain is known. The Pratisakhyas and Siksas are
silent on this point. The reason of their silence may be that perhaps
the stress-accent originally fell on the same syllable as the pitch-
accent and was not strong enough to draw attention. The following
remarks of Dr. P. Giles and Professor D. Jones lend great support
to the probability of this surmise : —

“ Languages are divided into those with stress-accent and those
with pitch-accent, according as the stress- or the pitch-accent is the
more prominent. Every language, however, possesses to some extent
both forms of accent.” ®

“ The subject of stress is very closely connected udth that of
intonation. It is certain that much of the effect commonly ascribed
to stress is really a matter of intonation.” *

Professor Bloch has questioned the existence of stress in ancient
and modern Indian.’^ But it will be seen that his views about stress
in the Indian languages largely coincide with those expressed in this
paper, if stress-accent is regarded as syllabic prominence which consists

^ P. Giles, Manual of Comparafive Philology, 1901, § 93. T. G. Tucker
Introduction to the Natural History of Language, London, 1908, pp. 340-6.

^ Grammatik der Prakritsprachen , passim.

^ ZDMG., vol. xlvii, pp. 374 ff.

* For stress-accent in Latin and its effects on the subsequent development of
the language see W. M. Lindsay, Latin Language, Oxford, 1894, chap, iii, pp. 148-218.

^ P. gL, op. eit.. § 91.

® M. V. Trofimov and I). Jones. Pronunciation of Bussian, 1923, § 763.

” La langue marafhe, § 32 ff.

313

BAXARM DAS JAIX —

of three distinct forces — length, breath-force (or stress proper) and
pitch. In some languages one of these forces may be more conspicuous
than the others, e.g. in English breath-force is more marked. In others
len<^th may be more conspicuous as m several of the Indian languages.
In others again pitch may be more marked as in Chinese.^

The different view.s regarding stress-accent in Sanskrit and Prakrit
held bv Drs. Pischel. Jacobi and Bloch have been discussed at length
bv Professor R. L. Turner.- He shows that the exam])les which the
German .scholars have explained in the light of stress-accent can
better be explained in a different way, and may not at all be due to
stress. His incpiirv. however, has brought to light anotlier very
interesting fact, namely, that the Indo-Arvan languages can be
divided into two groups of which one (consisting of Hindi. Panjribl.
Gujarati and Raja.sthanT. and jjo.ssibly Bengali and Singhalese) descend
from a Prakrit or Prakrit.s in which a penultimate .stress had developed,
and the other group represented by Marathi comes from a Prakrit
in which the stress had taken the place of the Vedic pitch-accent.

Without postulating further on this point, it is certain that there
was in Sanskrit and Prakrit something with functions .similar to tho.se
of stress-accent, and that this had much to do with the phonology
of the Indo-Aryan languages. We may call this something the
“ syllabic prominence “ of a word as defined above. But for convenience
sake, and because the term " stress " is .so generally used, the word
.stress-accent has been used here but without implying that it consists
of breath-force only.

As to the place of stress-accent in the word, languages differ from
one another. Even the same language may differ at its various stages.
Speaking generally the position of stress in a word at a particular
time depends on the syllabic scheme of the word. From time to
time there arise tendencies in languages to favour certain schemes
and to avoid others, which, if desired, can be expressed in terms of
rpiantitative changes depending on stress. The following illustration
will make the meaning of this statement clear. The ancestor Prakrit
of Hindi. Panjabi. Gujarati and Rajasthani had no objection to a
.syllabic rhythm ^ >' x as is .shown by word.s like hnJid-dn. vanijjcun .
etc., in \^hich. however, the position of the .stress is not definitelv

1 Cf. All the Tndo-(;pnn.inie languages have jiartly pitdi (musual) and partly
stress (expiratory) accent, but one or other of the two systems of accentuation always
predominate,s in each lauguatre.- .Joseph Wright. ( ,.,np„rati, c (immma, of the
(ire^k Lfin»!uivjf , 1012, p. 10.

' JHAS„ UUt;, pp. 203-5i.

STRESS-ACCENT IN INDO-ARYAN

317

known : see below. But there came a time prior to the compensatory
lengthening of short vowels in front of consonant -groups in Hindi,
Gujarati, and Rajasthani when all words of this rhythm were changed
to - 1 - (^) with stress on the flr.st syllable. Thus we have H. halad,

P. haJdad. G. halad ; H.P. bannj. G. vanaj, etc. But soon this dislike
for ^ X X disappeareil. and the modern languages freely allowed
words of ^ X X rhythm, e.g. P. ts. hasdnl (vas-aiita). namitt [nimitta),
hakunth {vnikuatha), waluiiij (Pers. id.), kamund (Pers. id.) ; satdmhar
(Ping. September), dnsdmbnr (Ping. December), etc.

As already stated Professor Jacobi assumed that the stress-accent
occupied the penultimate position in Sanskrit and Prakrit. That
there was a penultimate accent in Prakrit prior to the initial accentua-
tion mav be inferred from such foreign words as Jaina tskt. Akahbara-
(Pers. Akbar). suratrana- (Pers. nultdn), lunt-vka (Pers. tark). etc.

Another point which supports this view is the early loss of the
initial «-. x- in the Panjabi words baec (!^kt. r'lpatija-). baind but H.
ubtan (Skt. udvnrtana-). In Prakrit itself we find that the a-, especially
of the {)repositions apa-, ava-. is often dropped when followed by a
naturally or positionally long .syllable (Pischel. §§ 141-2). e.g. AMg.
Ida beside aldu (abibu-)- AMg. t/dra- beside agdra- (agdra-). AMg.
ranna- {nragga-). AJIg. rittha- (arista-), etc.

A third point favouring the above view is the appearance of the
older scheme x X X as -J- {—) in H. P. G. after the accent-shift,

and not as * X ^ (■— ) in P. or * — (-— ) in H. G. as one would expect

if the syllable had been heavy at the time of accent-shift. Thus H. G.
pdidg. P. pdhldg (pargaiika-), H. bintl. G. vintl (I'ijdaptikd). H. gJiamas
(gharmdtphi-) ; H.P. samajh, G. samaj (sambaddhi-). -dh > -jh on
account of samajhnd. In the present participles like H. gdjdd,
P. gajj'‘dd (Pkt. gajjantta-). etc., the analogy of other forms like
gdje. gdjnd, gajje, gajf’nd. etc., may have worked.

Sir George Grierson accepted Professor Jacobi's theory of pemdtimate
accent and applied it throughout his essay " On the Phonology of the
Indo-Aryan vernaculars He was, however, confronted with
serious exceptions, e.g. words of the type vaaljga- (Pkt. vanijjan/
— X >:). tira.Wi- (Pkt. *tiracehao ^ x — - — ).“

^ ZDM(r., vo'. xlix, pp. 393 tT.. voi. I. pp. 1 ff.

- Tho'^e words do not at'tiially oof ur m hi^ es^ay, but there are otliers of this kind,
f .iT. handnkn. §§ 15, 17; ktiiumhain, § 23; § 35; iljnaptikn, § 35;

utlvarttDKim, § ; i)<iryn<ta-, § 84, etc.

318

BANARSI DAS JAIN —

According to his theory the
words should ajtpear as

Bid

we actually get

H. *hnmj

*tirdfhd

hdnaj

tirchu

EP. *hanijj

*taracehd

bdnaj

tirrhd

WP., L. *vnnijj

*tirarr}id

vdnaj

tirrhd

*ti-. tardehd

vdnaj

tirehn

To explain tliese exceptions Sir tleor^c framed minor rules by
which a secondary accent often swallowed up the main stress, and
itself became such (Fhon., §§11. 12. 13).

A detailed examination of the.so and other schemes shows that
some time prior to the compensatory lengthening of short vowels
in front of consonant-groups, an important i hange in the position of
stress-accent took place by which all words received stress on the initial
syllable except tho.se containing long vowels in non-final syllables.
In their case the accent was thrown on the .syllable having a long
vowel that was nearest to the final syllable.

Detailed Examination

Monosyllables may be left out of consideration, firstly because
very few of them have survived, and secondly because the accent has
kept the same place in them, there being no room for shift

Dissyllables, too, require little consideration because in their case
what is the first syllable is also the penultimate. In the case of
Modern Indian words ending in consonants, it will be more convenient
to regard the final consonant as forming an independent syllable
with the addition of a neutral vowel, as it frequently does in prosody
or even in slow speech.

yddi 1

hdti

Jcara

^ — Md

X — Injja
X handha
vdla-

> P-ie'

> P. kdi, H. id.

> P. kdr, H. G. id.

> P. kal, H. id., G. kdh

> P. Idjj, H. G. hij.

> P. hdnnh. H. G. hddh

> EP., H. bdl, WP vdhl, G. vdl.

1 In Sanskrit words the accent-mark denotes the Vedic accent. The syllable
schemes refer to the Prakrit forms.

STRESS-ACCENT IN INDO-ARYAN 319

Among trisyllables the schemes X ^ X , and among tetrasyllables
the schemes X “ — X and those involving a naturally long syllable
after a syllable heavy by position only do not call for any discussion,
as here also the accent fell on the same syllable both before and after
the accent-shift.

^ ^ himti > P. Mre, H. G. id.

^ ^ X harana- > EP. hiran.

^ ^ — ghala- > P. yham, H. id.. G. gkddo.

X — - — kitnda- > EP krnidd. H. khdci, WP. ki'tnnd.

ghanta- > P. ghdtujl. H. G. gJnill.

- ^ — kdia- > EP. kdid, H. id. WP. kdjd. G. hdu.

^ paldsd- > P. pahih. H. pahis

X karpdsa- > P. kapdh, H. G. kapris.

d.fadka- > P. hdih, H. asdvh. G. asddh.

gojMld- > EP. H. gudl, WP. G. gudl.

— ^ ^ ^ prasarati > H. jxisare. G. id.

^ X *pari.p'eda- > P. parsed, parse; Qr. pnrsiv[o\.

^ ^ — purdnd- > EP. H. purdnd, WP. piirdnd. G.

purd n a .

X ■ — cannakdra- > P. eamedr, H. camdr, G. id.

cakravdka- > P. H. G. cdkvd. The expected form
through Ap. *cakkavdu, would be
*cakvd. but that being the regular
accentuation of causal verbs and
because an overwhelming majority
of words end in unaccented long
vowels in P. H. G., the accent has
been shifted from the final to the
initial syllable.

X — ^ — prakhydna- > EP. pakkdnd.

— ^ Idhakdra- > P. H. G. luhdr.

sitakdla- > EP. seal, WP. sedj, G. sidJo.

X — ^ ^ ^ sambhdlayati > EP. samhdlle, H. sambhdle.
praksdlayati > G. pakhdle.

The schemes which form an exception to the penultimate theory
but are explained by accent-shift are those where a syllable heavy
by position only falls in a non-initial position without being followed
by a naturally long syllable. The final syllable, of course, is not taken
into account. Such are the schemes XXX among trisyllables,
and XX'-^X.X^XxorxX XX among tetrasyllables.

VOL. IV. PART II. 21

320

BANARSI DAS JAIN

^ X X

X X

anicchd

> G. dnach.

dranya-

> H. dnia.

alakta-

> EP., H. dltd, G. alto.

alaksya-

> G. dlakh.

aJayna-

> H. dlag, G. dlagu. EP. aluyg may :

been formed from lagg.

(Des.) kada'cchu

> P. H. G. kdrchl.

karanka-

> P. kdrdg (Dictionary).

karanda-

> EP. H. kdrnl, but G. kanirfl, knrdmjo.

kutiimba-

> P. kuram, H. kunnd, kumbd. H. kurm

kidattha-

> P. H. kullhl.

ksurapni-

> P. H. kkurpd, G. khurpo.

(Des.) khadakkl

> H. khlrkl, G. khdrkkl.

taraksa-

> WP. tdrakJi, G. tdras.

tirascd-

> P. H. tirchd, G. t'lrrhu.

dhdritrl

> P. dhdral, H. G. dhurfi.

parasvah

> P. H. pdrsn.

*parisyd (cf.

avasyd) > G. pfiras “ dew ”.

*pratMUa-

> P. H. pdihld, G. pehlu.

pralambate

> WE. pfilamnd.

bahutva-

> EP. bduht, H. WP. bdhnt.

manmyn-

> WP. mums.

(Pkt.) maharnta-

> G. mehto, H. mdihtd.

vanijya-

> EP. H. bdnaj, WP. G. vdnaj.

varatrri

> H. bdrat, G. vdrat, S. vdrta.

virikta-

> S. v'lrto “ tired ”.

viricyate

> S. vircanu to be tired

vilagna- (Pkt. *vilayiga-) > EP. H. bildy.

vilamba-

> H. bilam, WP. vilam.

vilambate

> AVP. vilamnd.

vimmyate

> H. b'isamnd.

suruhgd

> P. H. G. surdg.

sulagna-

> P- H. sulagnd, G. sdlagvu.

haridrd

> EP hdhldi, H. hdldi, G. Jidlad.

araghaUa- > H. arJiat ; H. rdiht comes from Pkt.
rahatta-.

> EF.bdhld.

halivdrda-

STRESS-ACCENT IN INDO-ARYAN

321

X X — ' —

udvartana- > EP bd/nd, H. iibian, vi'itnd.
durbhiksa- > H. dubhaJi.

paryaiika- > P. pdJddg, H. G. pdidg.

paryasta- (Pkt. ■pallaUa-) > P. H. G. pdlat-.
vijnaptikd > H. bintl, G. v'mti.
sambudhyati > P. H. sdmajhnd, G. sdmajvu.
sahjaka- (Pkt. *saUaiitka-) > P. sdhidg.

kautumba- > P. kormd, H. kiirtnd.
dauhitra- > EP. H. ddhtd. "WP. ddhtrd.

ndrangikd > EP nrir(-d-)gl, H. ndrdiigl may be due to

Persian ndranj.

mdnikya- > EP. H. mdnak. WP. mnnak. G. mdnak.
Besides the above words there is a number of grammatical formations

which could not be explained satisfactorily without the application
of the theory of accent-shift. They are : —

(i) Present Participles.

karant-, Pkt. kara/nta- > P. kdrdd, Poth. kdrnd, H. kdrtd,
G. kdrto.

(ii) Present Indicative, 3rd plural.

karanti > P. kdran. H. kdrd, 0. H. karahl cannot come
from karanti.

(iii) The s- future of G. Kaj. and Lah.

karisydrni, Pkt. karissdmi > Lah. kdrsd, Eaj. kdrsyii cf. pi.
kdrsyd (cf. cakravdka- > cdkvd).

,, Pkt. karissadi > G. karls (pronounced ['kAriJ],

dialectically kdras).

(iv) The -b- infinitive of EH., and the vu- infinitive of G. karfavyam,

Pkt. kariavvat'n > EH. kdrab, G. kdrvu.

There are a few exceptions, several of which are common to
Panjabi, Hindi, and Gujarati. They are probably late borrowings
introduced after the tendency for accent -shift had died out, and the
penultimate accent had come into existence once more.

— XX

— X — X

> G. kardndd, karddo, beside H. P. kdrnl.

> G.pandtl.

karanda-

pranaptr-

322

BAXARSI DAS JAIX —

(Des.) varamda- > P. harrnidd, H. hardnijd.

*sankl'ha- > P. sarlkklia. H. sarikhd beside G. sdrkhu.

XXX
X X ^ X

nissaiika- > P. nasdnff, H. nisduk.
prasvidi/atd > P. pasijje, H. pasije, G. id.
prasvinna- P. pasinna. H. pm^ind, (b pasTiw.

angustha- > P. gritfhd. H. dgdthd. G. aiiguthd (i).
agnisthd- > P. gUjhl. H. G. dgithl.
nuitljisthd > P. G. H. majith.

*pracchantati > P. parMndc ■, H. G. )xi('hrnr with loss of
nasality, cf. H. G. rhdt-.

ekastha- > P. kdllkd. H. ikdtjhd beside IklJid.

(Pkt.) ekkalln- > P. kdlld. H. akdld beside ikld.

niskarma- P. nakdmmd, H. nikdmd, G. ndkdmii.
nisputra- > P. napdtld. H. nipdtd. The last two
words may have been influenced by
kamm, kdm, and putt, put.

Some of the numerals, also, show irregularity of accentuation.
But this is not to be wondered at when we find so much irregidarity
in their phonetic development. Such are
P. umtti (29), H. undttis, untls or untf.'i.

P. uiidnjd (49), H. nneds, uncos.

P. akvdnjd (51), bnvdnjd (52). tacdnjd (53), curdnjd (54), pacvdujd
(65), chapdnjd (56), satvdnjd (57), athvdnjd (58), kahdttar (71),
bahdttar (72), etc.

Recently the languages have lost the tendency of accent-shift
and have again developed penultimate accent, thereby giving rise
to schemes like -- x etc. Such words are chiefly (i) tatsamas,
(ii) loans from Persian and English, or (iii) words of unknown origin.

Examples

Panjabi. Hindi. Gujardti.

(i) parsiddh, partdkkh.

nam'itt. hasdnt.

maMnt, ngcint.

bakunlh, pakhdnd.

addmbar, etc.

prastddh, nimltt,

mahcint. niednt.

samundar, knlauk,

prasdhg, prapdne.

etc.

prastddh nimitt,

mahcint (tadbhava

mehtd), niemt,

samudra, kalditk,

etc.

STRESS-ACCENT IN INDO-ARYAN 323

Panjabi. Hindi.

Gujarati.

(ii) pashid, kamdnd, pasdnd, kamdtnd,

rnalaiig, pagdmbar, maldiig, paigdmbar,
tamdncd ; Agdst, tamdnca ; Agdst,

Satdmbar, Dasdmbar, Sitdmbar, Disdmbar,
etc. etc.

(iii) ghasdnn, ghamdnd,

bharind, rabidd,

dabdll, etc.

pasdnd, pegdmbar ;

Disembar, etc.

Consideration of stress necessitates a modification in tlie rule of

preservation of PI long vowels before consonant-groups in Panjabi.
It will be seen that WP follows the rule throughout, while EP shortens
them when they occur in a non-final position. Thus : —

pdddnta-

> H.Pkt. pdyadita-

> H. pdi't, pdydtl, EP.

paid.

> WP Pkt. *pdgd)iita-

> AVP pund.

ndndndd

> HPkt. nanadidd

> H. ndnad, EP ndndd.

G. nandd.

> WP Pkt. *nanddndd

WP nandn.

lohabhdnda-

> HPkt. Idhahaiiida-

> H. V'hddd, EP. Idhdd,

G. lodhl.

> WP Pkt. *lohahdiitda-

> AVP luhdndd.

mahdrgha-

> HPkt. mahaggha-

> P. H. nidihgd, G. mngtiu

on the analogy of sdghii.
> WP Pkt. *mahaggha- > Lah. mdnghd may have

come from *mahdiiigha-.
The following words are found under one form only, and when they
are used in a language where one would expect the other form, they
must be held as loans in it.

kausdtnbl > H. hisam, saurdstra- > G. sdrafh.

mahdrdstra- > Pkt. marahattha-
(Pisch. 3-54) >

H. mdrJiatd (but
Fallon records
mardhtd, marhaiti).

gharmduLSu- > H. gJidmas, niriksd > H. P. G. nirakh.

panksd > H. P. G. pdrakh, drdtrikd > H. P. G. drtl.

furvdrdha- > P. Puddh, pascdrdka- > P. Pamdh.

annddya- > H.P. G. awflj, saubhdgga- > H.P.G.suhdg.

manddksa- > P. mandkkhd.

THE BEVELOPHEXT OF ENGLISH t, d. IX XOETH
INDIAN LANGUAGES

By T. C4rahame Bailey

TT is often said that Portuguese dental t, d. remain dental in India
and that English alveolar t, d, become cerebral. It would follow
that words like kaptdn and botal and haspatal, usually stated to be
from English, must be Portuguese. The question cannot be disposed
of so simply ; there seem to have been cross influences at work, and
sometimes there are different forms of the same word. See S. R.
Dalgado's works passim for valuable suggestions.

The following lines have in view the area over which Urdu,
Panjabi, and Hindi (= UPH.) are spoken, though the facts
adduced have a wider application. As this is a matter of pronunciation
it is necessary to confine oneself to spoken words and ignore hook
words e.xcept where others are not available. Printed forms are often
deliberately altered on d priori grounds.

We may say without hesitation that a very large majority of
English t's and d's do become cerebral when introduced into Indian
words. The question is whether any become dental ; if so, why ?
It should be remembered that mere haphazard e.xplanations are of
little value. Explanations must follow some definite principle.
Thus the facile guess that the ending of P. ddgddr. doctor, is taken by
analogy from the common Persian ending -ddr is valueless unless
we show why ‘‘ inspector ", ” director ”. " master give us inspitlar
(larektar, mdstar, and why " canister ” yields kannstar.

1. Words which probably have a Portuguese origin, though
generally said to be English.

Portuguese. English.

haptisma baptismo baptism

butdm (book form) botao button

(With this contrast the commoner hatan. Eng. button.)

gdrad

guarda

guard

P. ‘aspatdl, I

hospital

UH. haspatal |
kaptdn

capitSo

captain

kdrtus

cartucho

cartridge

mastaul

mastro, masto

mast

pi St aid

pistola

pistol

326

T. GRAHAME BAILEY —

Portuguese.

Englhh.

salad

salada

salad

sikattar

secretario

secretary

tamdku

tabaco

tabacco

tauTid

toalha

towel

hotal (P. botelha, E. bottle) and patlun (P. pantalona, E. pantaloons)
may be Portuguese, but it is at least possible that the words were
used in N. India before they existed in Portugal.

2. Words which seem to be certainly English, but have a dental
t, d, corresponding to the English alveolars. When there is a Portuguese
word in any way resembling UPH. I have added it.

Landan London Port. Londres

U. Dalhauzi, P. DVaujjl Dalhousie, the hill

station.

P. ardall, UH. ardaU orderly

P. dagddr, ddkdar doctor Port, doutor

daktnr is the commonest spoken form in UH.

Bookforms : dakidr in Lallu Jl ; ddkd-dr modern.

PU. drdz, fern, sing., pair of drawers, drawer in cupboard ;
plur. drdzzd, drdze, pairs of drawers, drawers in cupboard.
ketU kettle Port, caldeira

kanastar canister

tos piece of toast

trel tray

santrt sentry Port, sentinella

The following should probably be added, but they are not so
certain : —

darjan dozen Port, duzia

hathicok (? JiQtJii, artichoke alcachofra

elephant ; but why 1)

turap trump card trunfo

Mrpin turpentine terebintina,

terebinthia

Bookforms ; turmantm, tarmantu, turpentine, suggest Portuguese
termentina. Proper names are Istarling for Stirling in Gahb, and
Gilkrist for Gilchrist in Lallu Ji’s preface. See further below.'

The names of the months look more English than Portuguese,
and we are perhaps right in including four of them among the words
which have changed alveolar t, d, to dental. It must not be forgotten
that_; in UPH. represents a sound practically identical with Enghshy,
but very different from Portuguese j.

EXGLISH t, d, IN NORTH INDIAN LANGUAGES

327

janvarl

January

Janeiro

farvari

February

Fevereiro

mdrac

March

Marco

aprail

April

Abril

mai

iMay

Maio

jun

June

Junho

juldl, jauldi

July

Julho

agast

August

Agosto

sitambar

September

Setembro

aktubar

October

Outubro

navambar

November

Nov'embro

dasambar

December

Dezembro

Those which call for attention are agast, sitamhar, akiubar,
dasambar.

3. Words in which a Portuguese dental mag have become cerebral :
some of these are much disputed and all are doubtful.

Port, balde, pail, bucket ; bdlft.

falto, deficient ; PU. faltu, superfluous ; PH. phdltu ;
Laihndi, phCdtu, a kuU who waits at cross roads for odd
jobs ; Xep. pkdltii, phdltu.
foguete, rocket > patdkd, squib, etc. ? Skr. pat -t- ka.
tope, top of mast, etc. > topi, cap, hat.
varanda, balcony > UPH.6ar««dd ; WC.barandd (book form).
I take it that bardmada is a pseudo-Persian formation
manufactured in India and as unknown in Persia as
nom-de-plume and double-entendre are in France. This
is a greatly discussed word,
termentina, turpentine ; bookform tarmantu.

The UPH. words paltan, regiment, and biskut, biscuit, jdkat,
jacket, are just as likely to be derived from English battalion, biscuit,
and jacket as from Portuguese batalhao, biscoito, and jaqueto.

4. I have noted one or two points which go to show that 100 years
ago Indians seemed readier to equate Indian dentals with English
alveolars than they are now. It would be interesting if further proofs
were forthcoming. Asad Ullah Galib, about 1830 (see Urdu e
Mu‘alld, ed. of 1921, p. Ill), writes Istarling for Stirling, and twice
sikartar for Secretary ; Muhammad Yahya Tanha, quoting this very
passage in Sair id Mumnnifln, 1924, changes the words to Istarling
and sikartar ; yet sikattar is in general use conversationally to this day.
Lallu Lai in 1803-9 writes gilkrist for Gilchrist, whereas the usual

328

T. GRAHAME BAILEY

form to-day is gilkraist (so Tanha, op. cit.). In the same passage
Lallu himself freely uses cerebrals to represent English alveolars.

The tip of the tongue when pronouncing an alveolar is between
the dental and the cerebral position, almost midway. Taking the
hard palate as inches from front to back we may put cerebral
t, (I half an inch from the back edge of the teeth ridge. The centre
or lower half of the front teeth (the dental position) is perhaps a
quarter to three-eighths of an inch from the front edge of the teeth
ridge. But the modern Indian hearing alveolar t and d, considers
them cerebrals. This is not merely a literary device, it is the rule in
village talk. Thus we have : —

P. mthi < rahtl < raptj < rapot -f 7 < report -f 7 : a man who brings
in reports of occurrences.

P. batenii < belenfi <be — tem -(-7 <be — time -r 7. bateml means
lateness, etc.

Insha Allah's very clever lines illustrate both tenilencies : —

IC' ^1.

■1

(He is so fleet footed that if his rider breakfasts in Calcutta he may
lunch in London.) I am presuming that tijxin reached U. and P.
from England.

I have not touched upon English th in think " or " then ". The
former is almost always (h (sometimes t when final), as us ke thru <
ns ke through, by means of him : suuut sdhab (sahib) = 31r. Smith.
Against this note thadd kalus for third class ". The latter th > d :
fddar < " father," Eoman Catholic priest : but pddrJ < Portuguese
“ padre,” any clergyman.

5. CoxcLU.siox. — It appears to be clear that some UPH. words,
derived directly from English without possibility of Portuguese
influence, have changed alveolar t, d. to dental t, d, Is any explanation
possible ?

(i) One explanation may be stated to be rejected. It is that the
presence of r near t or d affects its pronunciation. Very many native
English speakers cerebralize t, d, I, n, when r immediately precedes,
and not a few make t, d, dental when r immediately follows, but
there is no reason to think that modern r has any such effect in North
India. We may satisfy ourselves about this if we listen to Indian
schoolboys reading English.

ENGLISH t, d. IN NORTH INDIAN LANGUAGES

329

(ii) Some words taken from English have been altered under
Portuguese influence, and vice versa.

(iii) When Portuguese must be excluded we are left to random,
guesses for individual words, unless we suppose that eighty or a
hundred years ago English alveolar t and d were nearer to dental t
and d than they are now. If this were established it would be aU the
harder to explain why LaUu used cerebral letters in the transcription
of Gilbert. Lord, Minto, Taylor, doctor {ddktdr), Lieutenant (liptan),
Hunter, and Lockett.

(iv) About any Portuguese t and (f, which may have become cerebral,
I say nothing, partly because they are not the real subject of this note,
and partly because the very few words which suggest this phenomenon
are of dubious origin.

BABU SYAM SUNDAR DASS BHASA VIGYAN
Contributed by 6. E. Leesox

T) ABU ^iYAM SUNDAR DAS, President of the Xagarl Pracarini
Sabha, has recently written a book entitled Bhcc^d Yigydn
(Benares, Sahitya-Eatn-Mala, 1920, pp. 6 + v + 388 + xxii). In this
work he has collected a large amount of material for his students in
the Central Hindu University.

I here give a translation, abridged in places, of certain pages
relating to Kliarl Boll in his interesting account of Hindi.

“ Pure Hindi is spoken in the Delhi and Merath districts and is a
literary language throughout northern Incba. In Riihelkhaipl the
language takes the form of Kanuauji ; beyond Ambfda it
becomes Panjabi, and in the south-east of Gurgao, Braj Bha.sa.
Here we would point out that the name Hindustani has been
given by the English, the true Indian name being Hindi. Urdu
(or Relita) and Dakkhini are the forms of Hindi in which Sanskrit
words are few, Arabic and Persian words numerous. In appro-
priating the language the Muhammadans of the north called it Urdu
or Rel^ta, while the southern Muhammadans called it Dakkhini.
But Urdu and Dakkhini are merely varietie.® of pure Hindi. It is
sometimes asserted that the word Hindi itself is Persian, the termina-
tion I being the Persian yd-i-nishaU. If this be so we may reasonably
say the same of the t in Avadkl, Bihdrl, and Mardtlii. But we must
dismiss this subject as irrelevant to our present purpose. It is sufficient
to say that Hindi is our language and is now becoming the national
language of all India.

♦ ♦ * * ♦

“ The middle period of Hindi lasted 500 years. We may divide this
period into two main parts, one from 1250 to 1150 and the other
from 1450 to 1750. In the first part the old dialects of Hindi gradually
take the forms of Braj , Avadhi, and Khari ; in the second part they
are further developed ; and finally we have a mingling of Braj and
Avadhi.

:{c %

“ Some people say that Khari is modern and that Hindi was first
given this form about 1800 by Lallu Ji Lai in his prose work Premsdgar.
But there is prose extant earlier than Lallu Ji, and in verse we find
Khari as early as the beginning of the thirteenth century. In poetry

332

G. E. LEESOX —

Kharl was used by Hindu as well as by Muhammadan poets. It is
true that, the country around Merath being the chief centre of Khari-
and Delhi being the seat of Muhammadan power. Khari was at first
the medium of communication between Hindus and Muhammadans,
and that it was they who encouraged its use. It is true, also,
that after this the Muhammadans, spreading into other parts, took the
language with them and diffused it throughout the country. But
the language belonged to India and was regularly spoken by the people
of the districts round Merath. Since the Muhammadans had appro-
priated the language it came to be regarded as in a sense theirs ; and
Hindi poets put it into the mouths of their Muhammadan characters.
Thus in the middle period Hindi appears in three forms, Braj, Avadhi.
and Khari. In the first period Prakrit words predominated, but in
the second and third periods San.skrit words predominated ; that is,
in the first period the language was embellished with Prakrit words,
whereas in the second period Sanskrit words began to be used for the
purpose. This does not mean that Prakrit forms ceased to exist in
Hindi. Certain Prakrit words continued to be used regularly, such as
hhucil, sayar, gay, hasah, nah, and loyan.

“During the following, that is the present. ])eriod, the use in
literature of Braj and Avadhi declined, and the use of Khari increased.
In fact Khari spread so widely that now it is the language of all Hindi
prose and of the greater part of Hindi poetry.

•• The above remarks apply particularly to the literary language.
In conversation various local varieties of Avadhi. Braj. and Khari are
used ; but the general language of conversation is Khari.

* * * ip

“ Khari Boli has a \'ery interesting history. It is spoken in Merath
and the surrmmding districts, and was at one time almost confined
to that area. "When the Muhammadans settled and established their
rule in this country they were faced with the problem of deciding
in what language they should communicate with the natives. Delhi
was the centre of their rule, and they chose Khari, the language of
the neighbouring district Merath.^ They began to use it in their
urdii (military bazaars), and took it with them wherever they went.
At first Khari readily assimilated the Arabic and Persian words that
gradually came into it, that is, gave them Hindi forms. But later
this was changed. The Muhammadans introduced many such words
in their original forms, and allowed the grammar also to be coloured
* It was .spoken in Delhi also. — G. E. L.

BABU SYAM SUNDAE DAS’S BHASA VIGYAN

333

by Arabic and Persian grammar. There began to be two varieties
of the language ; one continued to be called Hindi and the other was
known as Urdu. The English, retaining the better-known words of
each, but keeping to Hindi grammar, produced a third variety,
“ Hindustani Thus we have three forms of Khari ;

1. Pure Hindi. This is current among Hindus and is their
literary language.

2. Urdu. This is current specially among Muhammadans and
is their literary language. It is also used by some Hindus outside
their homes.

3. Hindustani. This contains Hindi and Urdu words and is used
by everybody in ordinary conversation. It owes its existence to
political reasons and at present possesses very little literature.

“ We shall consider these three forms separately. But first we would
remind the reader that the many theories regarding the origin of
Khari are misleading. Some people say that Hindi or Khari Boli
originated in Braj Bha>a. and that under Muhammadan influence
it was transformed by the introduction of all kinds of foreign word^.
There is very little truth in this. Khari has been in use as long as
Braj and AvadhI. The difference is simply that Braj and Avadhi
have literature of long standing, while the literature of Khari began
comparatively recently. Formerly Khari was only a spoken language.
To the Muhammadans, who adopted it, belongs the glory of haying
first made it literary. The first Khari poet was Amir Khusrau
(1255-1324).

*****

“ \Vith a yiew to encouraging the use of Arabic and Persian words,
and to facilitating intercourse between Hindus and Muhammadans,
Khusrau compiled the Khdliq-i-Barl, a dictionary in verse. It is
said that hundreds of thousands of copies of this dictionary were made
and distributed throughout the country on camels. Thus we see that
Khusrau not only was the first Khari poet but also did his utmost to
encourage an interchange of words between Hindi on the one hand
and Arabic and Persian on the other. In Khusrau' s poetry there are
numerous examples of the Khari Boh of the late tliirteenth and
early fourteenth centuries.

*****

“ It is clear, then, that Khari was current at the end of the fifteenth
century, though it was little valued as a literary language. Late in the

334

G. E. LEESON —

seventeenth century Hindi prose came into beina. and for this Kharl
was used. But it does not follow that Kharl was fashioned on an
Uidu model.

*****

•• Pandit Candrdhar Gulerl is right in thinking that the develop-
ment and spread of Kharl were made po.ssible by Huliammadan
royal patronage, and that Khan owes its position to tlu' iMuhammadans ;
but we cannot agree that it was created by inserting Sanskrit and
Hindi words in Urdu. Muhammad tbili. who began his reign in
f.jSO. is regarded as the earliest Urdu poet. But we have Hindi
composition in Khari of the middle of the thirteenth century, that is,
of a date 300 years earlier than the first Urdu poet. It cannot therefore
be maintained that the Khan form of Hindi was built on an I'rdu
foundation. The language of Braj verse had influenced Urdu several
hundred years prior to ifuhammad Quli's accession, and in I'rdu
poetry the expressive words of Braj were used regularly and witliout
hesitation. Later Urdu jxiets rejected the words of thi.s poetical
language, and gave Urdu an independent form by adorning Khari with
Arabic and Persian trappings. It is therefore correct to say that
Urdu is really a variety ” of Hindi, but rpiite incorrect to say that
Hindi arose out of Urdu. Urdu poetry arose naturally and with the
support of the poetical language of the country. Afterwards, when
it was .strong enough to stand alone, it dispensed with that support.

Concerning Hindi prose also there is a misajtjirehension. Lallu Ji
Lai is considered its originator. But in point of fact it was not he
who gave Hindi its modern form. Before him we have Sadasukh's
translation of the Bhagavat.

* * * Sjc

•• After Sada.sukh comes the time of Lallu Ji Lai. Sadal Misr. and
Insha Allah Khan. The language of Sadal Misr's Ndsiketopdkhgan
is more vigorous and more beautiful than that of Lallu Ji's Premsdyar.
In Preinsdgar the various forms are not used consistentlv. We
frequently find such forms as kari, karike ; bulde kun. hiilde kar and
bulde karike. This is not the case with Sadal Misr, Insha Allah
Khan uses pure Tadbhav forms. His language is simple and beautiful ;
but in its arrangement of sentences it resemble.s Urdu, and for this
reason some people regard it as an example of old Urdu rather than of
Hindi. To conclude ; it is true that Hindi prose owed its spread and
subsequent prosperity to the Fort William authorities, especially
Dr. Gilchrist, but Lallu Ji was not its originator. In the same wav as

BABr SYAII SrXDAR PAS's BHASA VIGYAX 335

the spread of Kharl was due to the Muhammadans the new era of

Hindi prose is due to the Eiiglisli.

About Hindustani it is suificient to say that it owes its existence
to the EngUsh. The commonest words of both languages [Urdu and
Hindi] are being fitted into tlie framework of Hindi grammar. How
successful this will be it is difficult to say. Just as Avadhi and Braj,
dialects possessing remarkable literature, are now declining while
Khari, which at one time had no literature, is rising and taking their
place, so it may well be that in a century or two the chief language of
speech and literature will be Hindustani, a language not onlv containing
a mixture of Hindi and Urdu words, but also considerabU' influenced
by English. The history of Indian languages shows us clearly that
whenever a spoken language has become literary it has assumed another
form for purposes of conversation, and that when this colloquial form
has in turn become literary yet another spoken language has emerged.
This process has gone on for thousands of years, and there seems to
be no reason why it should not go on in the future. ”

VOL. IV. PART II.

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

The Religion and Philosophy of the Veda and Upanishads.
By Arthur Berriedale Keith. Harvard Oriental Series,
vols. 31-2. Pp. 1-312 ; 313-G83. Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard
University Press, 1925.

It may soon be said of Professor Keith as of a famous author in
times long gone by, that he has written much more than the average
man ever reads. Quite apart from numerous volumes on colonial and
dominion policy with which Sanskrit scholars in general are thoroughly
unfamiliar he has produced, in some twenty years’ time, an amazing
number of books and articles dealing with various parts of Hindu
lore. Though his works are all well-known to persons concerned with
Sanskrit scholarship, it may be well to remember that the Harvard
Oriental Series hr" already published two important books by him,
the translations oX the Taittirlya and that of the Aitareya and Kausi-
taki Brahma nas. In a series of more or less extensive volumes he has
dealt with no less than four of the orthodo.x darsa)ias and with the
Buddhist philosophy ; before that he published important works on
Vedic subjects, and he has recently devoted his interest to the classical
literature and the drama. And we are now informed that he had already
ten years ago completed these two bulky volumes on Vedic religion,
ritual and philosophy, the publication of which was delayed for reasons
that equally apply to the work by Professor Edgerton mentioned
above. The long delay has apparently done the work no harm, for the
learned author has with great energy brought it quite up to date by
paying due attention to recent literature on these .subjects.

The opinions of a scholar who has at his command such a wide
field of research will always demand close attention from his fellow-
students. This is still more the case as Professor Keith has always
been a man who sticks very strongly to his opinions while he has more
often a word of disapproval than of applause for those of other scholars ;
besides, he has always proved to be a man who is nowise averse
to polemics and who has often, with skill and vigour, fought
great battles over various debated problems in Sanskrit hterature.
It has, unfortunately, not alwaj^s been possible for the present writer

338

REVIEWS OP BOOKS

to share Professor Keitli's opinions, and he must plead guilty to
doing it less than ever as far as the present work is concerned. But
difference of opinion does, liappily. not [ireclude us from taking a
great — or perhaps even a greater — intere.st in works with the main
doctrines of which we have to disagree.

This portentous work is divided into five different parts of some-
what unequal length, dealing with the sourct's. the gods and demons
of the Veda, the Yedic ritual, the spirits of the dead, and the philosophy
of the Yeda. The.se five ])arts. winch cover altogether somewhat
more than 600 pages, are followed hy no less than eight appendices,
the subjects of which are of a very different nature, ranging from a
discussion on the age of the Rigveda and the vesta to the interrelation
of Pythagoras and Parmenides. It is fpiite clear that a reviewer, even
if enough space could be allotted him, cannot possibly deal with even
part of all these various subjects. \Ie sliall. therefore, allow ourselves
here to say some word.s mainly on the second part of the work and
only to offer a few scattered remarks on its other greatly varving
contents.

No one could reasonably accu.se Professor 'f being a heretic

in matters connected with Yedic religion and mythomgy. if the orthodox
view is still the one which was held already in the middle of the last
century — to speak only of European researches on the Yeda To him
the Rigveda still remains the one and universal document concerning
the religion of I edic times, and its gods are all — or next to all —
personifications of the great jiowers of Nature. Attempts have been
made during late years, and especially by one scholar of very high
authority, to put a more human touch into ^ edic religion and to
bring it into closer connexion with the later religious development of
India. But these heretical suggestions have left Profe.ssor Keith cpiite
untouched, and he even takes care not to quote the work where they
ha\e been set forth or to mention its author. Still, a few pas.sages in
his work clearly indicate that these heresies have met with his most
emphatic displeasure.

To Professor Keith the great gods Yaruna and Mitra are still
deified pouers of Nature, though nothing seems more certain than
that the solution of their enigma is not to be looked for that way.
That YBtra is the sun the Professor sees not the slightest reason for
doubting , but he is more doubtful concerning Yaruna, though he
finds positive evidence that he is not the moon. The all-encompassing
vault of the sky would, however, offer a possible solution, and even

VEDA AND UPAXISHADS

339

the old comparison with Ovpavosis not wholly out of question, though
phonetics make difficulties here.

Professor Keith in one or two passages cpiotes the work of Professor
Johansson on the goddess Dhisana,^ but possibly he only knows it
from the extensive review by Oldenberg. Otherwise we should have
expected him to have offered us a criticism of the rather startling views
on Varuna presented in that work ; though the present writer does
not see his way to share them, he should still like to point out that
the work contains a great deal of important material concerning Varuna
which has not formerly received due attention from scholars.

But nothing seems more certain than that Varuna is neither the
sky nor the moon : nor was iMitra originally the sun. though the
Eigveda may already have turned him into a sun-god. Far too little
stress is generally laid on tlie absolutely different aspect of these
gods compared with tlie other Vedic ones. AVhile gods like Indra and
other ones seem to he tlie lordsof a rustic, semi-nomadic, strong and half
barbarous generation. Varuna and illitra seem to be in close touch
with a much higher civilization, seem to originate in a society where
law and order were to a higher degree prevailing, and where the riotous
and law-breaking crowd was closelv watched and dulv brouglit to
punishment. If Indra is the heroic and somewhat grotesque chief of
a flock of early knights-errant, Varuna is the king in a well-ordered
city-state where his spies keep a close eye on all evil-doers, and where
the criminal is brought to a speedy and fearful punishment. In a
society which had not yet quite settled down such a superhuman
enforcer of law and order might present a somewhat sinister aspect,
and this does perhaps account for the darker features in the character
of Varuna. But it seems to be a more or less unavoidable conclusion
that these gods were once introduced amongst the Indo-Iranians from
some other people. The nearest clue seem.s to be to try to ascertain
the land from which they came, and possibly the way by which
they arrived amongst the ancestors of the Aryans in Iran and India
alike.

After reading about Varuna and Mitra we are not astonished to
learn that the time-honoured arguments for making a sun-god out
of Pusan are still upheld by Profes.sor Keith. And the author is to
be congratulated on his happy conviction that " there can reallv be
little doubt as to the nature” of Visnu who, to him. also represents
the sun. That this conviction is shared bv many scholars we may
^ Vber die altindiscke Gdttin Dhisaniiy UpbaU, 1919.

3-10

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

perhaps doubt. But, on the other hand, tliere is little doubt that
some more lucky attempts to solve the riddle of this mv.<teriou.s god
have been made though they are not taken into account by Professor
Keith. Professor Johansson, in a publication which is, unfortunately,
only available in Swedish.^ laid stress on Visnu's nature of being a
punim, and of appearing in the form of a bird alike ; the story of the
bird, the Soma-fetching eagle, has been dealt with to some c.xtent by
the present writer.- and it seems a bit curious that Professor Keith
should still, in face of the evidence brought forward, uphold the
impossible suggestion that Indra is the Soma-fetching eagle. As for
the nature of Visnu a great advance has been achieved, a few years
ago, by Dr. Barnett, who declared him to have been originally “ the
Spirit of Sacrifice",^ a suggestion that surely cannot be far wrong,
though it is not even mentioned by Professor Keith. Certain questions
arising in connexion with the interpretation of the Purn^asukla
(EV. X, 90). and which will possibly be dealt with soon, only tend to
confirm this happy and luminous suggestion.

It is also a firm conviction of Profe.ssor Keith's that the A.svins
are in some way connected with the phenomena of Nature, anil he has,
in one passage (p. 50). paid the juesent writer the compliment of
describing as ludicrous his belief in the theory of the Aitihasikas that
they were once a pair of princes rather conspicuous for different
achievements and virtues. To tho.se scholars who still wish to ujjhold
the assertion that the Asvins are nature-gods it must seem singularly
unfortunate that no one has yet been able to point out any phenomenon
of nature that would form a basis for the rise of these mvsterious
gods. The sun and moon, for apparent reason.s. are not much in
favour here, but a certain precedence seems to be given to the morning
and evening stars ; unfortunately, the A.svins always seem to be
appearing together, while, so far, the lumina of morn and earlv ni^ht
have been invariably separated. It is not suggested that the Aitiha-
sikas were always right, just as little as was Euhemeros. though the
later one seems to have been one of the most sensible of men ; but
we should like to hear from Professor Keith the explanation of some
leading features of the Asvins starting from the hypothesis that they
are deified powers of Xatime. So far. he has not given us anything
of that sort nor does it seem likely that he will ever be able to do it.

I Solfageln i Indien, Upsala, 1910.

Die Supariiasage, Upsala, 1920-22 (cf. this Bulletin, ii, p. S07 sq.).

^ Cp. Hindu Gods and Heroes (1922), p. 37 sq.

VEDA AND UPANISHADS

341

That Indra was once a burly chieftain of some Indo-Iranian clan
has lately been suggested quite independently by Professor Konow
and Dr. Barnett, and the inference seems to be that he very likely was.
There is not much in the myths attached to him that could not easily
be explained in that way, though we quite admit, with Professor
Keith (p. 56), that the localization of his exploits attempted by
Konow does not carry conviction. But the strikingly individual
features of this boisterous, hard-drinking, and far from virtuous god,
must seem highly improbable if they are to be explained as belonging
to a god of thunder or sunshine. It is curious that Professor Keith
willingly admits that a number of Indra’s foes were quite probably
human, and is even prone to admit the historical existence of Kutsa,
while he refuses to believe in the one of Indra.

As for Trita, who is closely connected with Indra, the main facts
disclosing his real nature are plainly missing in Professor Keith’s
paragraph. But as it is hoped that a comprehensive study of the
Trita mjdhs will in no long time be appearing the results arrived at
there should not be forestalled here. That Ahi Budhnya would represent
lightning seems rather far-fetched in the presence of mythological
figures such as ^esa and the Nagas, who seem to account fairly well for
his existence.

That Professor Keith should scarcely have much sympathy with
the theories of Dr. Arbman concerning Eudra's original nature and
concerning the sources from which to gather information on this sombre
and awe-inspiring god was to be expected. But in face of his wholesale
condemnation of Arbman's theories, it would have been expected
that he might himself have offered us something better than the
unsubstantial and wholly unsatisfactory explanations which lay stress
on the — apparently wholly artificial — connexion of Rudra with Agni
and otherwise try to account for the whole of his nature by the often
repeated word “ syncretism Personally, the present writer is quite
prepared to admit that Arbman's theories are presented in a some-
what crude form and with a certain prolixity of expression which
at times makes it difficult to catch their inmost sense ; but there can
be no doubt whatsoever that, in the main, their author is on the right
track. And it is beyond any doubt that the scholar who, like Professor
Keith, seeks to solve Eudra's riddle solely with the help of the Rigveda
will be apt to land himself in insoluble contradictions and difficulties.
For the paths of the great god, whatever his names Rudra and Siva
may originally have meant, were wholly outside the society where the

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REVIEWS OF BOOKS

Brahmin was the person of the highest consifleration. and the chief
impression one gets from the scanty evidence of the Pdgveda is that
Eiidra was a powerful hut scarcely fasluonable godd

Tlie Rbhus probably present a more easy problem than the gods
hitherto mentioned. It seems fairly obvious that the my.-terious
qualities accorded to the smith in tales of yore will account for part
of their nature. And it may be apt to remember that, although com-
parative philology does give us few and scanty clues concerning the
existence of various trades in Indo-Euro[)ean times, it certainly points
to the prominent position of the wainwright : and there seems to
be an early and close connexion between the llbhusand the rdthdkura.
Their enemy. Tva.star, apparently repre.sents something of the same
sort, a creator of an old-fashioned set who hews the universe out of
wood or forges it together like the black.smith on his anvil.

That the Gandharva is a heavenly being {p. ISO) seems an astonish-
ing assertion in face of his constant a.ssociution with things far from
celestial. But the dealings of these mysterious creatures cannot be
discussed in detail here. As for the Apsara.s the meaning of her name
is scarcely doubtful, but not in the .sense in which Professor Keith is
inclined to explain it. There is little doubt that apsnrd.s really means
“ bodyless, formle.s.s “ in the sense of a being who can. at her own
pleasure, take on different forms which is. of course, one of the leading
features of these fair but tricky womenfolk. The suggesthjii should
perhaps be added that the name is probably a very ohl one, though
its existence on Iranian .soil has not, so far, been ascertained.

There would be many other points to be brought under discus.sion
which cannot, unfortunately, be done liere. On the whole, the present
writer cannot, to his regret, find that any real ])rogre.ss has been
made in the field of re.search on Yedic religion bv this new attempt
by Professor Keith. His statements are, of course, verv much matter-
of-fact. but the materials were already there in the well-known works
of Oldenberg. Hillebrandt. and Macdonell — not to mention other ones
— and need not necessarily have been repeated here. As for Professor
Keith's own suggestions, they are mostly the same as belonged to an
earlier school of Yedic mythologists and .seem singularly lacking in
that power of imagination which seems a nece.ssarv attribute to the

1 In face of Professor Keith s as.sert ion ( p. 150) that ,Si va represents an amalgamation
of Ruflra with ■' a vegetation deity, an Indian Dionysos "we might be allowed to
a.sk where that vegetation deity Is to be found. A.s Indian .sources are absolutely
.silent about him. the inference perhaiis is that the Dionyso.s of Megasthenes is alluded
to. If that is the case, tiie evidence is totally insufficient.

VEDA AND LPANISHAUS

343

historian of religions. Xo donht. Professor Keith possesses an
uncommon power of drv and sober observation and statement, but
his genius, whicli is cliiefly of a negative character, seems singularly
unfit for dealing with the fancifvd outcomes of religious thought and
mythological ideas.

AVe shall now proceed to make a few remarks and additions on
scattered passages in the work. As a rule Professor Keith is extremely
well read all over the vast fiehls of research which his extensive
investigations cover ; but there may be one or two rather unimportant
additions which may as well be put forward here.

The contention, on p. 10. that no stone building.s like those of the
Sumerians have been discovered in the Indus valley is somewhat
invalid in face of the recent excavations at IMohenjo-Darjo and other
sites in the Sindh and Punjal). But Professor Keith may well defend
himself for neglecting to put in a reference to these excavations by
referring to the singular fact that so far very f(‘w reports have reached
us concerning the real im[)ortance of the new fiiuls.

On pp dO and 547 the ilate of Panini is shortly discussed, and
Professor Keith, in accordance with the orthodox, but singularly
tmfounded view. i»laces him in the fourth century n.c. It is willingly
admitted, and wa.s duly pointed out in thearticle referred to on p.517.
that the reasons for postponing his tlate to some time just before 500 B.c.
are. so far, wholly hypothetical ; but the evidence for the orthodox
view is just as .slight or possibly a little slighter. Anyhow, the ijavnminl
argument should certainly not be brought to bear upon the question.
For if ijavanunl lipfium does reallv aj)plvto the text of Panini himself,
which is by no means certain, the natural inference is that it
simply means the " Western " script, i e., the Aramaic used by the
Persian chancellery or an otherwise unknown KharosthI of a very
early date.

On p. 147 Professor Keith has got something to say about the
vmtija s, those rather mysterious people who performed the curious
sacrifice called the vrdtijastonut. The present writer once tried to
establish that the vratifas were unorthodox followers of Rudra-Siva. a
point of view that was rather violently attacked by Professor Keith.'
w ho still refuses to see the real point of the cpiestion. The references
to literature on the vrdtj/a problem are insufficient, as amongst others
an important article by Professor Winternitz - has been left out.
^ (’p, JHAS., 1913, p. 1.55 sq.

- Zeitfsclirift fur Buddliismus, vol. vi (1924-5), p. 48 sq.

344

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

Xor is there any reference to the paper by ^laliamahopadhyaya
Haraprasacl Shastrid in which, without knowing my previous opinion,
he arrives at exactly the same conclusion as myself. In the meantime
another very distinguished scholar has arrived at the same conclusion
too. though, unfortunately, he has not yet published his di.scu.ssion
of the problem. In view of this consensus we .shall rest .satisfied the
vrdtyas had undoubtedly some close connexion with the cult of Rudra-
Siva, especiallv as Profes.sor Keith offers us nothing towards a solution
of the question, his criticism being purely negative.

It seems curious that Profes.sor Keith (pp. 491, 521) should feel
inclined to uphold the tran.slation of neti neti by “ not so, not so ”, as
it is pretty obvious that it simply means “ no. no ". The author
has himself given the very best parallel for this in quoting, on p, 6t)0,
n. 2, the words of Duns Scotus : “ Dens . . . non immerito nihil
vocatur.” Xor does his criticism of Professor Stcherbatsky's .solution
of the central problems of Buddhism (p. 547, etc.) carry any conviction.
It would perhaps be hasty to conclude that Professor Stcherbatsky
has been able to tell us precisely what the Tathagata taught ; but he
has undoubtedly grasped the knotty problem in a quite new way,
and the simple and elegant .solution of the dharma question speaks
a lot for the correctness of his views.

A few supplementary notices on literature may well conclude this
already somewhat lengthy review. On p, 38 we miss a reference
to the late Profes.sor von .Schroeder's work on Herakles and Indra,-
as well as one to the paper of Professor Wackernagel on Kubera
and the Kabeiroi,^ the identity of whom cannot, of course, be upheld
with any great success. On Visnu's three steps something has been
said in Ostasiat. Zeitschrijt, vii, p. 5 sq., and the etymology olsipivista
has been discus.sed to some length in Kuhn's Zeitschrijt, vol. 46,
p. 32 sq.

That there existed some Teuton parallels to the Dioskouroi and the
Asvins has been contended by Professor Johansson,^ on chiefly
etymological reasons. On the problem of ilatari.svan something has
been said by the present writer in Kleine Beitruge zur indo-iranischen
Mythohgie (1941), p. 69 sq. The discussion of the etymology of the

' PAiSB., 1921, p. xxi sq.

^ Denk-schriften der Wiener Al-rtd. d ll'm , 58, 3 (1914).
“ Kuhn's Zeitschrijt, vol. 41. p 314 .sq.

* Arkivfor Kordish Filologi, vol. 35, p. 1 sq.

VEDA AND rPANISHADS

345

name Parjanija (p. 141) might well have included a reference to
articles by Professors Lidtin ^ and Hirt."

On p. 302 we miss a reference to Professor Hillebrandt's paper
on suicide by fire,® and on p. 316 the important discussion of Johansson
on the aimmcdha * might well have been taken into account. Xor
has Professor Keith (p. 423) referred to Winternitz’ very impoitant
paper on suttee.^ Tliat the two Patanjali's are in reality one person
(p. 548) has recently been upheld, though probably with slight success,
by Professor Liebich.® Professor Edgerton, in an excellent article
in the AJPh., has declared his adherence to the opinion of the present
writer that ijngn really means “practical effort"’.’

There are several other points which we should verv much like
to discuss, but, for want of space, they must be left out here. Onlv one
detail must still be toucheil upon, and the present writer feels very
happy to confess that, much as he disagrees from the views of Professor
Keith in general, he is in complete agreement with him there. Professor
Keith is to be congratulated upon the very acute way in which he has
criticized the entirely impossible theories of Professor Ilertel on the
meaning of brahman and on the date of Zoroaster, and we must be
thankful to him for having done so. Every criticism of such premature
and extravagant theories is welcome, as it is else to be feared that
they may be re-echoed by persons with insufficient competence of
judgment, and thus be converted into more or less a sort of doctrine,
and the thorough criticism of Profes.sor Keith undoubtedly will go
a long way towards preventing that.

In summing up we have to confess that the work of Professor
Keith leaves room for grave doubt and disagreement on many points,
and that the central part of it — the J'edic religion and mythology —
does not seem to have contributed virtually towards the progress
of that branch of research. But quite apart from this, which mav,
after all, be a matter of purely personal taste, this book will always
remain a standard work for reference on a great number of subjects.
AVe may disagree with the opinions of Professor Keith, but we can
only have one opinion of his marvellous energy, skill, and power of

' Armeniscke Studien, p. 89 S(j.

- I ndogerman! .^cke Forsr.himrjen, vol. i, p. 479 sq.

^ Sitzumj'iberichte der Bidjcr. Akad. d. irtss., 1917-8.

^ Loc cit , p. 108 sq.

^ roj., xxix. 172

“ Sitziing^herickle der Heidelhcrger Aknd. d. Tr/?s., 1910; 4, p 7 sq.

' Cp. expressions like dlm'inaM yunjUa, etc.

346

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

mastering a great number of various subjects. In .spite of divergence
of opinions we may be allowed to wind up with an expression of sincere
admiration for his apparently unlimited faculty of gathering and
producing information on any amount of subjects.

Jakl Ch.\rpentier.

Vikrama's Advextures or The Thirty-two Tales of the Throne.
A collection of Stories about King Yikrama. as told by the thirty-
two Statuettes that supported his Throne. Edited in four different
Recensions of the Sanskrit Original (Vikrama-Charita or Sinha.sana
Dvatrincaka) and translated into English with an Introduction,
by Franklin Edgerton. Harvard Oriental Series, vols. 26-7.
cvi -r 266 pp. ; 369 pp. Cambridge. Hass. ; Harvard University
Press, 1926.

It ha.s long been known that Profe.s.sor Edgerton was preparing
an elaborate edition of the Vikramacan'ta, and we now learn that his
manuscript materials were fully completed already at the beginning
of 1917. The publication of the.se important volumes has, however,
been long delayed owing to the War and its disa.strous consequences,
but it .seem.s that the Harvard Oriental Series has now resumed its
full activity, to the admiration and .satisfaction alike of every Sanskrit
scholar. Professor Edgerton is to be warmly congratulated upon his
achievement, and so is also the editor of the series. Profes.sor Lanmam
whose life-long services to Sanskrit scholarship are too well known
all over the world to be in need of any further comment.

Professor Edgerton's editorship of the texts of the Vikramacarita
seems to have been conducted on wholly sound methods, and although
quite a number of passages seem difficult or doubtful probably nothing
more could have been achieved with help of the materials available.
Consummate as seems to be his skill as an editor must also be his
patience ; for it may as well be admitted that we might rack a con-
siderable amount of literature before finding something quite as
senseless and insipid as are these, fortunately rather short, tales
connected with Yikrama and his famous throne. Not one of them
is even slightly exciting, and if something could perhaps be said for
a story like the one called The clever mountebank " i that is about
all. Of all the innumerable tales known from Indian sources, a very
considerable number are of the highest literary and folkloristic merit,

^ It may be left wholly- out of the diseu.ssion whether “ mountebank *’ is just
the appropriate rendering of the Sanskrit Aindrajdlika.

THE thirty-two TALES OF THE THRONE

347

but the tales of the ViJ^ramararita. unfortuuatelv. do not come under
that head.

No suggestions concerning doubtful pa.ssages in the text can be
offered in a short review, nor could the present writer, who is wholly
unacquainted with the manuscript materials, venture to offer any.
As for the translation it is certainly made with every care, and Pro-
fessor Edgertoii has, no doubt, succeeded very well in making it
generally accessible even to the reader whose acquaintance with the
original language is only a very slight one. Of certain details in the
rendering of the Sanskrit we may perhaps feel in doubt ; to quote
only two instances, it may well he questioned whether dhannasam-
grahakdrinah (p. 147, 15 of the text) is quite appropriately rendered
by “ laying up stores of righteousness", and it is perfectly obvious
that in the verse quoted from the Mdhtlmddhara on p. 190 sulupdni
should not be translated by “Club-bearer". The last instance is a
harmless one . we i\-illingly admit it : for every Sanskrit scholar knows that
the sida is not the club of Siva, and to persons unacquainted with
Sanskrit it is of no consequence at all. And we shall pass silently
over some other small inadvertences which are not in the slightest
detrimental to the importance of the work as a whole.

The introduction very carefully deals with the general scope and
contents of the work, the manuscripts of the different recensions,
the authorship and date of the work and the intricate problem connected
with King Vikrama or Vikramaditya, that mysterious magni nominis
umbra who has hitherto baffled all the sagacious investigations of
Western and Hindu scholars alike.

Professor Edgerton somewhat strongly believes in the historical
existence of a certain Vikrama, king of Malwa. and in some wav or
other connected with the foundation of an era beginning in 58 b.c.
It may as well be admitted at once that the pages of the Professor's
excellent work dealing with the 4'ikrama problem seem to the present
WTiter to be the least happy ones of the whole book. We willingly
admit that there is no reason whatsoever for historically denying the
existence of Vikramaditya. king of Ejjain in the first century b.c. ;
but, on the other hand, there is just as little reason for beheving in it.
A historical background is to be found behind the tales of Gardabhilla,
the Sakas and Vikramaditva, of that we feel fully convinced, and
the name Gardabhilla might well inspire somewhat aerial suggestions.
But the problem still remains as unsolved as ever to what period these
events have to be ascribed, and Professor Edgerton has offered us no

348

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

contribution towards a probable solution of the riddle. His criticism
of Sir John Jlar.sliaU'.s attemjit to solve the problem of the Vikrama-
era is rather an unhappy one. and it .seems scarcely intelligible that
support should be given to D. R. Bhandarkar’s (and Konow's) rendering
of wjasa as ddijasi/a. which is. of course, wholly out of the (piestion.
Until further discoveries tell us .something better we shall feel fairly
satisfied that the Vikrama-era is in some way connected with the Saka
king Azes I.

On p. hii, Profe.ssor Edgerton deals with cpiotations. in the Vikra-
niacarita, from other Sanskrit work.s. In this conne.xion it might as
well have been mentioned that verse 7 of the eighteenth story (SK.)
is, of course, the introductory stanza of the Y ikrnmorvnil .

Criticism of certain details might perhaps be carried a little further.
But as for the general tenor and usefulness of the work, there can
only be one opinion, and certainly all Sanskrit scholars feel deejily
grateful to Professor Edgerton for his valuable and painstaking
achievement. To English and Continental readers alike it may be
unknown or doubtful whether .spellings like “ thru ”, “ flourisht ", etc.,
render faithfully the American pronunciation or not ; it is practically
certain that they do not render the average English one. But this
remains a matter of taste, and although we should be feeling happier
for not seeing such things they cannot deprive the work of anything
Uke that of its great and lasting value.

J.VRL Ch.\E1>EXTIER.

Ergebnlsse der Kgl. Prec.ssischex Turfanexpeuitioxex. Die
Buddhistische Spatantike in Mittelasien von A. vox Le Coy.
Fiinfter Teil ; Xeue Bildwerke, Berhn, 1920.

AVhen the present writer had the pleasure to review, in this Bulletin}
the third and fourth volumes of Profe.ssor von Le Cof|'.s magnum opus
he was under the impression that it was happily brought to its end.
This, anyhow, was the impression which could at that time be gathered
from the publisher's advertisement. But, happily, it pro\ed to be
otherwise, for the Professor has now endowed us with still another
magnificent volume ; and, according to the preface, the unpacking,
which is not yet completed, and exhibiting of the precious results

of the Turfan expeditions will enable Professor von Le Coq and

possibly also other Berlin scholars — to furnish us with still more
materials towards the knowledge of the development of classical,

1 Cf. Yol. Ill, pp. 814-20.

PREUSSISCHE TURFANEXPEDITIONEN

349

Indian, and Iranian art on the soil of Turkestan. Whether, under
those circumstances, the Buddliistiche Spiitantike ’’ is still to be
considered as a work brought to its definite end is not quite clear to
the present writer. Personally he hopes not.

In artistic accomplishment this volume well holds its rank with
the previous ones, and we must confess very seldom to have seen better
reproductions or even any equal to those given here ; they seem to
represent the very pick of illustrative art. The text is, as in all the
volumes, not too extensive, but gives just what is needed for the
understanding of the pictures and, besides, brings several new
conclusions of the author which, even if we must at times with all
due respect differ from them, are always worthy of consideration.
Professor von Le Coq has the artistic taste for writing scientific works
which is not common to all his countrymen ; he satisfies his readers
by giving them the great lines and an appropriate amount of details
without cramming them with an immense number of petitesses which
may be very useful but sometimes rather blur the main outlines.

The present writer, who cannot profess to be an expert on any
of the topics dealt with by Professor von Le Coq, may only venture
upon a very few scattered remarks to which he himself attaches but
slight importance. In no way are they intended to detract from the
profound appreciation and respect he feels for the learned author's
most important work.

On p. 10 Professor von Le Coq has given us really valuable informa-
tion concerning a detail in the traditional description of a Buddha.
Many of the signs characterizing the great spiritual and temporal
lords of Ancient India are rather puzzling i ; and one of the most
astonishing is certainly the web which connects the fingers of a Buddha,
something hke the one on the feet of ducks, etc. Professor von Le Coq
seems to have shown that this singular trait originates from a technical
detail in the Gandhara sculptures. This is of great importance ; for,
if the Professor's suggestion be a correct one, it proves that the
traditional description of a Buddha must be younger than the rise of
the Gandhara school, as before its origin India is not supposed to have
had any images of the Master of the Law.’

* Cf. e.g. Varahamihira's Bihatsainhitii, eh. Ixviii sq.

* It has recently been contended by some scholars — amongst others, I
think, by Dr. Coomaraswamy — that the image of the Buddha is of purely Indian,
not of Gandhara, origin. Unfortunately, historical evidence goes quite the
opposite way.

350

reviews of books

On plate 10 we have a Jataka picture wliere tlie Boilliisattva
is seen preparing to cut his throat or his jugular vein witli a sword,
apjiarently in order to give his hlood to a ]ioor, emaciated child that
is seen reclining in the lap of its mother on the Bodhisattva's left side.
The picture was known already from Professor tlrunwedel's Alt-
buddhistische Knltstutten, p. G9. but has not been identified. It is not
absolutely identical with the Ajanta jiicture called by 31. Foucher
“ le Bodhisattva a Tepee " i but is of f«he same type. Tlie story which
belongs to the picture at Ajanta ha.s been found by 311le Lalou in tlie
Z)a?c«.iv. 2901). and theTokyo Tniidnhi, xvii. G7a, col (!.- According
to these texts King Sibi, that paragon of sidf-sacrifice. gave for si.v
whole months his own blood to a poor man who could onlv be cured
by a soup of human blood — thu.s anticijiating in a rather crude way
the modern idea of transfusion.

The second picture of plate 10 has been identified bv Professor
Griinwedel with the tiul(iso)))(ijrikika? though, from Althuddhi-Misrhe
Kidtstatten, p. 70, it doe.s not seem ([uite certain that this is the case.
The present writer may be allowed to give vent to a slight doubt
whether the identification is really the correct one.

A.s for the curious head-dre.s.s of the lady on plate 25 we mav perhaps
venture to refer to this Bulletin, Vol. III. p. 817, and to the literature
quoted there.

This exhausts the .scanty .store of detailed remarks to which it
has seemed worth while to give vent here. After that let us finish
this short review with an expression of the gratitude toward.s Profes.sor
von Le Coq for his magnificent achievement, which we feel sure is
shared by every scholar interested in the.se tojiics. The author himself,
in the preface, speaks of the almo.st insuperable difficulties experienced
during the period of printing the previous volumes. To the difficulties
experienced at that time by almo.st every author in Germanv there came
the personal one of a long and most .serious illne.ss. the foundation of
which was laid, if we are not much mistaken, by an unusual act
of bravery during one of the Professorhs now famous exj)editions.
Difficulties there are to be .surmounted. And it can onlv intensifv
our admiration for the iron will and great skill of Profes.sor von Le Coq
that he has really succeeded in surmounting them, thus .setting in the

' Cf. Journal U.<( , 1021 ; Tome x%ii. p. 216 sq.

- Cf. Journal .4.? , 1925 ; Tome ccvii, p 336 sq

® Jutahimcda x.x.\i ; the title there is Sutasonve not iruta- Soma jataka.

FURTHER DIALOGUES OF THE BUDDHA 351

annals of scientific research another splendid illustration of the old
verse of the Hindu poet :

vdijotjinam purusasimlmm upniti Lahp)ur
diiirexa de/fam id kfipuruMi vadanti |
daivani nihat'/n kuru pauriixnm dtmasttlii/d
ijatne krte yudi int ddhiiati ko 'tra doKth /

Jarl Charpentier.

Further Dialogues of the Buddha. Translated from the Pali
of the Majjhima Xikaya. By Lord Chalmers, G.C.B., sometime
Governor of Cevlon. Sacred Books of the Buddhists, vol. v.
In two volumes. Vol. i, pp. xxiv, 371. London : O.xford
University Press. 1926.

AVe have at length a book before us -which is long overdue. This
is in no w^av a defaulting in the translator. It is he -who lias stepjied
into the breach, accomplishing a task for which there had arisen
in neither Oxford nor Cambridge a Jowett. Had he not turned
leisure hours, unhasting, unresting, to better use than do most of us.
we should still be waiting. Our debt to him is very great. The
publication of the three volumes of the ” Dialogues i.e. of the first
(Digha) Nikaya, was spread out over twenty-one years ; the publica-
tion of the slightly more condensed second (Majjhima) Nikaya, will
have occupied two years ! Let it not be concluded from that, that
the long and exacting labour has been rushed with unseemly haste.
I can testify from some experience, and I venture to say, that never
has it been my good fortune to read any Pah translation (I might
even go much farther) where I get the sense of a text not merely
“ rendered " into a more or less equivalent Enghsh, but of a text
where the meaning has been so chewed and digested, that the Enghsh
expression of it emerges with the freshness, vigour, and vividness
of something actually experienced. The aid here rendered by Lord
Chalmers to all future Pah and Buddhist studies will live as an out-
standing work long after mo.st of the many “ books about Buddhism ’’
are dead and buried. A critic here and there may have seen presump-
tion in Rhys Davids's choice of title ; “the Dialogues,” but, after all,
these Further Dialogues are of the hneage of Jowett's Plato. There,
as here, we have the source-t. about which the httle books talk, not
always very wisely, and by “ sources ” I mean the surviving materials

VOL. TV. part it.

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which at present bring us nearer than an\' others to the fountain-head
of the Buddhist movement. In Plato's dialogues we get the man
Sokrates as “ worthed " and worded by the man Plato. In these
Buddhist dialogues we get the man Gotama and other men. teachers
in his Order, worthed and worded in a longer and more indirect way,
namely, by a succession of Theras (senior clerics) in India, replaced
by a succession of Theras in Ceylon, for a long time bv' oral transmission
only, and then after a few centuries of such transmi.s.sion, bv written
transmission. If we can onlv get at Sokrates through Plato, if we
can only get at Je.sus through early Christian clerics, much harder
is it to win through to Gotama and his more intimate world, up and
back that very much longer stream of an ever, if slowlv. changing
process in “ worthing " or values. But it is the best we now have.
For the sake of the general reader, in whose interests it chiefly is that
such translations are made. I should have been glad to have seen
this, the true historical point of view, emphasized in the translator’s
introduction, a foreword into which much other wise information is
packed. The one little reminder he there gets to take sucli a view
lies in the caveat “ Gotama (or his followers for him) ". But how very
much, in dealing with .scriptures, still held by millions, not to mention
new converts, to contain the very words of the founder and his first
helpers, lies in that little caveat ! AVho can wonder that the general
reader gets the right point of view so badly, when we see so many
scholars practically ignoring it in speaking of this and that : “ Gotama
said ", “ Buddha thought ’’ ?

The title “ Further Dialogues ’’ is a happy evasion of the difficulty
in reproducing the clumsy and inapt, if handy, title “ IMajjhima
i.e. ‘‘ middling (long) ". It links up the present translation with its
predece.ssor, that of the Digha (long) Nikaya, as in its own way
does the Pali title. That each work was handed down, from the
time when the first nuclei of collected .sayings were formed, bv a
distinct “ regional ” group there can be no reasonable doubt. Buddha-
ghosa, in his account of the first council, tells of the four schools
(nissitakd), to each of whom was entrusted the memorizing of one
Xikaya apiece. The allocation is very possibly inaccurate ; the
Digha-Xikaya is assigned to the barely- won seniority of Ananda,
when it is fairly evident that it, and not, as the Commentary says,
the Majjhima, was already in the hands (cf. the term 'pariharatha !) ^
of the school of the already deceased Sariputta, the premier thera, to
^ Suman(jala- \ ihlsini (Digha Conmientary) i, p. 14 f.

FURTHER DIALOGUES OF THE BUDDHA

353

whose compiling are ascribed the two last sections of the Digha.
Buddhaghosa was handling a late, possibly corrupt, Sinhalese recension
of the Commentary. But the fact of the allocations may be accepted.
And the inevitable result would be, that the niemorizers in both
regional groups would develop, not only different collections of sayings,
but also different shades and emphases in doctrine. Such a com-
parative stud}' in the near future will be greatly facilitated by the
appearance of this sister translation.

There is so much I should like to add in more detailed apprecia-
tion and criticism, but on this occasion at least time fails me. The
remaining volume is near the date of issue, and may furnish another
opportunity. In the preceding number of the Bulletin under “ iMan
the Wilier ”, I had something of this kind to say in the frequent
use, by the translator, of a word, which strictly does not exist in
Pali, or indeed in any old Indian literature, the word ‘’will’'.
In the index to the present work I have been careful to bring out
the various Pali substitutes rendered by “will”. I need not go
again into that here. Here let it only be added, that this work
recruits from the best traditions of English style a number of ternns and
jihrases not before pressed-in. quick. “ much-saying.” robust, lofty,
subtle, the noting of which is. often, for a sister-worker, a sheer delight.
If now and then there appears a preciosity, a preference for heavy
polysyllables, why ! the text itself is not free from vagaries of this
kind. And herein — may I rub this in once more ? — the reading of
the Majjhima in English straight through without interruption will
convey to the heedful reader its own historical caveat in an unmi.stak-
able way. As he advances through the second half — ” See ! ” the book
will call to him out of the ages, see how we have bit by bit come
to be ! See how we reflect the slow spread of the Sasana, the drawing
in, among us of the ^Majjhimabhanakas. of divers minds of various,
slowly changing culture ! Listen how we yearn to remind you.
that men are not all automata, least of all the teacher. Your VTitten
books change in their diction, and so. change here and there also in
ichat they tell. How much more, bethink you. did not we, when
we were a walking human library, change both in diction and in
the what that we told ! Dimly there yet shines down our pages
that first Brahman-inspired message to the multitude, surer to
insure man's happiness hereafter, ay. here too. than the ritual
and the sacrifice : the message of the Middle Way (p. 12), the
message : —

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For liiiii whose heart is cleansed each day is blest,
each day is hallowed ; pure of heart and mind,
he hallows each new day with vows renewed.

So hither, brahmin, come and bathe as I ; —

Love all that lives, speak truth, slay not nor .steal,
no niggard be, but dwell in faith.” (p. 2S.)

••AVe tell of more than this me.ssage ; many other ideas are wrought
up with it in our pages, iileas of thinkers on Cause and on the nature
and names of things, who were drawn to our .Messengi r by his mes.sage
of the AVay, ideas of musers who longed to commune with other worlds,
as one day men will again, and far more clearly, and. through all and
above all. the ideas of the world of the monk, the ' almsman . uhose
outlook is not that of the layman, nor healthy for him. 8ee that
you keep distinct these many .■^trands ! Our world was alive and is
dead. So read that you die not to your own pre.sent new world ! ”

C. A. F. Rhy.s Davihs,

The ETHrc.s of Buddhrsm. By S. Tachib.\xa, Professor of Pali and
Primitive Buddhism at the Komazawa-Laigaku, Tokyo. Svo.
pp. xi, 288. London : Oxford University Press, 192G.

This work, originally the author'.s the.sis for his Phil.D. Oxon.,
is a useful contribution to sueh knowledge of the contents of the
Pali Pitakas as is yet accessible to our general reading public. The
Pitakas are a plant of the old world which took a very long time
in the making ; they are bulky ; they are only as yet partially
translated. Jso one in Europe, probably no one in the world, is as yet
conversant with the whole of their contents in detail. Scholars err
here and there in their syntheses for lack of such conversance. The
general reader errs still more. AATiat do these books actually say ?
What is it that down their long drawn-out process of formation they
have come to say ?

If he ask the latter question, the scholars so far will not give him
much effective guidance. And the present work does but bear out
this opinion. If he ask the former question, he will find here much
accurate information. He will find detailed treatment, in lucid
and almost always correct English, of the way in which these books
deal with matters of fundamental morality and with a superstructure
of special virtues. Very praiseworthy reference is here to the emphasis
laid on these, more or les.s. in other phases of Indian culture. And
the treatment is worded throughout in a temperate blend of sympathy

THE ETHICS OF BUDDHISM

355

and impartiality, lacking whicli no -writer should presume to treat
of anything at all. least of all of such a subject as this.

If in what remains to be said, I find shortcomings to be pointed out,
they are probably such as the author will be himself the first to realize,
as the years bring growth. And first, one or two details. His
references tend to show a limited acquaintance with his subject-
matter. AVere this not so, he would not have omitted to cite, where
the Pitakas — why, by the way, does he prefer to speak always of
“ the Pitaka ". for ” Pifakas ” ? — and I'panisads both commend the
transcending of both good and evil, the very notable parable of the Eaft,
in the Alajjhima. Xor would he have passed silently over the fervent
emphasis in the Sutta of the Baw', when treating of patience and non-
resistance. Xor does he seem to be conversant with any part of the
Abhidhamma. or he would have laid the great list of loW^n-synonvms
(§ 1059) alongside his own list of one of these synonyms ; iibhijjhd
(p 73), And he would have at least touched on the points of ethical
controversy emerging throughout the Kathavatthu. To this extent
Mr. Tachibana was scarcely ready to enter upon such a work. But
then who is i Assuredly none of us. The best way, Bhys Davids
used to say. to learn a subject is to write a book about it. AATieu
you have done you are ready to begin.

To come to deeper reaching considerations : — Mr. Tachibana,
in the preliminary canter of this college-born e.ssay, is at least shaping
to become a historical writer on Buddhism. He has yet verv much
herein to learn. He does distinguish that *' later on ". as he words it.
the Upanisads are found putting forward ‘‘ modified ’ points of view.
But that these modifications may have been largelv due to the
paramountcy of the Buddhist, to say nothing of the Jain point of
view, does not come into his reckoning at all. He has apparently
hardly begun to grasp, that, in any treatment of these, or any scriptures
of a dead past, the one way wherein truth may be hoped for is to see
them as that which was once, within a certain period, a living growing
plant, with a following period of decadence and of death.

Hence, where he leaves his useful collections of texts, comparatively
treated, for wider considerations, we are left with the sense of being
brought no farther in any effective insight into the real history of
that strange mixture of wisdom and limitations in wisdom called
the Three Pitakas. The writer has yet to give us. as we hope he may
in the future give us, something that will take rank as a “ Moreword ”
in the history of Buddhist ethics or of Buddhism. At present he has
harnessed his thought too closely to the guidance of two or three

356

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

European writers on his subject to be able to cast aside his " raft " —
as in the Siitta parable — and go forward with a freed mind. If 1
may venture to suggest what may help him to do this. I woukl urge
him to take up the psychological study of the Will. No writer
on ethics can afford to begin to think ethically till he has soaked his
mind in that. Xo matter that Gotama had not the word " will
He found some cpiite good substitutes, and his mes.sage to his world
was e.ssentially an ajipeal to man as a wilier, to will to ensure his
happiness now and hereafter by a certain Way of conduct, and not
by compliance with an outgrown system of ritual. Herein lie.s “ the
basis of the (original) Buddhist teaching not the principle of
causality (p. 76) — a grievous misstatement, to my thinking. For
if this were really .so, we should have hart it put forward in the first
sermons — most surely we should.

Secondly, let him no more (piote texts from no matter what
context, with such words as “ So says the Buddha ", That is. if
he wishes to count as a historical writer. Such phrases only befit
the unthinking propagandist. For the serious historian they count
as .scarcely more than the refrain of one of Balzac's characters ; —
“ Comme disait ce poete." Let him see in the books of \'inaya and
Dhamma. which he cites, without weighing the contexts, so many
slowly grown accretions of half-forgotten, half-" restored " records
of the first teachings, teachings which were only finally closed a.s Canon,
if then, about 250 years after the first utterances, teachings which
were about that time reca.st in style, and in one uniform language
to aid propaganda, teachings which were not set down by tho.se from
whom we now have them, till yet another two centuries had gone by.
This is all well enough known, yet it is strange how oblivious writers
on the contents of the Pitakas appear to be about it. X*o one quite
new to Buddhism would dream things were .so, were he to read most
treatises on " early Buddhism.

Finally, I would urge our author, in dealing with “ Buddhist ethics
to bring into much stronger relief than he has done the fact that the
Pitakas were compiled solely by monks almost entirely for monks.
AVe are reading of the ethical ideals and standards suitable onlv for
the worldless, worldworn man. Lay ideals and standards are here
the exception, not the rule. It is .significant that the first sermon,
with the exception of the fourfold stereotyped phrase for the Goal—
probably a monkish gloss — is 7iof a gospel for the monk alone. It is
for Everyman. But elsewhere we are, as we read on and on, like one
who contemplates plants in a hothouse. There is much that is lofty

NTRVAXA

357

and fine, lovely and pure. But there are cramping limitations. There
is an artificial pruning and forcing. The black bar of the Negative
is drawn through much which should be more worthily worded. We
are in a little world within the world. In the main, in the long run. the
Ethics of the Pitakas cannot be the ethics of Humanity. Our Ethics
must be for Everyman.

C. A. F. Rhys Davids.

Nirvana. Par Louis de la Vallee Poussin. Etudes sur rHistoire
des Religions, No. 5. Paris, 1925.

In this his newest contribution H. de la Vallee Poussin makes
an attempt to prove that mVivTim is not Nirvana. Since the term has
passed into almost all our modern languages with the definite meaning
of an annihilation comparable to the extinction of fire when the fuel
is exhausted, we shall all have to drop the habit of this expression if
the author is right, i.e.. if nirvana really means supreme bliss without
any afterthought of annihilation, honhear supreme en dehors de toute
idee d'aneantissenient. Tlie Oxford English Dictionary, which con-
tains what, in my opinion, is the exact truth, will be obliged to drop
the word or to change its explanation. How difficult that will be is
proved by the example of 11. de la V. P. himself, for on p. 113 we see
him using the verb nirvdner, " to nirvanise," in the sense of " to
destroy

M. de la P. thinks it historically improbable that the genuine
Buddhism was a philosophic system which denied the existence of
a soul. It was much more a teaching of obscure magic and thau-
maturgy coupled with hypnotic practices and a simple faith in
the soul's immortality, its blissful survival in a paradise. This
characteristic the author then seems willing to extend so as to
cover a period of about a thousand years, the whole period
of the Hinayana. If the Pali Canon, our oldest source, is
full of philosophic speculation, so as to be sometimes unintelligible,
it should not be misunderstood as containing a real theorv which
was seriously meant. It is a literature of spiritual exercises
in hypnotism. The philosophic speculations had no theoretical
meaning, but a practical one (une speculation diordre pratupie). Thev
were resorted to when hypnotic states were called up. In this condition,
says M. de. la V. P., p. 53, did the Buddhism of the Lesser Vehicle
remain from the 3Iahavagga up to Buddhaghosa, it was namely “ a Yoga

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REVIEWS OF BOOKS

without almost anv alloy". What a Yoga without any alloy of
pliilosojihv is. we are informed on p. 12. It is the practices of magicians
and thaumaturges which were aiming to produce hyj)notic states of
consciousness. That the philosophy of the Canon was not seriously
meant, hut served only to produce hypnotic .siate.s. we are informed
on p. 128 — pessimigitie et nihilisnie fippariiennent a mie Vttenitnrc
d exrrc isei' .s-p irii uels.

We have thus to imagine the Buddha as a magician who diil not
jireach Nirvana, but was engaged in hvjinofic e.xercises during which
he uttered some confused thoughts (idmloi/ie floltrinte). hut never helieveil
in them. He used them as a sojiorific stuff in order to induce his
audience into a state of hypnotic slumher.

Although these statements of the author are very e.vplicit, his hook
contains other apjireciations which ajiparently are conflicting. He is
very severe on those scholars who have indulged in comparisons
between Eastern and Western philosophic ideas (p. .x.xi), but he himself
goes all the length of comparing the Buddhist negation of a soul with
the similar theories of H. Taine (p. 38, n.). He very often alludes to
the Pali Canon as containing a schola.stic ” doctrine of jiessimism
and nihilism. Since scholasticism means e.xcessive subtlety and
artificiality in speculation, it is difficult to decide how this appreciation
is to harmonize with the statement that Buddhism is nothing but Yoga,
even un[)hilosophic Yoga, a Yoga con.sisting of magic, thaumaturgy
and hypnotic practices.

Some indirect support for his theory of unphilosophic Buddhism
the author tries to find in the so-called " reserved " questions. Buddha
is reported to have, on a special occasion, declined to make any state-
ment about such questions as whether the world was finite or infinite,
about what the nature of the absolute is, etc. He said that these
questions, as coming from a mala fide questioner, were futile. Although
against this episode, containing nothing positive, there are hundred.s
of others containing very explicit “ scholastic " deliverances, the
occasional silence is represented as the true and genuine attitude
of the historical Buddha. He did not really care for philosophy. He
•simply, in the reported instance, refused to administer some doses
of that efficient soporific remedy which he so liberally dispensed on
other occasions. So indifferent was he indeed to philosophical
questions that he wa.s prepared to an.swer the question about the
existence of an eternal Soul in the affirmative if his interlocutor
preferred so. if not. he did not mind denying it (p. 117) !

XIRVANA

359

These contradictions are in my opinion due to the original blunder
of an attempt to dethrone Nirvana from the place it occupies in full
right, on the basis of the works of our best scholars who were unanimous
in assigning to this term of Buddhist philosophy the meaning of life'.s
annihilation.^

M. de la V. P. has accustomed us to find in all his works a rich
and interesting documentation from original and novel sources.
We accordingly find in his book a lot of important details about the
position of the later schools of the Hinayafia. the Vaibhasikas and
the Sautrantikas. The first of them maintained that Nirvana was a
reality. The second denied this and contended that Nirvana was
simple cessation of the world process. iM. de. la V. P. calls the latter
standpoint “ negation of Nirvana ". He apparently thinks that there
could be a Buddhism without Nirvana, or a Buddhism not knowing
itself whether it assumed some kind of Nirvana or not. He exclaims,
p. 160, “we are not in the country of Descartes!” So illogical
were the Hindus that they could be guilty of such incongruit}' !
As to the Vaibhasikas who maintain that Nirvana was a
reality {vastn), he explains it as referring to that Nirvana which
meant felicity and the survival of a soul in paradise. Unfortunately
for M. de la V. P. the relative position of both these schools is
exactli/ the reverse of what he assumes it to be. The \'aibhasikas stick
to the old and genuine view that the world-process stops, or is
annihilated, in Nirvana, which thus represents an inanimate something
in which all energies are extinct. The Sautrantikas denied this hind of
inanimate realitg. They are an intermediate school between Hinavana
and ilahayana, and in their Buddhology they adopt the Mahayana
view, according to which Buddha is a god of a pantheistic character
(dhannahdya).^ We cannot in this short review develop all the details
of the question. We have done it in a paper read before the Academy
of Sciences of Leningrad, which will appear, with a .supplement, in
the form of a pamphlet published by that Academv.

As for the genuine Buddhism of Buddha himself there seems to
be a very strong tendency to surmise that it must have been something

‘ M E. Senart, Album Kern, p. 104, and Father J Dahlmann, Xlrnhiu (Berlin,
1890), assign to it the meaning of an extinction of all personal life in an
impersonal absolute, it then becomes “ un simple equivalent de brahman ’.
This, in my opinion, is quite right with regard to the Mahayanistic idea, but
not the Hinay.tnistie one. Cp, my Conception of Budilhixl XirciJia. Leningrad.
1926, p. 35 If.

■ Or “ cosmotheistic ” as Prof. M. Anesaki prefers to express it.

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REVIEWS OF BOOKS

iitterlv different from what is recorded in the Pali Canon, our best
source. Some scholars pick up out of the whole Canon, the Canon
containing a wealth of scholasticism, the single utterance from the
iMahavagsa (vi. 31), Make good action.s, do not make had actions."
and contend that this alone is the genuine Buddhism of Buildha himself.
All the remainder is of later origin and is "church-made". Others,
like Professor B. Keith, think that Buddha was nothing of a philosopher,
since we cannot pos.sibly admit "reason to prevail in a barbarous age ".'
but he " believed " in nothing le.ss than " the non-e.xistence of a
substantial soul ".- At last M. de la V. P. comes with the assertion
that Buddha, although resorting to magic and thaumaturgv. harl jtisf
the contrary belief, he believed in an e.visting soul. Is it not clear from
the compari,son of these opinions that the method applied is utterly
un.scientific and that the results represent much more what their
authors desire Buddhism to be than what it really was ? In any case.
M. de la V, P. .seems not to have paid sufficient attention to the
advice given him by M. A. Barth. When reviewing one of his previous
works this scholar said. " Nous ne gagnerons pas grand' chose a nous
deraander ce qu'ont pu croire ct pratiquer certains bouddhistes, ou
meme im grand nombre de bouddhi.stes ; la question est plutot quand
ce.s croyances et ces j)ratiques, ont-elles fait partie du bouddhisme.
et y ont-elles regu ofRciellement droit de cite ... Or c'est la le peril
que 31. de la I'allee Pous.sin ne me semble pas avoir toujours su eviter."^

Th. Sterbatskv.

PARXA.S.SU.S Bicep.s. Being a treatment and discussion of the Piraean
Marble. By R. J. M'alker, M.A. xvi + 310 jip. Paris :
G. Picker. 1926.

This represents an attempt to .show that the Piraean 3Iarble contains
an inscription setting forth names of authors and plavs, which was
copied from an original written in Sanskrit. The order in which the
names appear is held to be the order of the Sanskrit alphabet. From
this the author proceeds to other considerations of contact between
Alexandrian and Indian culture. He takes up the question of
translations from Greek into Sanskrit, and the previouslv much-
disputed problem of Greek influence on the Sanskrit drama.

The author appears to have an extensive and close knowledge of
aspects of Classical Philology, and to combine with it some knowledge

^ Buddhist Philosophy^ p. 25. - Ibid., p. 30.

^ Quarante ans d indianisme, ii, p. 340.

PARNASSI S BICEPS

• 361

of Indian conditions. But tliongli tlie general thesis is interesting, and
suited to the greater knowledge we are gaining of India's relations
with the outside world, the working of it out is too fanciful, too
hypothetical, resting often on too slight basis, or on facts that admit
of rpiite other interpretation to allow of us taking it very seriously.
Nevertheless, it is extremely ingenious and may contain a germ of truth.

The author himself admits that the scholar with sufficient knowledge
of both cultures would be hard to find ; and we do not presume to
criticize him here from the Greek standpoint. But a few criticisms of
his Indian material may indicate on what treacherous ground he is
building.

For example, Skt. h is a voiced aspiration, not a guttural consonant
in the proper sense of the word. Anusvara does not simplv denote
nasalization of the vowel, but had a definite consonantal value, hence,
e.g. Skt. vamsc'ih > H. h(\s (with lengthening of the vowel due to los.s
of consonant) just as d/intah > d-U. Skt. e and o were not diphthongal
(whatever their original pre-Sanskrit value may have been), but simple
long vowels. The author (p. 103) compares the systems of writing the
accent in India and Alexandria : the resemblance is striking, but not
neces.sarily so complete as at first appears. In Vedic the udatta syllable
(which we usually call the accented) seems rather to have been the
mean ; the anudatta was pronounced on a lower tone, the svarita
(or, at least, the first part of it) on a higher tone : there is nothing
very peculiar therefore in tlie fact that it is the two syllables which
vary from the mean wliich are marked, while the mean syllable is left
unmarked. It is difficult to see how the so-called " independent
svarita corresponds to the Greek circumflex : it certainlv has no
connexion with it historically. Is it true that it is commonly held
that (p. 106) ■■ in Greek two systems of tonic accentuation, the Indo-
European and a later, long fought for the mastery ’’ 1 There is perhaps
some justification for the author s assumption that Greeks were
familiar with Sanskrit written from right to left ; for KharosthI
written in that direction was the alphabet of the north-west ; but we
most not forget that Brahml was written from left to right from an
earlier date. In any case the daring of the author's hypothesis can
perhaps be appreciated from his supposed paradigm taken from a
supposed Greek grammar written in Sanskrit (KharosthI ?) characters

(p. 108).

ajuM

InjuM ljuM najiiM

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REVIEWS OF BOOKS

In his amusing suggestion that 0vcnjj.os translates a Skt. havji<tli,
he should have noted that havyci- (gerundive to jnli'ii) is found only
as a neuter substantive ; havijn- used as a proper name is generally
(though perhaps not necessarily) thought to be identical with hari/a-
or haiija- (gerundive to hvfh/nti). The author imagines definitely
quantitative metre came to India from Greece. He neglects then the
fact that in the Rigveda itself, long before there can be any quc.stion
of Greek influence, we see signs of the freer metre (resting on a definite
number of syllables and a caesura, as seen. e.g.. inthe Avesta) becoming
a definitely quantitative metre.

I have criticized details ; but it is on just such details that the whole
theory is based. The theory is interesting : but more solid proof must
be found before it can be accepted.

R. L. Ti rner.

Ikscriptioxs of A.sok.v. Corpu.s In.scriptionnm Indicariim. vol. i,
new edition. By E. Hultz.sch, Ph.D. c.xx.xi + 258 pp. Oxford :
Clarendon Press, 1925. £5 5s.

For many years students of Indo- Aryan have been looking forward
to the publication of the new edition of the inscriptions of Asoka
undertaken by Professor Hultzsch : there is scarcely another scholar
who could have performed this task as well as he ; and the work before
us will be a monument to his scholarship. To the student of the
history of the Indo-Aryan languages, the inscriptions of Asoka are
all-important ; for they are the first contemporary documents in the
long series which separates the language of the Rigs’eda from those
spoken in India to-day. And the student of these inscriptions has long
been hindered by lack of instruments — reliable transcriptions and
photographs, translations, notes, indices. All that which was scattered
in various books and journals and in half a dozen languages has now
been collected together, sifted, and arranged in this one voliune. This
is a boon, for which all must feel deep gratitude, although the high
price of the volume will severely restrict individual possession. On this
point we regret some of Professor Hultzsch" s work. Since the
estampages of all the inscriptions have been given, what need was there
to transcribe them into both Xagarl and Roman ? This work of
supererogation (for either the Indian .scholar who reads these
inscriptions can use Roman, or the European .scholar Nagarl) has made
the volume unnecessarily bulky, and, worse still, unnecessarily costly.
In the introduction, too, some thought might have saved much space

IXSCRIPTIOXS OP ASOKA

363

and type-setting, without in any way interfering with clearness. This
is an important point in present conditions.

Professor Hultzsch is an epigraphist and a great scholar of Sanskrit.
In these respects his work here is splendid. If we have any criticism
to offer it is his treatment of the linguistic material. The phonology and
grammar of the inscriptions is dealt with piecemeal. There is
no attempt to make a theory to embrace the whole : to show forth the
uniformity or divergencies of the parts ; to estimate, even, for example,
the effect of the Eastern dialects on the others. Even in the phonologv
there is no unifying theory. It is unsatisfactory, for example, simply to
find stated in the Girnar Grammar that Is became ch (i.e. ceJi 1) in
ciJilcha. but s (i.e. ss ?) in usalenn. Sitrely it should have been shown
that the phonetic conditions in these two words are quite different :
in the first Is occurs in the mhldle of a word and the t is explosive, in
the second t is the final of the first member of a compound (treated as
stated above in Sanskrit always as the final of a word), and therefore
implosive. Jloreover, this phenomenon is regularly found in Middle
Indian and the modern languages. The same applies to the divergent
treatment of -dij- in aja (< ddi/a) and uydnesu (< udi/nna-).

Similarly attention might have been drawn to the difference of
condition between the groups si/ in pnsi/ati (> jxisati) and prativesi/n
(> pativesiya-). The latter in the Eigveda would be -veslyn- (and.
indeed, the difference is probably of Indo-European date).

In osudha (— ausadha-) Professor Hultzsch says -dJi- ha.s been
cerebralized by the previous s. and n changed to u through the influence
of the preceding o. An assumed earlier form for the ettunologicallv
dark osudha- of *osrdha- or *osrdha- would explain both phenomena.
In dealing with he says that mayura- > maura- > mom-. This
would be a change much in advance of the period. It has been shown
that mayura- is a loan-word in Sanskrit. Might it not be better to
assiune, provisionally, at least, that mayura- and mora- represent loans
from different dialects or periods ?

If V is developed out of u in vula (< uJcta-), why has it not also been
similarly developed in the other sixty-seven words beginning with
u- in the inscriptions which have vula- 1 It is simpler to suppose that
vula- has been formed analogically after the present stem and especiallv
the gerundive vatavo (Sindh! utanii can stand for either utta-
or vutta-).

A similar inaccuracy of thought seems to be responsible for the
explanation of traidasa as from *trayadasa. What authority, or what

364

RE\^EWS OF BOOKS

starting-point, has Professor Hiiltzsch for this form, which would,
if it had existed, have become *tredasa ? Xor does his critic
Professor Charpentier (in JRAS.. 1926, p. 137) .seem more happy in hi.s
suggestion “that a form *trai-dma is a very old-fa.shioned and original
one and of much greater age than the 8kt. tmi/odaia For firstly
Prim. Ind. ai has become e : secondly tliis form implies an IE. form of
the root with lengthened grade, *(rPi- or *trdi-, for which there seems
to be no authority. On the other hand, supposing irnijodusa repre.sents
earlier *trayctzd<isa . this agrees well with similar formations in other
languages (in which the numbers 11-19 are formed by compo.sition of
the unit number in the nominative with the word for 10 : thus
for 11 we have Av. aerandasa. Ok. evheKa. Lat. undecim. Goth.
ainlif ; for 12. Skt. dvddakt = Av. dvadasa = Ok. SmSe/ca =
Lat. duodecim = Welsh douder ; for 13, Pers. sezdah = Lat. tred-ecim
(Brugmann. Grundriss. ii. 2, p. 24 ff.). Whether, as I believe. IE.
(zd > Skt. ed (while ozd > dd), or whether, with the more general view
interior Aryan azd > Skt. Pd (while final -az > -o), IE. *tre!/ezdekiij
would become, Prim. Ind. *traijed(ts<i. replaced in Sanskrit by trayodfim
after trdijo, but surviving in Asoka traidasa and the various modern
words like Hindi tprah. In Girnar. vi. 12. suJz/idpayiimi (and similar
forms elsewhere) is explained as a subjunctive because it is co-ordinated
with an optative and an imperative. Is this nece-s.sary in view of what
we know of the subsequent development of the present indicative a.s a
future and conditional tense I

It is difficult to see why (p. Ixxi) the Girnar equivalent vrachn
(< Vi'ksd-) disproves Pischel's derivation of Pkt. riikl’ha- from ntkpi-
(though this is not necessarily the rukm- of RV. vi, 3, 7). The two forms
may have existed side by side, vrksd- and ruksd.-, as numerous IE.
words containing the sonants iv and r in conjunction show doublets
with U'r or rii, under conditions which Meillet specifies (Introduction,
p. 113). Similarly for “wolf’*, IE. had and which

both appear in Indo-Aryan, the first as Skt. vlkah. the second as
Romani ruv.

The long d of KalsI uydma and Idti (p. Ixxi) may be, not a case of
lengthening a, but of preserving an original long d ; cf. vSkt. udydmnh.
the act of stretching out (SBr.), and *rdn(i- preserved in Sindhi rndi
f., play. It is ob\-iously wrong to say that palisd (p. Ixxii) has had its
final lengthened : parisat > *parisa *paUsa, with an ending which
coincided with the nominative fonn of no existing declension : it
thereupon had -a replaced by the known feminine ending -d ; but it is

THE VERB IX THE RAMAYAX OF TCLSI DAS

365

no more correct to say that -a was lengthened, than to say that in
dim the zero after dis was lengthened.

These, it is true, are largely criticisms of detail, but they show that
from the side of comparative grammar the book cannot he taken as an
authoritative guide. This is regrettable, since the epigraphical and
strictly philological work is so good, and since this volume must for
long, as it deserves, remain the standard work on the Asoka
inscriptions.

K.L. T.

Memoirs of the Arch.eological Survey of Ceylox. Vol. II.

By A. M. Hocart. 37 pp. Colombo : Government Press, 1926.

This is another of the profusely illustrated volimies published by the
.Archaeological Survey of Ceylon. It contains a detailed description of
the three temples of Polonnaruva, the Thuparama, the Lankatilaka,
and Veherabiindigala. In addition to the text, there are thirty-four
plans and eightv-four plates.

R. L. T.

The Verb ix the Ram.ayan op Tulsi D.as. By Baburam
Saksexa, M,.A. 32 pp. E.xtract from the .Allahabad University
Studies.

This is a useful study of the forms of the verb found in Tulsi Das,
with a discussion of theh uses and history. The descriptive portion is
perhaps more useful to the student than the historical, which, however,
is a fairly clear and accurate resume of our present knowledge. The
establishment of the impersonal use of the passive is interesting,
especially in relation with Dr. S. K. Chatterji’s description of the Pas.sive
in Bengali, with its few survivals in modern Hindi. On p. 231 the form
of the 2nd plur. imperat. dadata accredited to Sanskrit seems to be a
slip for dadata or datki. There is no need to assume (p. 233) that in the
present participle the suffix -ant- followed by the termination -o must
have the same phonetic development as the termination -anti of the
3rd plur. ; for sounds in terminations may have a different phonetic
development from similar sounds in other unaccented syllables. The
loss of nasalization in unaccented -ant- is regular : the form jdta is
analogical. It is difficult to see how h in dinha avoids an hiatus (p. 234).
Mr. Saksena rightly derives the form in -i from two sources (p. 234),
viz. the Pkt. gerund in -ia and (when used with the verb sakab) the
infinitive in -im'n . Nor need the difficulty raised in the author's mind by

366

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

Dr. S. K. Chatterji worry him. The regular clevelojaneiit in this dialect
group of final -iu appears to be -t. not -u. Hence the masculine nouu'
in -7 from Skt. -ikali Pkt. -io. Ap. -in. It is scarcely credible (p. 231)
that the -u of 2nd sing, imperat. goes back to Skt. -n in irtin. kurn. etc.
It.s origin must be sought elsewhere. j)erhap.s in Pkt. -nsn. Nor can it
be right to follow Beanies in ascribing the -r- of causative forms like
dekkaravd to a variant evolution of -p-. Whatever their exjilanation.
similar -r- forms are found in Sina and Romani. But on the whole thi-'
is a useful and interesting study, and it is to be hoped that others will
follow.

K, L. T.

PAM.JAlii AUR Hi.MdI K.A BH A^A-VI.JXAX. Bv Dl'NiCA-VU, 3I.A. 3()3 pp.

Lahore ; The Hindi Press, 1982 vi. Rs. S.-l.O.

This is an attempt to write a historical grammar of PahjiibI and
Hindi. Unfortunately the author seems to be ignorant of the first
principles of comparative linguistics. The book is therefore, e.xcept
for certain stray facts of description, practically worthies, s. It is
encouraging to find Indians beginning to take interest in the historv of
the modern languages ; but it is discouraging to find them following
the e.xample of too many Europeans who have attempted historical
and comparative .studies of modern Indo-Aryan. Iimiiense labour i.s
thrown away through neglect to apply themselves seriously to the
accpiisition of the doctrines of Linguistic Science. In this case the writer
seems to have read a few books, but to have assimilated little. The
li.st of books consulted does not, however, even contain the name of
Bloch's La laiiyae mamtlie. StUl, Mr. Dunicand's work is sufficiently
su])erior to the average writing in India on such a subject to make us
hope he may now apply himself to the serious study of linguistics. He
mav afterwards wuite a book well worth reading.

R. L. T.

“■ I'oiR " EX IXDO-.ARYEXV By Jeles Bloch. Extract from
Festschrift fiir Wackernagel. pp. 143—19.

Le no.m DC Riz. By Jules Bloch. Extract from Etudes Asiatiques
publiees a I'occasion du 25“ anniversaire de I'Ecole Francaiso
d'Extreme-Orient. pp. 37^7.

These tw o articles are most interesting studies in the vocabulary of
the Indo-Aryan languages. It is to be hoped that the author w'dl
publish further studies of the same kind. The dialectology of India is

REPORT OX A LINGUISTIC MISSION TO AFGHANISTAN

367

complicated to a degree. i\Iany of tlie sound-change isoglosses have
been obscured by mutual extensive borrowing. But both this and
Dr. Tedesco's exhaustive study of the words for giving and taking
show that there is much information to be gained from the examination
of vocabulary. In the first Professor Bloch discusses in his always
illuminating fashion the word for seeing. I should like to add to his
lists the Romani word, which is (Jikh-. This is another indication that
Romani originally belonged not to the north-west, but to what is now
the central group, of which Hindi may be taken as representative.
It would have been interesting if this short article could have included
some discussion of the difference of meaning of the various words
occurring side by side in a single language. Thus Nepidi has two words,
delihnn and hernu : the former is momentary in action, and means
“to see, to catch sight of”. Tlie second is continuous and means
“ to look, to look at ”.

The second article is an equally interesting study of the word for
rice. The question posed is : from where did the Greek opu^a come ?
From Dravidian (e.g. Tamil arisi), or from Sanskrit vrlhUi. or from
Iranian (Persian birhij, etc., from *vnjhi-, *vrinjki-) I The Dravidian
is shown both on cidtural and phonological grounds not to be the
source. The Sanskrit word is also put out of court because of its -h-.
But the interesting sugge.stion is made that it is really a Hiddle Indian
form of earlier — Ir. as Pa. slho < Skt. sinihah.

The author concludes that opv^a must be borrowed from a North
Iranian dialect in which *vrinjhi- would have regularly become
*ur>nnji- and makes the interesting comparison with the transcription
of initial vi- in Iranian and Indian names bv Gk. v-.

R. L. T.

Report on a Linguistic Mission to Afghanistan. By Georg
Morgenstierne. Instituttet for saramenlignende Kultur-
forskning. Serie C 1-2. 96 pp. Oslo, 1926.

Afghanistan presents to the linguist problems of the most intense
interest ; for in or about its borders there are spoken some of the least
known of existing Indo-European languages, belonging both to the
Iranian and the Indian branches of the Aryan group. But these
languages are in proce.s.s of disappearance before the more powerful
Pashto or Persian. It is therefore most fortunate that a scholar of
Dr. Morgenstierne' s calibre has had the good fortune and the enterprise
to examine these languages on the spot. The borderland between Indian

VOL. IV. P.VET II. ‘24

3G8

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

anrl Iranian is a most fruitful fn'oiuid fur research, which hitherto lias
been largely prevented by political conditions.

Dr. Morgenstierne made amazingly goofl use of his opportunities :
he studied three groups of languages : Iranian. Kafir, and Dard.
The general conclusions lie comes to are interesting in the e.xtremc.
In the Iranian group he has studied Persian as spoken in Afglianistan.
the dialect division.s of Pashto. Shughni. and Ormiiri. But he has also
iliscoveretl speakers of the hitherto unknown Paraclii (jxirricl). noted by
Babm. This, with Ormuri. forms, .so Dr. Morgenstierne suggests, the
last remnants of a .south-eastern group of Iranian languages. If these
were the earliest Iranian languages in .\fghanistan. Pashto belongeil
originally to the north, it and the Saka language of Khotan. with which
it has .several isoglosses in common, behuig to different branches of the
Scythian dialects.

Of the Dard grou[) the author examined Kliowar and Pashai.
The.se. with the other Dard languages, he demonstrates clearly to be
wholly Indian. They have no early Iranian sound changes : even the
lo.s.s of aspiration by the voiced a.spirates is comparatively late, since,
e.g., Aryan -A becomes ft. and Aryan -b/i- become.s -h- ; s remains.
'Ya beconie.s Ir or t'tr, -tt- remains.

But the Kafir group is still more interesting. Here Dr, Morgenstierne
examined all the main dialects, for although not allowed to go to
Kafiristan. he managed to obtain subjects in Kabul. The Dard group
shared all the early Indian .sound-changes as indicated above : but
Kafiri. though it shared some did not share all ; and, in summing up.
the author connects it rather with the Indian than the Iranian branch
of Aryan. Most important for his argument i.s the fact that it did not
share two innovations which have occurred in all recognized Iranian
dialects (Dr. Morgenstierne might perhaps with advantage laid a
little more stre.ss on the importance of common innovations as against
common conservations in estimating linguistic community). Over
against Iranian, which changed -s- to -h- at an early period, and lost
-a- when coming between two comsonants. Kafiri. like Indian, preserves
both. The case of a is particularly in.structive. IE. *(lhu()hater- becomes
Av. duyha. but Skt. diiJiitd. Pra.sun liistid' repre.sents older *duz}iita,
not *dugdkd. Maigeli tratnii is parallel with Skt. tdniisrd. not with
Av. tqdra- (< *tamsra-). Similarly IE. "ra becomes Av. ar (< V),
but Skt. Tr or ur : in this, too. Kafiri has not followed the Iranian
innovation.

But one conservation (but not, be it noted, innovation) it shared

REPORT OX A LINGUISTIC AITSSIOX TO AFGHANISTAN

369

with Iranian. Aryan zh. jh. appear as z, t. This, Dr. Morgenstierne
interprets as indicating that after forming a group with the other
specifically Indian dialects (while probably still on the northern side of
the Hindu Kush, but sufficiently isolated from the Iranian dialects
not to share their specific Iranian innovation), Kafiri lost touch with
them before the Indian change of zh and ;/ito h. and being left behind
at the time of the Indian invasion of India, crossed the Hindu Kush
at a later period. This would certainly account for their geograplucal
position between the two specifically Indian dialects of Khowar and
Pashai.

Such in broad outline appears to be the main conclusion contained
in this preliminary report. At the same time almost every page raises
problems of great interest, or throws light on already debated
questions.

In Shughni (p. 11) uirj kidney '' is derived from *vrtka-. Is Skt.
vrkhtu (A\’.) a prakritism also hon\*Viikn-, ora variant iomi*vrk-k(t- !
The latter view is perhaps supported by the form occurring in TS.
vrkjiau. and agrees with other cases of unc.vplained variations of the
names for jiarts of the body. The IE. names for “ spleen " do not
altogether agree ; nor do the Indo-Aryan : Skt. plllvi (cf. Hindi pihV)
but Nepali phii/o (< *3pll-). It is therefore interesting to note that also
in Indo-Aryan the words for kidney do not seem to be all referable
to vrkb.ti'i or v'rkijua : »Sina zuk is regular, but Sindhi huku points to
earlier *hrkka- (contrast ^idhaini < vrddhd-). Similarly (p. :12) does the
Parachi rue " ilea '' (instead of */7h(c < *fruc-) display the same
irregularity of phonetic development as the IE. group of words for
ilea with which it is connected ? Again, witliin Indo-Aryan, while
Komani puhtm. except for its suffi.N agree-s with .Skt. ph'i^ilj. Hindi
pissu and Sina prlzu agree quite neither with the Sanskrit nor with
each other.

In Khowar Ur. IMorgenstierne found traces of the augment (p. 71).
e.g. ser it is ’’ (< sete) otioi it was " (< dknjat). With this may be
compared similar vestiges in Kalasa (LSI. viii, 2. p. 75 ff.) : e.g.
kdre}i “ he does " : dro “ he did " ; cisteu “ he stands ’’ : aciMan " he
stood ■’ ; plu “ he drinks " : npiau he drank ".

The author is inong in stating (p. 71) that the retention of -t-
as -r- in Khowar has to some extent a parallel in Sina. In that language
-t- is altogether lost. We have 3rd sing, old present -ei {-ati), partieijiles
like gou {gatdh) and mfiu (mrtdh), hihgl {kdhkatah) condni (caturdasa)
dlh {duhitii or dhltri) pom {pdtdmi), md (mdtd), beu (veta.mh) sgd

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

37i)

(iirtnh) sell (setuh) Juu (hatih) to (totah) z/i {hhnitn) shun {silfiii/diiu)
sal {UtaJah). Over ajjainst these the past ])arrifiples in -In -Ihi (e.u.
bilhi : bhiltah. Jdlii : jdtdh. mail : mnthitiih) are ^Middle Indian
formations with a suftix -Ha- of the same type as tlie -/- participles
of Gujarati. Marathi, and Bengali. Witli //n/ (cf. iihiltah) may he com-
pared Hindi <ihail. and witli jd {ei. jiritdm) Hindi jihlun. This leaves
only skh'ihl (cf. iltalali) beside sal. an opposition strikdngly parallel
with that between Romani .siilro and phonetically correct silelo : while
sal {sutdm] and lei (if from I Jtltam) must be cousiilered loanwords,
even if the dialect fnan which they come cannot be identified.
European and Armenian Romani are the oidv certain modern dialects
where -t- regidarly a[)[)cars as -I-. Jlut it a])[tears not im[)ossible that
Kala.sa i.s a dialect which also had -I- for The s[)ecimens given in
LSI. are not conclusive, but on the whole -t- seems to apjiear there as
-I- or u (the latter perhaps a further de%’elopment of a velar -(-). e.g.
fiel " he beats ". la " he comes

I do not agree with Dr. Morgenstierne (p, 92) that we can admit that
in Pashai the -t of the 2n(l plur. repre.sents a special treatment of Skt.
-t/ia -ta. Kati Ash' and Prasun eseno ‘’ you are". Dr. IMorgenstienn'
derives from *as-a-tfiaiia. P'or the Pashai (and Sina) 2nd idnr. form in
-t. I sltould also go to the ending -thnna -tana and just as in the
1st plur. Pa.shai has -des or -als or anz from -amasi (with earlv loss of
-a- in a termination), so I suppo.se -athana > -atlwa ;■ -atka. It is
parallel, then, to the preservation of -t- in cjst (*insati z> *visti. before
the loss of inters'ocalic -t-. p. 91).

Dn p. 63 it would be more correct to sav that in the group rt t has
become t>r'. and not that it has fallen out. Kati kr'a < krta/i ,
mr'u < mrtah .seem (piite parallel with Aa/d < hUnkAh.

P. 79 seems to imply that )Skt. bhdrja- > *hhriija- > Sina ja.s.
The intermediate step was rather bhriirja-. or bhilrja- > bkilrjjii-
(cf. what the Siksii.s teach as to the pronunciation of stop.s after r) >
bhrujja-. This anticipation or metathesis of r extends over all the Kafiri
and Dard languages, and goes .south into Sindhiand west nearlv as far
as Simla, and in every case the con.sonant following the original r
ajipears in the modern language as the ordinary representative of a
^Middle Indian double consonant.

Kati Mruits (p. 65) cannot therefore be derived from mtnrdasa,
which would become *catnirdam or *catruddaki, not *ratrudasa. It
may be doubted, however, whether the -r, being the final of the first
member of a compound (which in Sanskrit had the pronimciation of a

THE DIALECT OF THE GYPSIES OF WALES

371

final of a word) would be sufficiently articulated to lead to anticipation
or metathesis, and elsewhere over this r- metathesis area we find forms
going back to *c(tt>(Jd<tS(( only. Further, the r seems to be attracted
to the first consonant of the word. e.g. tumisra- ^ *tra)ins^n- (Waigeli
triimis). not *tniiirissa-.

We shall await with great impatience the publication of detaileil
memoirs by Dr. Morgenstierne on the material collected by him. of
which this is a preliminarv report.

In the meantime we would remind scholars that these languages are
for the most part dying out. and tliat unless they can be recorded fully
within perhaps the present generation, future philologists may mourn
their loss as we mourn the loss of other Indo-European languages.
Fan we not ap[)eal to the Government of India, or of the Panjab. or to
the Panjab University, to take some step in this matter ?
Dr. Morgenstierne believes that during a moderate stay in Peshawar
one could find speakers of most of these border Iranian and Indian
languages. Are there no Indian scliolars to take up this work ?

R, L. T.

The Dialect of the Gypsies of Wales. Being the Older Form of
British Romani preserved in the Speech of the Clan of Abram
\\'ood. By Dr. John Samp.sox. xxiii d- ‘230 + 119 pp. Oxford :
Clarendon Pre.ss, 192(5. .£! 4s.

Readers of the Jounud of the Gi/psu Lore Sodelij have alreadv been
made aware of the e.xtraordiuarv archaism of the dialect of Romani
.spoken by a Gypsy clan in Wales. All students of Indo-Arvan must
have been astonkshed bv the language of the tales which Dr. Sam2)son
has for so long been collecting and publishing. It is a real language with
which we have here to do, and not a mere jargon of Gypsy vocabulary
fitted into an English framework. It is. indeed, an Indian language
spoken among the mountains of Wales. In this book Dr. Sampson has
now written a complete grammar and vocabulary of the dialect. It is
the best and most complete description that we pos.sess of any Romani
dialect, and students of Indo-Arvan cannot be too grateful for the
immense labour of research, sifting and arrangement which the author
has performed in thus making available for them the results of more
than thirty years of work since he first discovered Edward Wood, the
Welsh Gypsy harper at Bala, in 1894.

As a work of description, it is pre-eminent. Two hundred and thirty
pages are occupied with phonology, morphologv, and syntax ; 419 with

37-2

HKVIEWS OK HOOKS

vocabulary (full of quotations) and indexes. In only one respect coulil
one wish it bettered, the inclusion of a number of texts ; but that
[)robablv was forbidden by the con.si<teration of cost, already very high ;
and. after all. a great nniuber have, as I have stated, already been
published, with notes and tran.slation, in the Jonrwd of the (r'Hisii Lore
Socletif. Whatever I may say in criticism below must not be allowed
to detract from the merits of the work as a de.scription.

That portion of the book which is most open to criticism is the
historical and comparative. Had Dr. Sampson confined himself to
hi.storv and comparison within the Romani group, or. at least, within
the European Romani, all would probably have been well ; for here
his observations are of great value. Rut he goes further, and attempts
to show its connexion with Indo-Arvan generallv. Sanskrit and the
medieval and modern languages. Here one must regretfully admit that
Dr. Sampson is not sufficiently a student of Indo-Arvan. or perluqis
even of comparative philology, to have been able to offer new
information and trustworthy theories. He take.s us back to the age of
Miklo.sich. whose writings on Romani, invaluable as they still are and
stimulating as they have been to subsequent scholars, are ilated before
the theories of the Junggrammatiker had gained ground and had
revolutionized the science of comparative philology. Dr. Sam{)son
j)ays little regard to the laws of sound change. Yet the best reverence
to be paid to a teacher is not slavishly to follow his teachings, but to
build upon them and develop them further (even if necessary to their
overthrow), in the light of new facts and new ideas. Occasionallv. it
is true. Dr. Sampson differs from Miklosich, but not always hajjpilv.
It may be true, in the author's words, that “ a personal familial it v
with the tongue — when fortified by becoming respect for linguistic
principles — confers uj)on the open-air student a certain intuition which
safeguards him from errors that may befall the arm-chair philologist
But the re.servation is all-important, and Dr. Sarnp.son has by no
means shown a becoming respect for linguistic principles. Xor is it true
that “ the habit of brooding affectionately over words and .sounds
seems to bring with it soon or late the gift compelling them to reveal
their true lineage

It may seem ungracious in con.siderizig a work of such outstanding
merit on its descriptive side to devote much space to criticizing in this
way its comparative side. But it is important to prevent the growth
of a false tradition, and not to allow the undoubted mastery that the
author displays in one aspect to create a legend of infallibility in all

THE DIALECT OF THE GYPSIES OF 'WALES

373

others. And without doubt Dr. Sampson, true scholar as this work
.shows him to be, would be the last to wish that to happen.

I therefore sav that that part of the work which deals with the
phonology, and morphology, and etymology of Romani as compared
with other Indo-Aryan languages is not trustworthy. IMuch is right : for
much is obviou.s ; but much is v'ery WTong. In a work of this magnitude,
permeated a.s it is by the comparative method (however falsely applied),
it would be obviously impossible to discuss all the wrong phonological
and etymological conclusions at which the author has arrived. I shall
therefore pick only a few out of many in order to substantiate my
statement.

Again and again Dr. Sampson compares a Romani word with a
Hindi word, which does not belong to the inherited {tadbhava)
vocabulary, but is a loanword borrowed from Sanskrit {tatsuma).
Such comparison is not only of no value for comparison, but may lead
to quite false conclusions. It is as though a student of Romance
linguistics were to compare, say, Italian jmdre with French paternel
(instead of with p;re). and to draw a conclusion therefrom that Italian
d corresponds to French t. Tims he compares ruro ‘‘ poor " with
H. rhitdr (loan from Skt. ksudra-), (ax- ” to paint " with H. takmn,
(undo *■ dark " with H. (amah, hate work " with H. niti. t‘uld " fat ''
with H. tithrd. sidrb “ cool" with H. sltal. dud " light " with H. Joti.
mol “ wine " with H. mad. sel ‘‘ whistle " with H. srar. t(da then "
with H. (ad. hlai "summer" with H. nidddh (mistake for niddgh 1).
sd " cohl " with H. sl(. kiild ‘‘ slender " with H. krsd. etc. etc.

Dr. Sampson ap{)ears to have no regard for the principle of the
constancy of sound-law.s. without which in some form or other there can
be no science of comparative philology or of etymology. Thus, though
Skt. -(- becomes -I- in Eurojiean Romani, he appears to derive bu(
" much " from Skt. bahtdani-. The presence of in (ras-. to fear, instead
of -s, which he derives from Skt. (rasa-(i (and compares with the Hindi
loanword tma!), occasions no remark, although the normal repre-
sentation of Skt. -s- is by s. Xor does it seem to concern him that in this
case the Romani word .should have e not a (I have attempted else-
where to explain both the a and the s). He accepts the derivation of the
past participial suffix -do (beside -Id) from Skt. -(a- (although -(-. as
we have seen, becomes regidarly /), instead of connecting it with the
past -participles in -dho of Gujarati and other languages, which are due
to an anological extension of a phonologically correct -dho resting upon
Pkt. -ddha- in a certain Humber of verbs. Although intervocalic -k-

374

REVIEWS OE BOOKS

regularlv is lost in Koniani. he derives snhlr (presunial)ly on the
autlioritv of a continental xuknr beside snkdr] from Skt. snki'ta-.
Such examples, again, are inmunerable.

The .same fatal mistake invalidates the author’s .'-peculations in
the realm of word-formation and intlection. \\’e have already seen
that the jiast ])artici])le in -do is derived without lie.--itation from
Skt. -to-. Similarly he derives the comparative ending -d/'r from the
Skt. -tara- (which he rashlv and wronglv states to be wanting in other
Indian vernaculars ; it is very common, e.g. in Panjfdji in the form
-era). It is certain that -dcr is not derived from Skt. -tant-. It may be
borrowed from an Iranian flialeet. In Iranian the suffix -tarn is kept
regularly as a comparative. The regular Middle Persian development
of -t- was -8- : and although the sufHx usually apj>ears as -tar- in Middle
Persian (due doubtless to the large number of ea-ses where it was added
to a con.sonant stem, and when in con.se(pience the maintcmanee of
t was phonetically regular), there are isolateil ease.s in Persian itself
where the suffix, when {ireceded by a vowel, has its expected form,
e.g. cSur ■■ here", while other Iranian dialects with which the Gvpsies
were in contact may have kept the regular phonetic development
undisturbed by analogy, as. e.g.. in Os.seti.sh sandardar " vcrv black
Sariqoli jdl-dJr " fewer ".

In etymologies, even where they might accord with regular sound
changes. Dr. Samp.son often appears to have gone wrong : thus mol
wine ", in Persian is not derived from Skt. mddku (which leave.s
the - 0 - unexplained). He accepts the derivation of I'iv- '' to idace " from
Skt. ksipdti, although Dr. Grahame Bailey’s Sina grammar .shows
this to be impossible. Sina cii'oiki or cucoiki cannot represent Skt. ks-.
but only Skt. c- or ch- (and in any case the regular representation in
Romani of Skt. kx is kh). Lahnl " harlot ” cannot be derived from
Skt. lobhint, but is perhaps formed from a loan from Slavonic where
the root ljuh- is prolific in the .sen.se of loving etc. Munm ‘’man"
(with a, not c) is plainly deriveil from mdnum not manusa-.

Many quotations from Sanskrit and other Indo-Arvan language.s
reijuire correction. Asme is a dat. loc.. not a nominative : vatavat
(misprint for vatavat- ?) meams “windy" not “tempest", and i.s no
more a reduplication of vdtn- than bakivat- i.s of hah- ; Hindi for “ big ’’
i.s haid, not hadci, for “ seek " is dhhdhad or dhfnJind not dhundhnd :
there is no Skt. maksa “ fly , only mdks-. mdks^d and maknikd ;
Hindi has mdtd not mdndd.

It IS a pity that Dr. Sampson did not hold to his original intention

XEFALI SAHITYA ; PRATHAM BHAG

375

(as expressed in the preface) of dismissing the subject of historical
grammar. His reputation would have been the higher.

But putting this on one side, it remains a magnificent, iiav, a
unique description of a Gyp.sy dialect, full of information, full of
interesting observations. Take, for example, the numerals. In all
languages they present ])roblenis of phonetic irregularitv. borrowing
from other dialects or languages, inconsistencies, renewals. Hence it is
of great interest to read that the only Indian niunerals regularly kept
are 1 to 5. After that they are borrowed from various sources, or
remodelled. Even the words for 10. 20, and 100, though still found,
have become vague in meaning, or are used only in set expressions.

The Clarendon Press preserves its reputation for such works ;
the printing is beautiful ; the price, alas, is high.

K. L. T.

Hindi and Urdu — the Possibilities oe their Kapprochfdient.
By Raburam Saksena, M.A. 20 pp. E.xtract from the Allahabad
University Magazine.

This study of a modern linguistic political problem is interesting
to the student of the Comparative Grammar of Indo-Aryan. It pleads
for the unification of Hindi and Urdu into one language, which actually
already exists, and is sometimes known under the name of Hindustani.
Practically speaking the two, used over the same area, differ only in
their alphabets, and in the sources of their loanwords. Hindi borrowing
from Sanskrit, Urdu from Persian and Arabic. In ordinary speech
their fusion is already largely accomplished. A very similar situation
exists in the Panjab with Panjabi as written by iMuhamniadan.s and
Panjabi as written bv Hindus and others.

R. L. T.

XeP.IlI S.LHITYA : Pr.VTHAM BH.V: By P.VRA.SMANI PrADH-VN. 14 PJ).
8 annas.

XEP.\Li S.Ihitya : Trtiy.v ijh.\g. By P.vr.ismani and Si>jiani
Pradh.vn. 90 pp. R. 1,5.0.

SwASTHY’A-SIKsA. t^ESMANI Pradh.xn. 71 pp. R. 1.4.0.

These books, published by ^lacniillan and Co., are of the u.sual tvpe
of Indian reading book, which would not de.serve notice in this Bulletin.
except that, the published literature of Nepldl being limited, it niav be
useful for students to hear of any fresh books. Thev are well printed
and the spelling is fairly consistent.

R. L. T.

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

o 1 6

Bihar Peasaxt Life. By G. A. Griersox, K.C.I.PL Second edition.

Patna. 1920. R.^i. 10.

This is the niucli-needed new edition of Sir George Grierson's
invaluable work, first published in 188.J and long out of jirint.

Peasant Life is too well known to require further comment here. Let
us simply express the hope that it may yet find imitators in other parts
of India : as the foreword states, local customs are continually changing
under modern influences, and, unless the customs and vocabulary of
the people are recorded now, the knowledge of them may be altogether
lost beyond recall for future generations. We could wish that the
author himself had been able to superintend the jiroduction of this
edition ; for though the thanks of the Government are given to the
two gentlemen who read the proof for the care thev e.xercised. never-
theless 29 pages of corrigenda do not e.xhaust the number of misprints.

R. L. T.

Ixno-Sr.MERiAX Seals Decipherf.d. By L. A. Wadoell, LL.I).,
C.B., C'.I.E., xix -f 140 pp. Ijondon ; Luzac and C'o., 1925.

We are hurt that in this volume the author has made no
acknowledgment of our valuable suggestion, contained in a review of
one of his previous fantasies, of the intimate connexion between
Tibet and top-hats. 'We shall therefore pass over in silence the no
less marvellous ■’ discoveries " of this volume.

R, L. Terxer.

l.ixoiiSTic Speccl.xtio.x.s of the Hixors. By Dr. Prabhat
Chaxdr.v Ch.akravarti. In two parts, ('alcutta University
Press. 1924-25.

This work is an intere.sting contribution to the history of Linguistics
and is an attempt to bring into a consistent whole the linguistic
theories of ancient Hindu philosophers and grammarians. The
author gives a fairly complete exposition of Hindu theories on the
origin of language and his treatment of the well-known controversy
on the eternity of sound shows considerable freshness and sound
judgment. Attention may also be drawn to the very interesting
record of speculations on the nature of the sentence (pp. 84 ff.) and
on the relation between the stem and the suffix (pp. 96 ff.).

It is to be regretted, however, that the author s treatment of the
fundamental topics of linguistics, viz. its phonetic and psychological

LINGUISTIC SPECULATION'S OF THE HINDUS

377

aspects, is so meagre that it is likely to give a poor impression of
ancient Indian philosophy of language. For instance, in his treatment
of the physiological basis of sound he quotes a passage on the aspects
of vdk, bordering rather on the fanciful and the mystical, so well-
known in works on Yoga and allied subjects. Had lie consulted
the Pratihlkhvas and other works on phonetic.s proper, he might
have offered the reader more scientific material on the Hindu theorv
of articulation. His as.sertion that this mvstical explanation of
articulation is psychologically truer than European theories (p. 81)
is hardly convincing and is not supported by any argument.

As regards the relation between thought and language, his treatment
is disappointingly meagre. In one place he points out the antecedence
of ideas to word.s (p. 140) ; while in another (p. 79) he refers to the
impossibility of thinking without language, and he leaves the reader
in the dark as to the exact position of the p.sychology of language
in the Indian sy.stems of linguistic philosophy.

The title of Part II, viz. “Semantics", is not happily cho,sen.
and will be disappointing both to the comparative philologist and still
more to the philosopher. For the general acceptance of the term
" Semantics " is the chan<;e which meanings of words undergo in
course of time, and on this Indian linguistic pliilosophers have little
to say. The author gives the well-worn principles of Semantic change,
viz. analogy, generalization, specialization, etc. (163-7), but an
exposition of these modern theories in a thesis on the linguistic specula-
tions of ancient Hindus, wlio never had this modern view-point, is
irrelevant.

The author gives an able exposition of distinctlv verbal knowledge
as opposed to inferential knowledge (p. 153), but his treatment of
several other philosophical theorie.s is either meagre or obscure.
Thus he sums up the great controversy on the doctrine of Ihiiversals
with the following obscure assertion ([>. 89) : The Xaiyayakas have
brought about the reconciliation by holding that the indi\'idual
conditioned or qualified bv genus represents the real significance
of words.” The author has here missed and unconsciously mi.s-
represented the Xyaya theory. For according to Xyaya the denotation
of words has three elements : (1) individual {vi/akti), (2) class or genus
ijati), and (3) the distinctive propertif of the genus {dki^ti). The great
contribution of the Xyaya theory was this third element, viz. akfti or
species, which several other theories had missed, as the author also
seems to have done. That this additional element dkrti is held bv

37.S

REVIEWS OF ROOKS

even some modern authorities to be unnecessary, the reader may be
referred to Max iluller. who in his Srievri’ of Thinif/ht (p. 578), where
he translates akrti as species, points out that the name of species is
not wanted, and that genus and individual would do. But although
in the field of biological metaphysics the term " sjieeies " may be
unnece.ssarv, linguistic thinking can not proceed without reference
to specific attributes of the class of which the inrlividual is a member,
however latent the consciousness of tho.se attributes may abide in
human memory.

The author has. unfortunately, missed a verv important point in
the history of Sanskrit linguistics ))y erroneou.sly translating (on
]). 99) the term ri/tlpam as ac-tion. Here was a j)roblem whieli would
have roused the interest of modern philologists if the author had
handled it fully. The {)roblem in (juestion relates to the controversy
on the nature of the verb ; whether the verb refers to tlie process
of action (as the Indian (.frammarians believe it predominantly
does : phrde pradhunatn v/plpfinili. " — Brlia<l-voif/(lkaraii((-f)hopiii(i.

ver.se 2). or whether it refers to the end of action, as the Xoii/dipikas
maintain. Thus Kaundabhatta in his BrJnid-fdliplkdn.iiKi-hhilpiiifi ^
fp. 5) rpioting Bhartrhari. di.stinctly points out that action is essentially
a process, and it is in this sense that the phrase “ he cooks “ involves
all the .stage.s of cooking, viz. lighting tlie fire, blowing it, etc. Action
is the synthetic unity of activitie.s which constitute a process. Action
does not mean the immediate creation of the result, i.e. it does not
mean only that stage of activity which immediately precedes the
result. Kaundabhatta opposes the view that other stages in the
proce.ss of action are oidy secondary and that the primary content
of action is only the stage immediately 2 )reccding the end. Again.st
this view Kaundabhatta gives an interesting argument : if all the
preliminary .stages of activity do not really de.serve the name of action,
then, when the cooking has begun, i,e. when fire has been lighted
and the kettle jjlaced on the fire, we should not use the present tense,

he is cooking," but should use the future tense, viz. “ he will cook ".
for the action proper, according to hyjiothe.sis, is still to come.-

^ ata era lyirntUijadau phuth'irati'adhnhsatdnpfnHitrd- tjdtnnfrfuUbhir botlhnh
su) vdstddhah SdihydrdJifitP uktihii ca hrtrinft gunnhhntdir iirnyarnih .'■amuhdh
kniyiiajaninanam. Ivddhyn prukaJpAabhedah kriytti rynpadisyatP,'' krarndjunmnnani
ephn vyapariindm idfunnha ekatvabiiddhya samhihindfmikayd prakalpifo 'bhtdo yn^ya
sa ra BUinfihah siabhavato gunabhutair avayarair yaktnh,

~ Ibid, p. 3 : m'lpi yadannntaram uiydvadhnnena pkahApfulah m kriyd, ndhi-

i^rayanddlndih tajjanahitayd knydtram aupardrikam — drabdhepi pdke kr'njnyn
bhdi itcdidty pnk^yatUi pniyogdpaHfs ca.

THE MUSIC OF INDIA

379

Here the Hindu grammarian, with a wonderful deductive
penetration, realized that if verbal action pointed onlv to the end.
the future tense sliould supersede the present in all the pre-end stages
of an action. He had before liim no data offered bv modern Com-
parative Philologv from tlie Slavonic verb, in which the perfective
form is used to denote the future tense. These inductive data, if
accessible to him. must liave strengthened his deductive reasoning.

81DUHESWAR Var.ua.

The !JIu.sic of India. Hv Atiya Be(;um Fyzee Rahamin. With
illustrations, p. 95. Luzac and Co. 19’25.

The present volume is a welcome one. It touches incidentally on
many points to be mentioned hereafter concerning the history of
the art, but stresses the religious and philosophical side of it without
giving a connected history thereof. Further, those interested in the
practical side of Indian music cannot find much in this book. It
gives a short history, a bibliography, a long string of names of practical
experts, and so on. It show.s the rudiments, the terminology and such
other auxiliaries of the art. In the foreword we are promised by the
author that this volume will be followed by another, which will contain
Indian melodies set to notation. We think the next volume M'ill be
more valuable from the practical point of view.

A fault to he found in this volume is that the Sanskrit terms
employed in it are not put correctly. For instance, we have • adhya "
for “adhyava", "math" for "mata", "arohi" for "avarohi" and
so on. Some of the names of .^hrutic-s and murchkanan are not spelt
in the correct way.

It will not be out of place to summarize the contents of the work
under review.

Chap. I deals M'ith the works on Indian music from the Vedic
period, through the Sutra and epic periods down to Ki'didas and after
him to the modern period.

Chap. II mentions the exponents of the art from Narada. Tumburu.
Bharata, Jayadeo. etc., through the days of iSultan -Alan' a-DIn Raja
Man of Gwalior, Akbar and JahiingTr down to Muhammad Shah, the
last king of Oudh. Incidentally some interesting information is
given of the penetration of foreign music from Persia, Greece and
Arabia.

Chap. Ill deals with the four schools of Indian music, now united
into one by the famous Tanasen.

3S0

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

Chap. IV and V treat of the technique of Indian music.

Chap. VI describes fifty different kinds of musical instruments
in detail and then goes on to deal with the various Riigas or tunes.

Chap. VII in conclu.sion regales us with tales of how birds and
animals listened to " the voice of the charmer " and were fascinated
l)y the music and song of celebrated exponents of the art.

Indian music has a most complicated theory. It would be a
stupendous task to build a proper system out of the mass of material
to be found scattered about in the ancient literature. In that vast
country, inhabited by so many different races, with so many languages,
with a variety of manners and customs, with .so many religious sects,
it would have been a wonder if there had been only one uniform
system in the whole land.

From pre-Buddhistic times, there has been con.stant communication
between India and other countries in Central Asia, Greece, etc.
The nature of this communication would vary according to the
needs of the times, commercial and religious being the principal
factors among the many before the iMohamadan supremacy in India.
Ideas concerning astrology, astronomy, mathematics, medicine.
))hilo.sophy. etc., were freely exchanged. The Caliph Harunu ’r-Rashkl
of Bagdad was a patron of learning and art. He invited Indian
physicians and rewarded tliem munificently.^

The art of Indian music was carried to Greece and Arabia through
the medium of Persia. We find even to-day the signs of Indian
influence on Arabian music. (One day the reviewer was .singing
Indian mu.sic in a friend's house ; an Enghshman who had been
many years in Arabia was present. He at once remarked that his
music reminded him of Arabian music.) After the Mohamadan
invasion of India, the tide turned. Arabian and Persian styles came
into vogue and got mixed up with the original Hindu music. The
music of the Sufis, moreover, who sang ec.static and devotional
songs, took the Indians by storm. The re.semblance between Greek
and Indian mu.sic is obvious, if we examine critically the scales of
both systems. The present system of Hindustani music is a
conglomeration of Indian, Arabian and Persian mmsic.

r«enty-tw<i centuries ago .Ale.xander the Onat kept Hindu physicians in his
camp for the treatment of disea-ses which Oreek physicians could not heal, and eleven
lentiiries ago, Haronn ar Rashid of Bagdad retained two Hindu physicians known

in .Vrabio records as llanka and Saleh, as his own physicians.”. Ancient History of

India, by Diitt., vol. iii, p. 395.

THE MUSIC OF INDIA

381

The art of Indian music flourished chiefly in the reign of the
great Mogul Emperor Akbar. After liim the art was decadent, but
the decadence was imperceptible. It lingered on during the reigns
of Jahangir and Sliah Jahan. The final torpor occurred in the reign
of Aurangzeb. Still, the art having been sound and vigorous once,
had a dormant life in it. and so it held on. and revived during the
reign of Muhammad Shah, the last of the Padishahs, in whose
reign the greatest singers of the Klv/dl style of music. Sadaranga anrl
Adaranga. flourished. Then the art of music declined, no more to
rise again for a couple of centuries or so.

During the supremacy of the British, the art has had no encourage-
ment from the Government. It is only in the native states, where the
tradition is kept up to a certain extent, and where the ancient art has
been patronized, that we find some artists of great repute, who have
kept the art just alive, but no more. Some of these artists, of both
vocal and in.strumental music, who are in the service of the native
States, are expert singers and performers. The fault with them is that
these artists are. as a rule, absolutely illiterate. They are eccentric
as well. They can sing or perform music ; but they know nothing
about the theoretical side of the art. If you ask them any question
they will simply answer. - M'e don't bother about what you ask ; we
only sing exactly as we have been taught.’’ And that is quite true.
Their art has a great tradition behind it. It has been handed down
with exactitude from generation to generation, from teacher to
the pupil. Thev cannot answer your -whys’' and • hows ". The
oral teaching may have, and has, many advantages, but it lias the
great disadvantage mentioned above. These artists again, being of a
most conservative character, do not impart their knowleilge to anyone
except their sons, if any. Or if it is imparted to any devoted pupil,
it is given half-heartedly and with re.servation. It is only by flattery
and coaxing that the pupil can wring a traditional song from these
cranks. So the death of everv reputed artist means a general loss
to the art.

Having no support of anv kind or encouragement from the British
Government, a few artists, if there are any, have to maintain themselves
entirely on the generositv of a few rich people. Besides, the art has
become despised for the same reason ; it is not held in any respect at
any rate. But happily that period is now over, and some educated
people have applied their minds and literary powers to the expounding
and distentangling of the complicated theory and systematization

382

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

of the traditional songs. Some great cities sucii as Bombay and Poona
in AVestern India have music classes attached to the public schools.
They are trving to popularize the art. Original San.skrit textbooks
on music are being published, some of them are being translated into
the vernacular. Attempts are being made to put classical melodies
into notation, although, strictly speaking, the task is one of
impossibilitv. Independent research works are being published,
though few. The Philharmonic Society of Western India has done a
good deal of work on these lines. It has published .several hundreds
of Indian melodies set to European notation.

The svsteni of Karnatic music is little affected by foreign influence.
.\nd that music gives us an idea of what original Hindu music was. The
difference between Karnatic and Hindustani mu.sic is chiefly in the
primary scales.

The art suffers mainly through the lack of Government support.
It will surely rise and prosper if the Government show.s sincere and
active sympathy and encouragement. It has prospered in the past
only when it was patronized by the Government. The iMuhammadan
rulers not only patronized it but actually were practical expert.s
both in vocal and instrumental music.* If the British Government
.shows real appreciation and finds out some means of encouraging it,
the art will revive with marvellous ra])idity. otherwise the day
of extinction is threatened and nigh at hand. The artist will find
himself quite a different personality, and raised in the social standard.
He will secure an honourable place in society, and not merely be the
contemptible creature he is considered, despised by all, honoured
by none. The support of the native princes is not enough, but the art
must be encouraged by the central Government, too.

In conclusion we may say that this volume gives some idea of
the significance of Indian mu.sic but we cannot say whether it will
interest the Emopean reader in general.

S. G. Kaxhere.

^ “ YiHaf Adilshah (a.d. 1490-1510), the first Sultan of Bijapur. His taste
and skill in music were superior to those of most of the masters of his time, A\hom
he encouraged by munificent rewards to attend his court. He himself performed
to admiration on two or three instruments and m his gay moments would sin"
impro\isatore compositions."- — Quoted from Fesishta by Havell, of Aryan

Rule, pp. 389-90.

MAHARASTRA SAKUN'TALA

383

Maharastra Sakuxtala. By Keseo Vtxayak Godbole. B.A..

LL.B. Pages 20-14-38-112-7. Sree Ganes Printing Works.

Poona city, 192.n.

The Sakuntala of Kalidas is a drama which i.s enjoved equally
by orthodox j)andits. nmdern educated scholars, ami even men who
have not the least knowledge of Sanskrit hut are only content with
reading the beautiful story written in any language. Even European
scholars speak of it very highly. The famous German poet Goethe
sj)eaks about it,

\\ oidd St thou the young year's blossoms anti tlie fruits of its decline

And all by which the soul is charmed enraptured, feasted, fed.

44 oidd st thou the earth and heaven itself in one sole name combine

I name thee, G Sliakuntala! And all at once is >aid.

41essrs. Diisagupta and Lawrance Binyon have written a concise
form of three acts for tlie European theatre. It is ])racticaliy a frei-
rendering. To this rendering Sir Babindranath Tagore has written
a kind of introduction.

Tlie woTulerful skill of the Indian Sliakespeare is tliat lie clothes most
profound and sublime ideas in the simplest of words. His poetry has
wonderful grace, sweetness and the poet's delicate taste. His writings
reveal the poet's love of external nature. His knowieilge of e.xteriial
nature is accurate. Sakuntala i.s bristling with this kind of poetry.
Sir 44Tlliam Jones translated Srikuntala in 1789 and his work was
received most enthusiasticallv in Europe. Since then it has been
translated into almost everv European, and into every Indian,
language. English. French. German. Russian. Italian. Hindi. Beng'di.
Giijarathi, Alarathi, Tamil. Telegu, Kanarese, etc. In 4Iarathi, we
have Sfikuntala tran.slated bv Rrijawade, P. God bole, Apte and Kirloskar
The translation of Kirloskar is mainly for theatrical purpo.ses and
therefore does not require much consideration. .4pte's translation
is all in prose. Rajawiide's and P. Godbole's translations are in
both prose and verse. Roth of these translators rendered the original
prose into 4Iarathi prose and the original verses into Marathi verse.
But they have not kept to the same metre as in the original, and
in some places they have translated the original single verses into one,
two or three verses. Also thev have employed pure Marathi vrittas
or metres, like, abhanga. siiki. dindi, etc. The author of the present
voliune has translated the original prose into Marathi prose and in the
translation of the verse he has employed the same metre. It is called
samai'ritta, samasloka, translation. He bound himself down to this

•->.-)

VOL. IV. p.rur ii.

384

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

kind of hazardous t^all^latil)n and he has come out cietorious. d'he
preface is written by the learned professor K. I). Ifanade. who lias done
full justice to the autlior's labours. We examined a few instances
ijuoted in the preface, and compared them most critically and carefully
and found that the pre.sent translation stands out by itself.

iMaraihi poetry does not lend it.self to blank veise, and so the
author was also bound, even against his \tish. to rhyme all verges,
even anuship metres.

The poetry of Kfdidas is one of the gems of the Sanskrit language.
Its grace, case. ])oetical ideas, conciseness, all these virtues are
obvious in Kalidas’ poetry ; and that is the rea.son why it is so dillicult
to render it appropriately into any other language. It is a hazardous
and arduous ta.sk to translate any work into another language without
losing the delicate shades and subtlety of meaning. How much more
difficult is the task of translating the best work of Kalidas. in which
characters, so divergent as an em[)eror, uu ascetic, the daughter of a
nymph, the buffoon, the di.sciples of the a.scetic. Indra. his charioteer,
and nymjihs, also scenes like palace, hermitage, hunting, bowers,
heaven, regions between heaven and earth, etc., are (le])icted so easily
and in homely language, much less kee[)ing to the .same metre. To
render a Sanskrit verse into Marathi, with a limited number of words,
and without the least loss of meaning or shade is not an ea.sy ta.sk.
No wonder that the author has been working hard for four whole years.

The Marathi employed in the translation is extremely good.
iMarathi has become a (|uite well-developed language. In e.xemplarv
works like Kalida.s' Sakuntala's translation, there is no hitch for the
lack of an appropriate iMarathi word for the original Sanskrit. If
we examine and watch the development and steadv^ growth of Marathi
.since the time of Jnanesvara. we .see that it has assumed verv liiffii
proportions, though it is not at its climax. The Marathi of the present
day has no lack of words to express any sentiment or emotion. It
may. however, be devoid of some words in the field of modern science.
But that difficulty will .soon be got over. To show the .stages of
development is out.side the scojie of this reciew. W’e were agreeably
surpri.sed to read the fitting and accurate expressions like iifnltuie.
sailave, etc. In short, the translation throughout reproduces the
meaning and spirit of the original.

The Marathi verses are exact translations. The rhymes emploved
in the Anmhip metre are charming. In some places the composition
reminds the reader of Waman pandit. The style is graceful and happv.

DIH METHOD!-: DEU ARIM'HEX FORsCHUNT:

385

This hook will he iiio.'t iDeful for those who are unable to luuler-
staiid the original >akuntala. It will jjive an exact ineaniiir;. The
other translation^ are not '■uHieieiit to trive an accurate knowledge
of the orii;inal. This hook will stand o!\ a high level antong manv
■Alara'hi translations of Sanskrit works or of foD-ign languages. Also
this book Ini' contributed much to arathi literature which is growing
niarvellouslv.

The author has given his own views on .■'akuntala in 38 pages.
He has refuted all objections raised by Dr. Belwalkar. His dntr
ol argument, his judgment, and his seandiing criticism deserve
consideration. He also disagrees with certain views held by the
lamous poet Sir Rabindranath Tagore. He has surveyed the sequence
of seven acts, linkial together as they are. in the course of his free idea-s
about Sfikuntala. IMr. (lodbole is polite but firm in criticizing Sir
llabindranath Tagore, I’rofes.sor Tloy. Dr. Belwalkar, and some
orthodox pandits. In his criticism he throws some light upon ancient
customs, the state of society, the freedom of woman in choosing her
husband, and some other subjects. He says that the standard of
morality that prevailed thousands of years ago is not to be judged
by that of our time. He believes in evolution and not in revolution.
There is no gaji. he says, between instinct, rea.son and inspiration.
The first grows into the second, which again expands into the third.
Between heaven and earth there is not a gulf to be bridged, it is only
filled with ether. It is all one solid mass all over. Between vice and
virtue, between light and dark, there is no gap, the only difference
is that of degree.

In conclusion we congratulate Hr. Godbole on his success, and
hope that he will do more service to the Marathi language by translating
other works of Kfdidas, Bhavabhuti, etc.

8. G. Kanhf.rf,.

Die IMethode uer Arischex Forschexg. \'on .Tohaxxes Hertel.
(Indo-Iranische t^uellen und Forschungen. Beiheft zu Heft VI.)
pp. 80. Leipzig : H. H.e.s.sel. 192<). 8vo.

The unfriendlv greeting which has been accorded in some quarters
to the hitherto published Ilefle of his I.l.Q.F. has stirred Dr. Hertel
to produce this lively booklet, in which he seeks to make clear the
objects and methods of his criticism, to show' the fundamental
w'eaknesses which have hitherto hindered the studv of ^'eda and Avesta

REVIEWS OF iiOOK.S

;5S(;

from arriving at definitive conclusions except “ auf formalistischeni
(iebiet and finally to deal with the objections raised by Professors
Clenien. Keith, and Charpentier against the date proposed by him
for Zoroaster. As a te.st-case he take.s R.V. viii, ii. 12, and has no
difiiciilty in showing that the explanations of it offered by Havana.
Grassmann. Ludwig. Griffith, Oldenburg. Bergaigne. Hiilebrandt,
and Zimmer are incon.sistent and unacceptable. His own view is
liased upon the conclusion wliich he laid down in I.l.Q.F. vi, (>7 ff. :
tile Aryans regarded botli Soma and milk as liquid furm.s of tlie
lieavenlv fire {hra/ima, x'ar,mnh) and imagined tliat by drinking
tliem they absorbed them into their hearts, wlicre these lifpiids became
pure celestial fire which inspire<l them with lieroic jiower ; thus the
Soiiiit was regarded as a dfvn within the warrior's bodv. battling against
Ins enemies, and the milk was conceived as es.seiitially similar to it,
creating by its mixture with Somn a double brahma and thus rendering
the drinker dvihdrhui. Hence he renders the verso : “ [The Sdana-
draiiglits] drunk into the heart.s do battle ; they who are posses.sed
by evil intoxication in [drinking of] sard glow [= sing] not. nor do tliev
who are naked ^ at the udder,” and explains this in detail from the
standpoint of his theory with much ingenuity.

He next deals with i?.!- . X, xxii, which in hi.s opinion “ must have
hcen composed at a time when mo.st of the tribe.s had already moved
into India ami the Mazdayasnian religion had become the dominant
one in Eastern Iran In proof of this he discusses verses 1. 2, and 10,
which he renders : —

1. ■' ^^he^e i.s Indra heard of? Among avhat people now is
.Mitra not heard of. who is zealously praised, whether in the dwelling
jilace of the ILsis or in .secret ? ”

2. ■■ Here Indra is heard of ; among us now is he praised, he that
is armed with the thunderbolt, the brilliant one (?), avho has won fur
himself like Mitra a glory that is not half.”

10. ” Stir up these men for the slaughter of foes in the jilace of
dead bodies [the battlefield]. 0 valiant one who art armed with the
thunderbolt, if thou art hidden from the tribes - of the Kavis who have
the savas of stars.”

' One in tempted ti) .see in the word miijhdk a sneer of the well-armed and riothc-d
Arum at the very airy costume which was prohahly worn then by the natives of
JiHliH, a'? It to-day.

- t\ith the US" of yuh<l with gen. harTnini ne mav compare KnMa with gen.,
Thiic. 1. JOl. ^ ^ ’

DIE METHDDE DER ARISCHEX FORSCHrXG

387

This. Dr. Hertel contends, is the utterance of a tribe that worshipped
Indra and was opposed to tribe.s adoring ^litra as their chief god.
i.e. to Mazdayasnians, whose attitude towards Indra is expressed
in i t. V. X, 9 and xix. 43. wliere Indra is mentioned with loathing
as a daeva. in couijianv with other demons. This is certainly a valuable
suggestion, and has considerable probability. In Dr. Hertel's opinion
it is definitively proved by v. 10 ; he understands by the AVu'/'s the
Avestic tribes of EastiTii Iran, where, according to his view, htrt =
prince, and he regards this identification as finally confirmeil by the
epithet ndksatmsairis. “ having divine fire or inspiration [wiiv/s —
brnlmia. i''ur,mah'] from the stars." inasmuch as the.se East-Iranian
tribes looked upon the constellations Ti'trya and Satavaesa. and above
all upon Jlidra. the starry heaven, as being peculiarly endowe<i with
this divine fire and dispensing it to the pious. This explanation is
very attractive, and as regards snixis I believe Dr. Hertel is right.
As to the rest of the verse, however, I venture with much diffidence
to sugge.st an alternative interpretation, which may be wrong, and
if right does not invalidate his explanation of vv. l-'2. It seems to
me po.ssible that giihd i/<uU kavin^))) visdm m'lk.^atrasavasdin may
mean “ if thou art hidden from the tribes of Kavi's race inspired by
the Star". I suspect that " Kavi's race ”, Kavdi/as. are the priests of
the family of Kavi. alias UAuias-Sukra, who was the first of the race of
Bhrgu ; in other words, they are the Bhargavas. Iksanas-Sukra is
identified with the planet Sukra already in Mahabharata (I. Ixvi.
•ifiO.a ff.), and the connexion may be based upon a Vedic tradition. ^
Mow the hymn 3111. ii is asciibed to eithei iMedhatithi Kanva or
Priyaniedha Ahgirasa ; the Kanvas were a branch of the Ahgirasas.
the race of Brhaspati, so in either case the hymn is an Ahgirasa one.
I am therefore tempted to sec in this passage an expression of the old
rivalry between the Angirasas and the Bhargavas, which is indicated
in the ancient legend that makes Brhaspati Augiras the Gmu of the
Devas and U-^anas the Guru of the Daityas. Danavas, and Asuras.
and hence the arch-enemy of Indra. According to Puranic tradition,
this hostility was hereditary : the three sons of Varutrin, son of
b%'anas. were also priests of the Daityas and foes of Indra (see Pargiter.

p. 196). 3'irtually, then, our poet says : " We are orthodox,

^ This ourious myth seems to be based upon the idea prevailing in Eastern Iran
that certain stars were especial sources of the heavenly fire, 'which has already been
mentioned, and which was particularly associated -with the lMi0ra-cuIt. The Bhargavas
then would seem to belong originally to this cult-area.

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

:]88

vou are heretics." The Bhargavas wouhl thu.s .seem to have l>een
origiiiallv opposed to the Indra-cult and later to have accej)ted it.
])robably tinder compulsion. This i.s jiossibly indicated in tlie Kanva
(and therefore Angirasa) hymn VUI, iii. wliere we read in vt'rse 9
//fiiifT ifdtihhjo Bhi-gave dhnne hiti gena itritha. " wlierewith

[thou gavest help] to the Yatis and Blirgu when their possession.-! were
at stake [cf. I, cxvi. 15. IV, xli. 0). wlierewitli thou didst aid Praskanva
(who. it mav be observed, was also a Kanva). This seems to indicate
that once upon a time the A'atis (whoever tliey may have been) and
the Bhargavas were com[>elled to choose between losing their property
and confessing the supreme divinity of Indra. and accepted the latter
alternative. There is a vaguer allusion to the event in \ 111. vi (a
Kanva htuun). 18, ijn Indra ydtagas tea Bh'rgavd gi ca tustnvuh. The
Indra-cult wa.s j)ropagated at one time by a vigorous persecution
of the Yatis, to which legend bears frerpient evidence {Taitt.-isani. 11,
iv, 9, 2; YI, ii. 7, 5; Jit.-Br. Vn,xxviii=XXXV, ii ; Tdijdga-Br.XlU,
i, 4: XIII, iv. 17: XVIII,!. 9; A'an.?.-!/;;. III. i. etc.), and the passages of
R.V. quoted above strongly suggest that the Bhargavas were com-
panions in misfortune with the Yatis.

His fourth chapter is devoted by Dr, Hertel to meeting (not
without .some asperity) the objections which his critics have based
upon the supposed testimony of Xanthus as quoted by Diogenes
Laertiu.s (Proami. 2) and the clay tablet of A.ssurbanipal which Honimel
believed to contain the name of Ahuro Mazdah. It mu.st, I think,
be admitted that the context of the passage in which Xanthus is
quoted proves that the words cited as from his pen could not possibly
have been written before the fourth century b.c. at the very earliest. ^
The tablet of A.s.surbanipal is likewi.se of small value as evidence.
It is a miscellaneous li.st of deities for invocation, and the line in
((ue.stion. AN-as-sa-ra-AN-ma-za-cB, seems to contain the names
of two gods who are unconnected with one another ^ (compare, e.g.,
col. xi, lines 25 and 30 of the same tablet). Moreover, the names
A.ssara and Mazcis can hardly be phonetically equated with Asuro (or
Ahuro) and Mazdds.

' That this i«V'..-aj;e of Xanthu.s is spurious is of course not a new di.scoveri' ; the
fa -t Mas asserted tiy t'. and T. Muller in Friujui. Giri'r. in 1S41.

- 1 owe this statement to my le.irned colleague Mr. .Sidney Smith, whose autho’-ity
111 this branch of science is indisputable. It may be added that the name Mnzdaka,
» Inch has been quoted as evidence for the early date of Zoroaster, does n(.)t nece.ssarily
refer to Mazdah at all, and may possibly be Elamitic. Sec Hall, Ancient Hist, of the
Xear KaA. p. .o.V>, n. 2.

I)IK KI.N-<T IXDIEXS-

389

To follow Dr. Hertel tlirougli tlie further rounds of his fight is
forbidden to us by the exigencies of time and space, and we must
conclude. He has undoubtedlv corrected some errors and presented
some interesting \'edic exegesi.s ; and now we venture to hope that he
and his adversaries will shake hands.

L. D. B.\rxett.

Die Kuxst Ixdiexs. Von Dr. Erx.st Diez. (Hamlbuch der
Kunstwi.ssenschaft : Ergiinzungsband.) pp. 193, 13 plates.

Wddjxirk-Potsdant (Ahtdeiitiscfie Verlagsf/eseUschnft Athena iaii),
[1926 ?]. 4to.

This work, which after a .short historical introduction surveys the
progress of the arts of building, plastic, and painting in India, with
an account of the arts in the Indian colonies of Ceylon. Java. Cambodia.
Annam. Burma. Siam, ami Laos, possesses patent merits. It is hand-
somely got u]) : it is profusely illustrated by plates and smaller
jiictures which for the most part are well chosen and admirably
executed ; and it is written by a scholar of great technical knowledge,
wide reading, and fine ta.ste. whose le.sthetic appreciations are always
intere.sting and often instructive. On some points, however, the
judgments of Dr. Diez would be more acceptable if they were supported
bv a sounder knowledge of historv. He views Indian art with intense
admiration and love, which is a valuable asset for the writer of a
Kunstgeschichte. But when he pas.ses from art-criticism to theorise
upon the origins and primitive symbolism of Indian art. he falls into
patent errors and glaring absurdities. Seduced by the fantastic
imaginations of Mr. Havell. he sets up an airy theory of chthonic-
telluric origin ” according to which Visnu and Siva are both " mytho-
logical derivates of that primitive dualism in which the religions of
youthful cultures are rooted ’’ : the sfA’/mr«-temple, corresponding
to the pyramid, represents Visnu- Apollo and "solar fatherhood’ ,
while the I'fmnaa-temple, corresponding to the omphalos, symbolises
Siva-Dionysus and “ lunar motherhood ' ; and these two style-
complexes arose bv polarization out of a " Vedische Klassik ",
represented by the stiipa. the abode of the One bisexual Brahma
(p. 183 ff.). Now with all respect to the learned author we beg leave
to say that all this is sheer myth — in German phrase, aus den Fingeni
gesogen. The One Brahma (neuter) was never the object of an

890

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

external cult lodged in a material dwelling ; the Brahma who was
worshipped in earlv ejhc times was purely masculine, and there is no
evidence that his cult, or the cult of any other great god. was practised
in stupas in pre-Buddhist days. Siva and A'isnu are gods of totally
different origins ; normal Hindui.sm did not ‘‘ polarize them, but
regarded either one or the other as the Supreme ; and it is sheer
perversitv to see in the phallic Siva an embodiment of das Einq
W>’ibUche.

The idea that the oi/A/ww-temjile was originally evolved as a .symbol
of \'isnu-Krsna and the rdannn-temple correspondingly represented
Siva has reallv no legs to stand upon. Dr. Diez admits that the
former type was used by both churches even in the Gupta peiioil
(p. 50) : and in regard to the vimiina we may point out that e.g. in
the ancient Pallava temples of C'onjevaram there is no essentia!
difference of outward structure between tbe Kaila.sanatha. which
belongs to Siva, and the Vaikuntha-peruma], which belongs to Visnu.
As to later temples, no distinction exists. The simple facts are
these. The North evolved the cla.s.sical type of SiA/mm -temple,
the South the ela.ssical r/wonn-temple. In the North the cult of
Visnu found more wealthy patronage, in the South the cult of Siva
won more favour from the great in clas.sical times : hence \’isnu was
more often lodged in the iikharu, Siva in the vimuna. But there is
no organic relation between the god and the outer form of his temple,
as may be proved by dozens of examples. This unlucky theory'
tends to make the chapter on Hindu temples somewhat confu.sed
and confusing.

There are a few other deficiencies. Dr. Diez omits to lay due
stress on that characteristic feature of Southern architecture, the
growth of the ydpunun from the modest proportions of the early
Pallava school to the colossal bulk of later times. He hazards the
jiroposition that columns were not introduced into Indian architecture
until A'oka's age (p. 95), which is almost certainly a mistake. He
has hardly anything to say about the cave-paintings of Bagh, which
are equal, if not superior, to those of Ajanta. And lastly there are
many irregularities and misprints in rendering Indian words, and he
speaks of the Pandavas' “ Schivester Draupadi " (p. .58). Yet in spite
of all this he has given us a really valuable book, which no student
of art can afford to overlook.

TOWN PLANNING IN ANCIENT INDIA

391

Town Planning in Ancient India. By Binode Behari Dutt,
B.L, j)p. xxxii. 379, 1 plate. Calcutta aiul Simla ;

Thacker. Spink & Co.. 19'2 .a. 8vo.

The leading idea of iMr. Dutt's book, as he tells us. has been to
deal with Iiulian principles of town-planning from the standpoint
of the Hindu conception of the subject : and in this design lie has
achieved considerable success. His chapters di.scuss successivelv
the origin and growth of Indian cities, the survev of the citv. its
b(jundaries and approaches, street.s and tlieir jilanning. site-[)lanning
and distribution of population. im[)rovement and expansion of towns,
the villiige and its types, buildings and bye-laws thereon, centres
and enclosed places, the individuality of towns, and the city as an
expression of civic life, with introduction and appendices. For
the study of these matters lie has read widely and generally well,
especially in the available Sanskrit literature, tlie chief data of
which he presents with clearness and accuracy, so far as tlie
sources permit.

^Ir. Dutt's introduction shows some confused thinking on the
hi.story of the art ; and he has an occasional tendency to mix theory
with fact. Vndoubtedly the ancient Hindus often had sound views
of town-planning, and often realized them more or less successfully
in practice. But they did not always act up to theory, being human
and of many sorts. And it is critically unsound to write, as Mr. Dutt
does on p. 297 f., of cities in mythical times such as Ayodhya,
Dvaraka, or Indraprastha as being laid out in the most approved
fashion because the Epics or Puranas say so. Equally uncritical
is the remark that a certain improvement is due to Sukracarya (]). 255)
because it is not mentioned in sources assumed to be earlier : we know
very little either about the dates of the works in question or about
the sources of Sukracarya. Finally, it may be pointed out that
Mr. Dutt has omitted to utilize the inscrijitions, which throw a good
deal of light on civic polity. However, tliese are minor matters in
a book which aims primarily at setting forth what the Hindus con-
ceived as the ideals of the art rather than ivhat they actually achieved ;
and Mr. Dutt's work deserves recognition as a useful and intelligent
£erformance.

L. D. Barnett.

392

REVIEWS OF HOOKS

Travel a\d Travellers ix the JIikdle Ages. Edited by A. P.

Xewtox. jip. X -f 223. KejiaH Paul, 192b. 12.''. Od.

Tlii.s volume comprise.s a .series of .studies by different autlioritie.'
raiiging from Professor Laistner'.s paper on the decay of geographical
knowledge in the fourth and fifth centurie.s to Profes.sor Prestage >
descriptions of the activities of Prince Henry and the early attempts
of the Portuguese to discover a sea-route to the East. Host of these
j)apers are of verv real interest to the .student of Eastern liistorv.
since they illustrate with a wealth of learning the manner in which
the modern European knowledge of the East came gradually into
being. For instance. iMiss Power’s chapter on the land routes to
Cathay provides a brilliant resume of the work of Yule and Cordier
and the beginner could not desire a lietter introduction to that most
interesting subject. Sir Thomas Arnold's paper on the Arab travellers
supplies an admirable account of Ibn Batuta ami hi.s fellows, who
on all accounts deserve to be much better known to English readers
than they are. Baron Heyendorff discusses the problems of the
trade-routes of Eastern Europe. Two papers present jioints of
decidedly novel interest. One of these is 8ir Deni.son Ross’s jiaper
on Prester John. This shows clearly how mediaeval ideas regarding
that strange potentate wandered in search of him between Central
Asia and Ethiopia. It is suggested that the origin of the legend
and of the name may be traced to the latter source. A careful
examination of Portuguese historians, e.specially Almeida and Paez,
suggests that Italian merchants learnt that the King of Ethiopa was
called zan )xag. which they transliterated gkmnni and then Gkitwe —
John. This notable suggestion will, we think, be found to contain
the final solution of a problem that has long baffled European scholars
from the time of Kircher. Ho.sheim. and d'Avezac. Once stated,
the .solution seems irresistible. The particular point which Profes.sor
Prestage makes, in his study of the Portuguese search for the sea-
route to India, supports Dr. Corte.saO's sugge.stion that about the middle
of the fifteenth century the Portuguese deliberately adopted a policy
of suppressing information about their discoveries, in order to render
foreign rivalry more difficult. This would explain why Barros could
find no complete copy of Zurara's Chronicle of Guinea, surviving
manuscripts of which have clearly been tampered with, while the
work of Cerveira disappeared altogether.

H. D.

THE EA.^T TXIHA COMPANY TRAlHN'i; TO CHINA

393

< HRON'ICLES OF THE Ka^T InKIA (’oMPAN'Y TUAIHNO TO ClIlNA. 163.j-
1831. Jly H. B. Mor^e. 1 Vols, ])[). xxii — 313. Yiii ; 4ol.
viii -j- 387. and viii -127. O.xford : C'lareiidon Press. 70.<.

These adinirahlv produeed voluine.s form a larL'e additional
luonument to the knowledge and industrY of Dr. Morst'. who ha.s
already done so iniu'h to illuminate the modern history of China.
Hut in these he has contenteil himself with analyzing the records
ot the Kast India Coinpanv. and lias added little hv way of comment.
The details of the trade are ei\ en usually in tabular form ; and are
followed year bv vear with biief narratives of the out.'tandinsj events,
interspersed with ipiotations from the diaries and desjiatches of
the ('omjiany's servants in China.

Tliese servants lone maintained the character and organization
that had marked the whole bodv of them at the outset of the Comjianv s
career. They were supercargoes. They accompanied the vessels
on the outward and the homeward voyage, long after their lellows
had settled down to a permanent factory life in every other part of
the Company's limits. At Amoy and tlien at Canton they obtained
Jirivilege of trade, but no privilege of residence. It was only gradually,
first by the establishment of a general council to manage the affairs
of all the Companv's vessels, instead of separate sets to each ; then
by ajipointing the chief to remain, and so carry over the e.xperience
of one vear direct into the next ; and finally by the establishment
of a permanent Council or .select conimittee. that conditions were
attained at all resembling those which the Company secured so early
and with such comparative ease at the jiorts of the ^loghul Lmpire.
In this re.spect the China sujiercargoes differed much from their
fellow-servants in India. This difference was very significant. They
were trading in a laroer. a wealthier, a more stable, and a much more
incomprehensible empire than tliat of the Moghuls. And they were
there on sufferance, because their trade profited the mandarins of
Canton. The theory at the ca{)ital was that they, ami the other
European traders, were allowed to buy Chinese produce out of com-
passion for the inhabitants of less-favoured regions. Accordingly
they never attained at Canton that position of respect which they
attained at Surat. They were never allowed to buy the factory in
which they lived ; the officials did everything in their power to make
the merchants who were allowed to trade with the foreigners the
sole channel of communication with them ; they forbade anyone to
teach them Chinese ; and they regarded with singular Suspicion,

39-t

RE^^EW.S OF BOOKS

such of them — and they were exceedingly few — who managed to
evade the obstacles in the path of learning the language. Dr. Morse
points out verv justly at what a disadvantage the English stood
in this respect as compared with other nations. The Portuguese
and the French generally found some Koman Catholic missionary
who could assist them ; and the Dutch coidd draw on tin* large Chinese
colony re.sident at Batavia : while the English, till late in the day.
had no means of intercourse save a chance mi.ssionary or the picturesque
but loose patois of Pidgin Engli.sh.

The origins of Angfo-('hine.se tra<le mav be traced back to the
time when the ilanchus were just completing their conquest of Southern
China. The early officials with whom the su[)ercargoes came into
contact seem to have been Manchus. and, as Dr. Morse points out,
were quite inexpert in sheering the trader's fleece. But these early
officials were succeeded bv others, whose methoils were less violent
in operation if equally interestetl in purpose. The Chinese merchants,
not the foreign traders, became the objects of taxation ; and grew
into a corporation that monopolized the European trade. AVith tlieni
— as one would expect — the relations of the suj)ercargoes were generally
friendly and became friendlier. It is, however, remarkable to find
the supercargoes intervening on .several occasions to save Hong
merchants from bankruptcy.

One or two aspects of the Company's trade deserve special mention.
One of these is the bullion trade. AVhen we first began to trade
to China the prevalent ratio of gold to silver was much higher than
it was in the MTst ; and it was very profitable to import silver and
export gold, which was usually carried to IMadras. Gradually, however,
under the constant influence of continuous trade the balance seems
to have turned the other way, and we even find exports of silver from
China, sometimes to Europe, sometimes to India. When these took
the form of sycee, the traffic became illegal and subject to the special
exactions that •■'uch traffic usually involves.

This feature was a marked characteristic of the opium trade,
in which, however, the Company rarely took part, though indirectly
interested through its opium sales at Calcutta. Profitable as it was,
it would have involved too heavy exactions on the Company’s legal
trade in tea and silk to have been really advantageous, while the
supercargoes would have no longer been able to maintain their attitude
of impeccable correctness. On the early history of this subject
Dr. Morse s researches have thrown much new light.

THE MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM HICKEY

395

The case is the same witli tlie finance of tlie trade. Dr. 3Ior.se' s
figures show in a most intere.sting ivay that in the course of time
the Company was able materially to reduce its shipments of bullion
to China, and sometimes to do without them altogether. This was
brought about in part by the e.xistence of an active private trade from
India to 3Iaidlla and China, in jiart bv the strong demand lor private
remittances to hhiglaud from India. The first placed large suiU'
of silver at the disposal of private merchants at Canton ; and the
second impelled them to pav the.se sums into the Comjiaiiv’s cash at
Canton in return for bills on London, drawn usually at 31)5 (lavs'
sight. When American merchants, too. became active in the China
trade, importing Lnglish cloth and exporting lea. they found it
convenient to tube payment for the balance of their imports in Company
bills on London.

Dll various siiecial incidents Dr. ilorse's documents contain
much that is new. For instance, we find sevcnd new documents
on the embassies to China, from that of Lieut. -Colonel Cathcart.
who died before reaching China, down to that of Lord Amherst which
was so conifilete a failure. These Dr. 3Iorse regards, and rightly,
as steps in a struggle lietween the Company and the local ollicials at
Canton — a struggle in which the mandarins won. He illnstrates al.so
with great fulness a number of incidents in ivliich the question of
the liability of Europeans to the Chinese Courts was involved. His
extracts show how deeply the supercargoes mistrusted the Chine.se
system of administering justice, and how great reason they had for
their mistrust. Indeed on both sides, economic and jiolitical,
these volumes are full of precious material which lay buried in the
records of the Canton factory, till Dr. ilorse's .skill, knowledge, and
perseverance at last made them available. They will prove
indispensable to every .student of Anglo-Chinese relations and of the
history of the East India Company.

H. D.

The 3Iemoirs of William Hickey. Vol. IV (1790-1809). pp. xii -
512. Flurst & Blackett, 1926. 21s.

With this volume the memoirs of the entertaining Hickey come to
an end in the quiet seclusion of Little Hall Barn, at Beacon-sfield.
whither the author retired on his final return from Bengal, and where
he actually composed these memoirs. Even in this the fourth volume
his lively fund of reminiscences runs with the .same bubbling ze.st

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

; -ifi

ill the earlier volumes. Emilia lias given place to the plump
" Jemdaiiee . and " Jemdaiiee ' lier-'-elf dies and is ^ucceeded by no
one: and a drinking-partv now leaves Hickey with a heatlachii lor
tortv-eight hours afterwards. So Iw gives up the vices of youth,
and betakes himself — so far as such a volatile creature can do — to
economv and virtue. But it was no sour \-irtue or miserly economy
that replaced the frolics of earlier ilays. but rather the mellow modera-
tion of one who has .seen a great ileal of life and has found it vastly
entertaining. Xo one so well testifies to the truth of Smollett's novels
as this Anglo-Indian hero. His early wildness, his love -a Hairs,
his casual adventirres by land anil .sea. and his outlook ou life after
it all. are strongly reminiscent of i\Ir. Peregritie Pickle, who must
have been copied from just such a one as William Hickey in his youth.

Great men figure in this last volume, but mainly in walking parts.
Arthur AVellesley moves on and off the stage ; his brother, the great
marcpiis, having handed over the cares of office to his successor, goes
dashing by in his coach and .six. with outriders and bodyguard, while
Cornwallis, the new governor-general, drives his own j)haeton. with
his secretary sitting beside him. But we get some very illuminating
pictures of lesser men. There is. for in.stance, Hugh Boyd's wienai/c
in Fort >St. George, with the worst wines, food, and .service in the
world, of all which the owner was most {dacidly and characteristically
unaware ; or Sir John Boyds, judge of the Supreme Court, saved from
death by three or four bottles of claret a day. The number of suicides
that occurred at Calcutta during these years will certainly strike
the reader with surprise, until he recollects the habits of the age
and the desperate uncertainty of commerce. AVe find an acid descrip-
tion of Sir George Barlow, the narrow and unstatesmanlike stop-gap
who filled the Governor-General's chair between Cornwallis ami
Alinto. and a full account of the gossip which the A'ellore Mutinv
produced at Calcutta. But it is as a social historian that Hickev
excels. AAA like to .sit at Sir Alured Clarke's table and note the
sarcasm with which he discourages his guests from helping themselves
to salt with their knives ; and to share with General St. Leger his
jileasure in finding Lieutenant Forrest with a really good " .sagar "
from Aladras. Altogether the editor and the publishers of this work
have done good service in making accessible so curious and exact
a picture of the morals and manners of the second half of the eighteenth
century. As readers of the earlier volumes may have suspected,
the MS. has not been printed in extenso. At the end of the present

HKCdP.D-^ OF CI.AX CAMPRF.LL

.197

^'()luIne iv a colk-Ftioii ol irivtn and iiutp.--. in wliicli to be found
a li-^t of tlie principal pas<at;e> which have been cxci-:eil \\ith a Itrief
description of the nature of llieir content^. It does not appear that
much of interest has been omitted ; and in concluding we shoidd
conirratidate the editor on the coinjiletion of a ta-k so verv well worth
doine.

H 1).

Hkcoros of ('lax CAtiinur.Li. ix rHt: .Miluarv SEUvtfE of ihk
HoxofRAiii.r: 1 'Iast Ixiu a ( omraxv. I (>( M IS.IS. J^v Sir Dlxcax
Caaiprf.ll. P>art. |>p. I\\x\ -■’>11. Lonoman.s. 192.J. 12b'. tid.

Tliese records have been eompih'd very carefully and accuratelv.
Sir Richard Temple eontril>ut(>s a pleasant introdtiction. although
he trips liere and there in liis facts, lie ^eems. though he cannot
really intend, to make Clive ])resent at Raksar and to confuse tlie
revolution of ITbO with tin* succession to the nuwabship of Rengal
in IKib ; lie miscalls the commanding ollieer at the siege of Pondicherry
in 1793 : and he repeats the hoary error that the French were the first
to train their se[ioys in the I'iuropean manner. But the records
themselves (so far as the pre.sent writer lias been able to check them)
seem admirablv e.xact. It has sometimes been thought that the
inva.sion of India bv the Scotch began in the tune of Dundas. But.
as the present volume demonstrates, the movement really began
a generation earlier. It may most naturally lie dated from Boscawen’s
e.xpedition which sailed in 1717. because of his independent companies,
half were raised bv Scots in Scotland, and the gaps in their strength
were in part made good bv condemned rebels. Of the officers several
joined the Company's service, and first introduced into it that strong
Scotch tone which later w as so firmlv e.stablished. Some of Sir Duncan
Campbell s clansmen Avere curious rascals — witnes.s the major who
assembled a committee of officers under his command to inquire
into his own gambling transactions. Anotlier curious episode, of a
very different nature, is the account oi a lady who. though she did
not feel anv attachment for a retired Colonel, was .so melted by the
ajiparent miserv causeil bv her refusal that she changed her mind
and accepted him. The third anecdote which .struck the pre.sent writer
particularly relates to the death of Lieuteriant Alexander Campbell,
who was shot down in a defile. -V sepoy ritieman took po.st over his
body, and kept the enemv at a distance until the lieutenant's own men
rallied and returned.

398

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

111 conclusion a few corrections anti atklitions may be suggested.
Tlie first Company's Commission received by Charles Campbell of
Harbreck was that of Lieutenant of Artillery, dated 29th September.
1719. which lends colour to the statement (which Sir Duncan appears
to doubt) that he had served in the Royal Artillery. The account of
the two .Janie.s Campbells (Xo.s. lib and 119) seems doubtful. At all
events Lieutenant-Fireworker James Campbell claimed administration
of the estate of Xeil Camjibeli. hi.s father, before the Madra.-. Jlaror's
Court on Lst Xovember, 1791 ; the Madras Burial Lists show a McXeil
Campbell to have been buried on 12th Julv. 1791. Lieutenant-
Fireworker John Campbell (Xo. 150), whom Sir Duncan could trace
no further, was appointed to the King'.s service on 30th March. 1789.
Kenneth Campbell, appointed a ca<let for Bengal and not further
traced, seem.s to have stopped at (Madras, there receiving a commission
a.s Ensign dated 10th Xovember, 1782, and being later transferred
to the Cavalry ; and the two Roberts (N'o-s, 206 and 207) were probably
the same person, for the first, according to Colonel Wilson, accompanied
Clive to Bengal and joined the Bengal Army. The.se suggestions,
it should be added, are offered not in criticism of Sir Duncan's laborious
researches, but in supfilement of them at the one or two point.s where
the present writer happens to have additional information.

H. D.

Four Cexturies of Modern- Ir.\q. By 8. H, Longrigg. pp. xii :

378. Oxford: 1925. 21.9.

It is seldom that an English author has the chance of writing
a book on a subject almost totally unknown to English readers.
But this has been Jlr. Longrigg's fortune in hi.s Four Centuries of
Modern Iraq. Plenty is known about Baghdad the capital of the
’Abbasid Khalifs ; and plenty is known about Baghdad, the cajiital
of the new Arab monarchy ; but very little about that long stretch
of time during which it was the capital of a Turkish province. The
inquirer had to resort to the uncertain pages of those travellers who
followed at intervals the ancient overland route to India, or painfullv
to pick out the story from the numberless pages of von Hammer.
Mr. Longrigg has used these sources ; but he has used as well the
Turki.sli chronicles, such as the Gulshan-i Khulafa and the Duhat-ul-
vazara , and he has enjoyed the advantage not only of knowin^^
the coimtry of which he writes— he is Administration Inspector to the
Iraqi goverimient but also of obtaining on the spot information

FOUR CEXTURTE.-^ OF MODERN' IRAQ

399

derived from tribal or familv tradition. Indeed, in this re.spect the
book remind.s one of famous Anglo-Indian works — Tod's Bajdstan
or \\ ilk.s' Southern India — in which the authors depend not onlv on
literary sources but also on traditions and belief.s gathered from
tlie lips' of the people themselves. In that way the present work
i.s related to those noble memorials of Kritish activities in the East,
ilr. Longrigg's style is at times neither easy nor accurate ; he speaks
of a berjler hegi kissing hands at (.'onstantinople. when presumably
he means kissing the du.st of the threshold ; he talks of a " dome
that became a pilgrimage " ; and he can write such a sentence as.
'■ a few bare facts remain to record ". But the reader should not
allow these regrettable lapses to prejudice him against a well-
documented presentation of a singularly interesting story.

Its interest is partly political, jiartly administrative. In its political
aspect, we have the long duel between the Turk and the Persian for
the possession of Baghdad — its capture by 8hah Abbas in IG'23. when
Its women were sold into slavery, the Sunnis persecuted and many
put to death, and the mosque of Abu Hanifa partly destroyed ; its
recovery, after several failures, by Murad ; and the almost successful
siege by Nadir Shah. These events yield .striking episodes ; but more
deeply interesting is the administrative side of the story. M’e have,
for example, the relations witli the Arab tribesmen — sometimes left
under the control of their tribal chiefs, as when the Abu Rishah was
recognized and made Sanjak Begi within his own area, just as in
the nineteenth century was done with the rulers of Xajd or Kuwait ;
and sometimes encouraged by the digging of canals to settle down
into peaceful subjects ; but always ready to take advantage of foreign
or domestic troubles to throw off their dependence and withhold
the revenue. Then, too, we have the spectacle, so familiar to the
student of decadent states in India, of new pashas making it their
first care to divide out the territory into convenient farms, and selling
the revenues by auction to farmers who become indistinguishable
from governors. Above all, we have the curious relations between
the pashas and their ostensible master, the sultan, who sends them
their annual farman and khil'at of confirmation, but who often receives
neither tribute nor obedience. Gradually we find the practical
independence of the pashalik become more and more evident. One
of them is said to have assumed the title of Padishah. Others bequeath
their rule to their slaves and sons-in-law. A dynasty of mamelukes
almost establishes itself. The last of these in 1830 murders the envoy

VOL. IV. PART It. ’2(5

400

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

charged with orders for his dismissal and reports tliat he has died of
cholera ; but bv then the sultanat was recovering from its decline
ill the eighteenth centurv, and Da'ud Pasha was at length taken and
sent a prisoner to Constantinople, dying twenty years later in the
odour of sanctity as custodian of the Holy Shrine of Medina. It is
perhaps as a study of Oriental administration in decay that this volume
is most interesting.

Finally one finds from time to time mention of the East India
Company and its agent at Baghdad. But under this head Mr. Longrigg
adds little that is new. He depends on a summary of the documents
made in the Indian Foreign Department. • But indeed the part played
by the English in the main dev'elopment was .small, and to be profitably
studied must be approached from a much broader aspect than is
afiorded by the history of the province of Iraq, which is Mr. Longrigg’s
special concern. H. D.

Outlines of Indian Constitutional History (British Period).

By W. A. J. Archbold. pp. 367. King & Son, 1926.

This very useful volume surveys the growth of the administrativ^e
machinery in India from the establishment of the East India Company
down to the scheme produced in 1918 for the gradual transfer of
control from English into Indian hands. However, it does not aim
at covering the whole of this extensive field. Mr. Archbold puts
altogether on one side (1) the relations between the Home and the
Indian Governments, and of the Indian Governments among them-
selves, (2) the attempts to develop local self-governing institutions ; and
(3) the status and position of the native states. The exclusion of the
third is more justifiable than that of the other two. By omitting the
first, Mr. Archbold has deliberately restricted himself from discussing
the constitutional usages w hich are really essential to a comprehension
of the machinery w’hich he describes ; by omitting the second, he
excludes from view the attempts at development which fill the period
running from the Councils Act of 1861 to that of 1892. The volume
would have been more useful if its author had not cut out what are
really essential portions of his subject. Mlth that exception, the
work has been well and carefully done, and, especially for the latest
scheme of constitutional development, is well documented by the
inclusion of considerable extracts from the Montagu-Chelmsford
Report, by the text of the Act itself, and by excerpts from various
papers connected with its evolution. These make it a very convenient

A HISTORY OF THE DECCAX

401

volume for those desiring an introduction to the study of the existing
constitution of India. A few points of detail need correction. The
East India Company was never a regulated company ; in spite of its
early terminable stocks, the management of the Company’s business
was always limited to the Company's officers. Then, too, Mr. Archbold
seems mistaken in discriminating (p. 20) between the Xew or English
Company and the General Society. His account of the trial of pirates
under the Act 11 and 12 Will. III. c. 7 is based on an out-of-date and
inaccurate authority. It is stating the reverse of fact to assert that the
allowance assigned in 1765 to the Xawab of Bengal was intended in
any way for the maintenance of troops ; or that the Secret Committee
of the Directors, preserved by Pitt's India Act, was a mere de\’ice
for saving the C’ompany's face when over-ridden by the Board of
Control. There are some misprints — e.g. on p. 23 Adijar for Adigar ;
and on p. 44 the battle of Plas,sey seems confused with the battle of
Baksar.

H. D.

The State-Papers of the Goverxors-Gexeral of Ixdi.a —
Cornwallis. By Sir George Forrest. 2 vols. Blackwell.
1926. 36s. net.

This consists of one volume containing a study of Cornwallis’s
career in India and another containing a selection of his letters and
minutes taken from the edition of Ross. The introduction is devoted
principally to the war ^vith Tipu concluded by the Treaty of Seringa-
patam in 1792. Sir George Forrest was engaged on this down to the
last ; and had he lived would doubtless have dealt much more fully
with the administrative side of his subject. As was the case with
Hastings, Sir George warmly defends his hero's policy from the attack
of Mill, and shows that the latter in citing 'Wilks and Malcolm omitted
passages unfavourable to the view which he was advocating.

H. D.

A History' of the Deccan. By J. D. B. Gribble. Vol. II. Edited
and finished by Mrs. M. Pendlebcry. pp. 269 and appendix.
Luzac, 1924.

The first volume of tliis work appeared in 1896 ; and political
circumstances mav be suspected of having had something to do
with the present appearance of the author's notes worked up by
his daughter into their present form. It forms not so much a history

402

KEVIEWS OF BOOKS

of the Deccan from the death of Asaf Jah Xizam-ul-mulk, as a dis-
quisition on the rights and wrongs of the Berar case. The account
of the second half of the eighteenth century appears to be drawn
principalh' from the familiar pages of Orme, Wilks, and Dutf. The
chapters relating to the nineteenth century are similarly indebted
to Hastings Fraser's Our Faithful Ally and Brigg's volume under
a similar title. It will therefore ilisappoint tho.se who look to it for
anything new regarding the history and administration of the Nizam's
dominions. H. D.

The EDEm.aTiox of Ixdia. By Arthur M.vyhew, C.I.E. pp. xii-rSOf).

Faber & Gwyer, 192b. 10s. Cd. net.

This is the best book we have seen on the history of educational
policy in India. It is well-written, and. what is of much more importance,
it is written with understanding. It opens wdth an acute analysis
of the ideas and aims of those who set up English education in India.
Mr. Mayhew rightly points out that the prominent position usually
a.ssigned to Macaulay in this conne.xion e.xaggerates the importance
of the part that he actually played, for the change would oeitainly
have taken place even had he never .set foot in India. To the weakness
of that generation iMr. Mayhew is keenly alive. It certainly sought
to make the best of both worlds ; in its eyes *' material jirosperity,
though distinguishable from sjjiritual salvation, was not only consistent
with it but also in itself a sign of grace ". Its policy led not to
union but rather to an impact of two civilizations ; but although
that has produced umest, it has also “ sustained and stimulated
life ”. In a like spirit of justice Mr. Mayhew discerns alike the qualities
which made Lord Curzon so unattractive to Indians and the viaour
and zeal which he displayed in educational reform. But nothing
could make up for the blighting influence which State control exerted
over higher education ; and university autonomy is one of the essential
conditions of Indian cultural development. The publication of this
well-balanced volume is a public service both to England and to
India.

H. Dodwell.

The Phonetics of Arabic. By W. H. T. Gairdner. Oxford

University Press. 192-5. pp. 107.

I'anon Gairdner' s book is a remarkably clear and accurate analysis
of the phonetic structure of classical as well as colloquial Egyptian
Arabic.

THE PHOXF.TICS OF ARABIC

403

It is. in many respects, a model of what such a work .should be,
and is set out largely in accordance with the practice followed by
])honeticians. Arabic script is not employed, save in the early pages,
where the phonetic values of the Arabic letters are given. All examples
and texts are printed in thick phonetic tvpe. the alphabet used being
that of the International Phonetic Association. Examples are given
of both colloquial and clas.sical versions of the same passages.

The sounds of the language, vowel and consonant, are dealt with
in detail, and much help can be gathered bv foreign student.s of Arabic
in overcoming the technical dilhculties — and they are many — of
the spoken language.

The influence of consonants on vowels is dealt with at some length.
Tliere is here an observation that is not borne out by investigation
into the pronunciation of the Egyptian raendters of the School of
Oriental Studies, London. Canon Gairdner classes ^ and f- (x and g)
among the modifying consonants, which when followed by the a
phoneme give it the value of n. None of our Egyptian members
agree.s with the pronunciations given by Canon Gairdner on p. 47.
viz. : —

x'o:f (he feared). xnf (fear).

gD:b (he was absent). gnmm (he grieved).

The jironunciations we have observed are

xae:f, xaef, gaeib and gsemm.

A very valuable chapter is that which contains examples of words
differing only in respect of featuier' frequently overlooked by foreign
students, such as the doubling of consonants, the lengthening of vowels,
and the velarization of consonants. They constitute an exceedingly
useful series of ear-training exercises, as we have found from practical
experience in teaching Arabic phonetics. Some exercises might
be added on the di.stinction between ^ and which we have found
in practice to be a source of great difficulty to learners., e.g.

?ajal (delay) and “^ajal (haste),
naw^ (rain) naw'’ (species), etc.

On the other hand, in cases such as rab^ (rising) and rab'^ (abode)
there is no appreciable difference unless rab'^ is pronounced with a
helping vowel rnb®*^.

The rules governing the incidence of word stress are not very
clearly stated, and there appear to be certain discrepancies between
Canon Gairdner's allocation of sentence .stre.ss. and that of the Egyptian

40i

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

speakers here. In the main they stand the test of e.vperiment. The
whole question of stress, however, is so important (and so neglected in
general) that we think it worth while to discus.s a few points in detail.
(1) The first rule on p. 68 is not well drafted ; in a non-final closed
syllable should be substituted for " before a non-final closed syllable "
and “ an unvowelled consonant for “ a closed consonant (2) The
accenting (i.e. pronouncing with a falling intonation) of the intrusive
vowel in ^olti lo (I said to him) and katabti^bha (I wrote with it)
does not appear to be universal ; some of our Egyptian students
pronounced them so only when special emphasis was laid on the
pronoun. The difficulty is by no means cleared up by the rules for
intonation given on p. 71, as there seems to be no difference between
the conditions for accentuation of the penultimate and those for
accentuation of the ante-penuitinrate. (3) That the high pitch cannot
fall on a final short vowel followed by a single consonant is undoubtedly
true in general (though in some dialects, e.g. Tunisian, it is the rule
in certain classes of nouns and verbs). One very important exception
is illustrated in the passage on p. 95, where the phrase fi: nabSndi
J J’o‘'o:b is represented in the “ go-as-you-please style ” by fi: nahSot
ij /D‘'o:b. The transcription is perfectly accurate provided that the
falling tone comes on the second syllable of nahdnt ; otherwise it
becomes singular. It follows that in this style of speech the distinction
between singular and plural in feminine nouns of this class (when
followed by a noun “ in armexation”) is a distinction solely of intonation,
that in the singidar falling on the first syllable ( 'nahant), that in the
plural on the shortened termination (nah'ant) — an instance of
significant stress (or intonation) in Arabic. (4) The absoluteness of
the rule on p. 77 that final vowels must be dropped at the end of
breath-groups may perhaps be questioned, except in rhyming prose.
The too thoroughgoing appfication of this rule has led in one place
at least (p. 90) to the appearance of a form wa^m/ (and walk), which
seems totally indefensible.

The principles discussed in this chapter suggest incidentally a
solution of that most perplexing problem in Arabic — “ WTiat is
colloqmal 1 ” No answer hitherto has been satisfactory, as no single
dialect or group of dialects could be taken as a standard. It appears
now from the data supplied by Canon Gairdner (though he perhaps
would not agree with the conclusion) that what constitutes colloquial
as distinct from hterary Arabic consists less in details of vocabulary
and syntax (most of which vary with locality and degree of education)
than in the elisions and contractions due to a rapid and easy

al-mashra‘

405

pronunciation. The spoken language, consequently, while continuing
to be colloquial and as such possessing its special features of
accentuation, is capable of an indefinite degree of assimilation to the
literary dialect.

The following slips have been remarked in the course of working
through the book and are given here in case they may be of use if
(as is to be hoped) a second edition is called for.

P. 5 : The remarks on the neutral sound a in colloquial are in
contradiction to the principles stated on p. 44.

P. 47 : la:85 means ■•driving away" not "blazing (-^

P. 49 : zuhu:r, for " flows" read " flowers”.

P. 60; For towr '■ bull” (the colloquial pronunciation of Bawr)
read tnwr sort ”.

P. 6‘2 : For bofod *• he kept ’ read BofiS.

P. 63 : For ^osSaH “ chapter ” read ^t)s6a;h.

P. 70 : ka;tiba;ha; means not ” writing (f.) it ”, but " its two (ni.)
writers

P. 74 ; 'dorabatak can scarcely be called " classical ’ for " she
struck you”, the correct form being dora'batkta

P. 95, last line : For jansoina (they forget) read jansawna.

P. 98, second last line : For lliga:ratin read Bijairotin.

H. A. R. Gibb.

A. Lloyd James.

Al-Mashra‘. Par le P. Paul Sbath. pp. 210. N.D.

In a brief preface the author explains that this book contains
a collection of “ addresses and lectures dehvered in Egypt, Syria
and Palestine, with the aim of reconciling Muslims and Christians . If
the “ reconciliation ” turns out to be somewhat one-sided, it must
be conceded that the presentation of Christian dogma is extremely
able. This, one feels, is how the thing ought to be done if it is to be
done at all. Armed with all that equipment of dialectic and scholas-
ticism which the Roman church has inherited from mediaeval times,
Pere Sbath meets the Muslim on his own ground and with his own
weapons. It is doubtful ■whether any Protestant missionary could
ignore so completely modern European currents of thought, and here,
of course, lies the weakness of the book as an appeal to the M estern-
educated leaders of the 3Iuslim world. A special word of praise is
due to the elegant literary style of the author, enhanced by sparing
and most effective touches of saj', as well as to the excellent typo-
graphy of the anonymous press. H. A. R. Gibb.

406

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

The Difxar of the Coptic Church. From the manuscript in the
John Eylancls Library, ^Manchester. Edited by De L.acy
O'Le.aey, D.D. viii + 120 pp. Luzac, 15s.

It would be as difficult to derive jIUj from avTitfxuvapiov as
from evxoXoyiov, if we had not the intermediate forms

and ^oXoVIuH to help us ; of its liturgical origin we
know very little — there was a book of the name in use about the eighth
century, but this is cleared a later compilation, probably nearer the
thirteenth or fourteenth. Dr. O'Leary's very brief preface should be
supplemented by a careful reading of pp. 210-15 of Mr. Crum's
Catalogue of the Coptic MSS in the John Rylands Library
(Manchester, 1909), where sources are carefully investigated. The chief
interest of the Difnar to students lies in its connexion with the various
recensions of the Synaxarium : the hymns are probably founded on the
(Arabic) text of the Synaxarium, and it seems to me that the author used
a recension more like that employed by M’iistenfeld, and the original
from which the Ethiopic was translated, than the text printed by
Basset in the Patrologia Orientalis. (Crum, loc. cit., deals nnth the com-
paratively scanty material derived from other sources than the
Synaxarium — the stories of greatest interest are those of the neomartyrs
Michael of Damietta and Sallb, both put to death for conversion from
Islam to ChrLstianity.^)

Dr. O'Leary would not, I think, claim that this is more than a
preliminary study. Although its value is increased by the addition of
some texts placed at this disposal by the late Mr. H. G. Evelyn- White —
they come from the Der Abu Makar in the Wadi en-Xatrun, and can
hardly be later than the fifteenth or sixteenth century — Dr. O'Learv's
reproduction is one-third only of the whole work, covering only the
months Thoth, Paopi, Hathor, and Choiak. The Gottingen manuscript
has only the same months, but the whole year is at Rome ; and
Dr. O'Leary makes no mention of the British Museum fragments.
Or. 5644 (7), which should be of about the same date as the Der Abu
Makar leaves, and the more valuable because they represent a different
time of the year (months Phamenoth and Paoni) ; they also come from

' The case of the former was a re-con%-ersion. He had been a monk in the monasterv
of -Abba John in Scete, but fled to Cairo '■ fired with tlie Hagarenes. and took unto
himself a wife of the daughters of Ishmael ”. But he repented within a week, confessed
his sin to “ a priest, ,a monk ”, and then made open protestation of his faith to “ the
of Egypt ", who “ burned him in a fire

THE DIFXAR OF THE COPTIC CHLRCH

407

Nitria. and may be closely related. A complete edition of the Difncir
is still to come, and it will possibly have to take into account the
Pierpont Morgan MS. (Sa'idic of course), which figures as Xo. x in
Professor Hyvernat's check list.

Dr. 0 Leary's text, judging from mv own copies, is very accurate ;
he could have helped us by some marginal indications of the day of
the month and the saint commemorated, for which we now have to
read the Arabic heading or refer to Dr. O'Learv's index. And this
index is perhaps open to more critici.sm than any other part of the
book, for it would have been so much more helpful if Dr. O'Leary
had corrected the names, or, at any rate, given them in their correct
form in brackets, instead of leaving them in the corruption due to a
transliteration from Greek or Coptic into Arabic, and back again into
Coptic : for the sake of those who have to work with this book, I
give a few corrections : —

14 Thoth not Agatha but Agathon, or Agathou.

-3 ., not Ounanios but Eunapius,

29 ,, not Aresima but Rhipsima,

24 Paopi not Aplarion but Hilarion.

25 ,, not Pello but Apollo,

11 Hathor not Sarchellias but Archelaus,

26 ., not Palarianos but Valerianus,

8 Choiak not Iroclas but Hierocles,

And there is a grievous mistake at 3 Choiak, where Dr, O'Leary
writes “ Holy Cross ". Xot at all — Holy Cross has been celebrated at

17 Thoth : 3 Choiak is the neomartyr iJICTAlfpOC mentioned

above ; and here Dr. O'Leary might have given us the which tells

the story at much greater length than the Coptic hymn, for we learn
from it that the Rylands MS. once belonged to the Church in which his
relics were depo.sited.

But I do not want to end on a note of criticism. This is a pioneer
work, like others of Dr. O'Leary's publications of Bohairic liturgical
books : we shall owe him a real debt of gratitude if he will continue,
a new Raphael Tuki, in making them accessible, for there are manv
more still unprinted.

S. Gaselee.

408

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

Elementary Kiswaheli Grammar. By the Eev. Frs. A. Reichart
and Dr. M. Kusters, O.S.B. 8vo, pp. viii + 350. Heidelberg :
•Julius Groos, 19'26.

A most dangerous book M’hich ought to be kept out of the hands
of anv person desiring to learn Ki.swahili correctly. The book abounds
in errors, both grammatical and otherwise, and is certainly no improve-
ment on the books which are already in existence.

Amongst the errors in grammar are some which are very serioirs ;
the following are chosen at random.

P. 7. The pa.ssive voice. Ninapigmt, etc., being the passive of the
present, does not mean ‘‘ I am struck ", etc., but, " I am
being struck," I am .struck " would be the perfect, Xime-
pigica. etc.

P. 8. Nilipiga. etc., is the past ten.se and not the imperfect as given
here, and therefore rvould mean. “ I did strike,” not ” I
M'as striking". I was striking” is Nilikntvn nikipiga, etc.
The statement, The usage of the imperfect is practically
restricted to the written Kiswaheli only where it serves to
distinguish between unfinished and finished action. In con-
versation, however, the Negroes do not like to say NiUpiga,
nalifanga, but nirmpiga (perfect) ” is wTong and very mis-
leading. In the first place, the -li- tense is the past, and
used for a finished action and of course is used by the Negroes
when they wish to use the past tense. The imperfect is used
in conversation as well as in the written Swahili.

P. 13. Nimejika, nikaona nikashinda=“ Vent vidi vici” is wrong.

The perfect would not be used here, it should be Nilifika,
nikaona nikashinda.

P. 14. Subjunctive, Nipige, “ that I strike, that I may strike,” but
not “ that I may have struck ”.

Pp. 17, 160, etc. The present tense with the relative of time or
place is quite distinct from the Actual Conditional {-ki-)
tense, but the authors have confused them and treat them
as equal. Ninapofanya = “ When or where I am doing,” but
not, “ if I do.” (nikifanya) on p. 160 the statement that
“Ninapofanya or nafanyapo = nikifanya ’’ is wrong.
Nalimu'ona akiiba means, “ I saw him steahng," but Nalim-
umia alipoiba would mean, “ I saw him when he stole,"
(or “ when he had stolen ”).

P. 18. Utakapovunja feza certainly does not mean “ If vou are

ELEMENTARY KISWAHELF GRAMMAR

409

going to change money it means " When or where you
shall change money ” : the future tense u ith the relative
of time or ])lace.

P. 28. Mtoto analaki sana. " the child is fast asleep." should really be
Mtoto amekda sana. The child having lain down, or gone to
sleep, is still in that condition, and therefore the tense should
be -me-. Anulala would mean “ is in the act of lying down

P. 75. MUomH'ona huko " Did you see him there I " This is
absolutely wrong! Mlii/emwona or Mhomirona means
He whom you saw " (the latter might also mean " you who
saw him ").

P. 108. Asifunywe means He may not be imprisoned.” or, “ He
must not be imprisoned." but not " He shall not be im-
prisoned." " He shall not be imprisoned " would be. Hata-
fungira, or, as the negative present is often used to denote
the near future, it may be rendered, Hafungici.

P. 124. Mngoni is a man of the Angoni tribe, Mgoni is an adulterer.

[This word is not in Madan’s Dictionary, but seems to be
current in Tanganyika Territory ; it is evidently ilerived from
the verb gona = lie down, sleep, pass the night, etc., which is
not used in Swahili, though found in cognate languages —
Zigula, Shambala. etc. — A. W.]

Pp. 144, 145. 146. etc. The authors have in some way got hold of
an extraordinary formation for the relative past. Nalipigaye,
etc., is not correct. The relative without time would be
Nipigaye, etc. The same applies to Twalipigao. micalipigao,
etc., the li is an error. Mti ule niliyeukata juzi (p. 146) is
wrong. The relative here refers to the person, not the tree —
it should be, Mti ule nilioukata juzi.

Pp. 150, 232, etc. The order in which words are placed is frequently
absolutely wrong, for instance. Wanafunzi icanaitica ivatu
leaingiao mafundisho ya dini, etc., should be Watu ivaingiao
mafundisho ya dini ivanaitica ivanafunzi.

Pp. 221, etc. The locative.s given, manyumha panyumba. etc., are
not Swahili and should not appear in an Elementary Swahili
grammar. [They are found in Nvanja and (with phonetic
variations) in Nyamwezi. Zigula, Shambala. etc. — A. W.]

Pp. 235, etc. Akiiva akisemn hivi really means “ If it be that he savs
so,” not “ while he said so ". AMiile he said so ” is Ali-
pokuiva akisema, or Alipokisema.

P. 237. Ahpokuwa alikuja is not Swahili for ” Just when he came ”.

410

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

Mara aJipol'uja or Mam ulipofikn is ” Just wlien he came
Nalikuwa nalikula is not •' Just when I was eating ■. it should
be yalikitira nikila.

These are hut a few of the errors found ; thus it will be plain that
such a book is a positive danger to anybody desiring to learn the
Swahili language.

Eecrarding the other matter contained in the book, it may be
remembered that the " Introduction into African Life contains
many interesting and useful facts, but unfortunately it also contains
misstatements, mostlv because, although ]>ublished in 192(), the book
is out of date, and may represent conditions as they were before the
\iar. For instance, it is not correct to .say At the j)resent day. the
Grandees (I take Grandees to mean the native chiefs, vide p. 282.
lesson viii) as far as they still retain their titles, have no influence on the
Government of the country ". This may have been true a few years
ago, but it is not true in 1926. when manv native authorities have
already been remstated, and others are being inquired into and
established with all speed.

The statement that whipping is inflicted with a hippopotamus-
hide. and to the number of fifteen .stripes, is also incorrect. The
Kiboko has been abolished and a rattan cane is now used, and further,
even a court of the first clas.s cannot inflict more than twelve strokes
without the confirmation of H.M. High Court.

The statement that " Chains represent the prison in Africa is
incorrect. Convicts are chained together only when working near
thick woods, where there is great danger of escape.

Reference is made throughout the book to rupees and hellers, which
was the German currency — this has now been withdrawn for some
time, and the currency in use is shillings and cents.

To sum up, the book is full of errors, is out of date, and where the
Swahili is not actually wrong, it is ugly and of the type used by illiterate
up-country natives whose acquaintance with the language is slight.
The order of words in sentences in many places is wrong, and words are
used incorrectly (for in.stance, kufunika nijumha instead of kuezeka
nfjumba, etc.).

As I have said, the book contains many interesting features, and
would be of interest to students able to discriminate between the correct
and incorrect, but such students would hardly need a book of this
character. Frederick Johnson.

E D UC .VTIDX D F. I’,\ KT.U EXT ,

D.\F.-ES-S.\I,IAM.

DAS RECHT DER DSCHACGA

411

Das Recht DER Dschacga. Vox Rnuxo Getmaxx. {Arbeiten zur
EntinckJuiuixpsiieholoijH’. Herausgegebeii voii Felix Krl'eger,
Professor an der Universitat Lei[)zig. Jsiebentes Stiick.) 779 pp.,
9J X *31. ]Muncheu : V. H. Reck'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung.

Rruno Uutmann's work is too little known in this countrv. His
Dukten und Denhn der Dsrhai/uatmii’r Volksbucli der Wadsrhagfia —

published as long ago as HU 1 and Ibid — testified not only to unecpialled
knowledge of country and people gained during twenty years' residence
on Kilimanjarod but to a rare power of sympathetic insight. The
volume before us may be described as his wagnum opus — without
prejudice to the further productions which may be hoped for from
his j)en. It may fairly be called the most thorough and minute stiidv of
Bantu customary law which has yet appeared

The Wachaga (if we adopt the more usual spelling) would appear
fo be a race of composite origin : but to have been welded,, since their
settlement in their present domain, into a tcderably homogeneous
whole, as regards customs and institutions (Tliis is (piite compatible
with frerpient feuds between the small kingdoms which grew up on
the slopes of the mountain — a state of thing.s favoured by the nature
of the country, as in Greece.) Xo doubt this result was facilitated by
a fairly clo.se relationship between the component tribes (apart from a
possible admi.xture of Masai blood). For the history and general
characteristics of these peojde the reader may be referred to the work
of the Hon. ('. Dundas. reviewed in this Bulletin (Vol. III. p. -563).
Till recent years, they have remained (pute untouched by European
influence, the stability of their institutions being unaffected by
the changing relationships between the little state.s. of which now
one, now another attained for a time to a kind of supremacy.

The customary law of the Wachaga is discussed by our author
under six headings : —

1. Normen des Blutverbandes includes the organization of the clan
(Sippe), the rules of inheritance, laws of marriage and divorce, guardian-
ship, adoption, blood-feud, and blood-brotherhood, and the interesting
ceremony of dedicating a new house (Huttenweihe), with other cognate
matters.

2. Normen des Bodenverbandes deals with land tenure and property
rights, e.g. in the clan-groves (really the sites of the clan sacra, where
the skull of the common ancestor is buried), in beehives placed out

' One is u'lad to learn that Herr Gutmann is rotiirning to the seciie of lus former
labours.

-112

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

in the forest and in water — an important point where agriculture
depends so largely on irrigation^ This section also includes a chapter
devoted to age-classes, and initiation ceremonies, particulars about
taxation, markets (a peculiarly interesting feature in the life of the
country), the law of debtor and creditor, etc.

3. Schichtimysnormen ; the position and privileges of the chief,
whose power — as with other Bantu peoples — is not ab.solute. but
limited by the public opinion of the tribe, a.s represented by the elders
and councillors.

1. Verbrechen gegen Normgiiter. Criminal law, which would seem
to apply to cases of slander and defamation of character (Ekrkrdn-
kungen) as well as to murder, theft, and arson.

5. Rechtsgang und Rechlsbekelfe. Civil procedure : the rules of
evidence ; various forms of ordeal, and the institution (somewhat
distinct from the last) of the “ cursing-pot “. It is noteworthy that it
was never considered right to bring a civil case directly before the
Paramount Chief. In the first instance, the plaintiff summoned his
adversary to the local court (Bezirksmi>en, elsewhere called Spruch-
rasen, as we might say, “ the village green,’’ supposing folk-motes to
have been held there ; seemingly equivalent to the bicalo of Xyasa-
’and or the more of the Wanyika), “ wo sich die Bezirksgenossen unter
Yorsitz ihres nit.Hili die Sache vortragen liessen und als ein Schieds-
gericht den ersten Spruch fallten." This village court is still an
important feature of tribal life, and it is to be hoped that the present
administration will not fail to recognize its value. The account of the
“■ cursing-pot ’’ (Fluchtopf : nungu yesesa) is perhaps the fullest hitherto
given, and calculated to throw light on the analogous kitkathi of the
Kamba and Kikuyu.

Our author is of opinion that nungu (= Swahili, nyungu, chungu)
is etymologically connected with Muungti { = Mulungu) and with
kyungu (ki-ungu), the Chaga word for a sacred grove.

6. Der Spruchrasen und die Einzelseele. Here we have a most
suggestive discussion of the influence of tribal opinion on individual
conduct. Most important, and deserving of careful study are the
.sections explaining the native attitude towards (1) oaths, and (2) truth-
speaking or the reverse. In the concluding section. Die Erfassung des
Geicissens we have the illuminating remark that it is rash to conclude
from the absence of a Chaga word which could be used as an equivalent
for " conscience ” that the conception is entirely foreign to the native

1 As to the Chasia irrigation sj’stem and terrace-eultivation, fee Dunclas, p. 201.

>:OTES ON THE KAJIBA LANTiL'AOE

413

iniml. We are reminded that, as Wundt has sliown. “ auch miser Wort
Gewissen der nrspriingliche Uebertragiingsversucli eines Kloster-
gelehrten ist. also die iiberlegte Bildung eines Einzelnen " — wliile
lonscieniia. the word thus Tentonicizeil. had itself to be coined by
Gicero from the Greek sijneidisis.

The editor of the series in which this work appears. Professor
Krueger, has contributed a final chapter in which, after a well-merited
tribute to the author, he sums up the latter's conclusions, in order to.
in his own words “ einigermassen kennzeichnen, inwiefern hier fiir die
Entwicklungspsychologie. sonderlich des Rechts, Grundlegendes
geleistet ist."

A translation of this work is greatly to be desired, so as to make it
accessible to all English administrator.s in Africa. The style is some-
what difficult, even for a tolerable German scholar (though less so than
in .some other works of the same author) and abounds in peculiar
words and phrases, which are either provincialisms, or freshly coined
ad hoc — a procedure which, under the circumstances, has justified itself.

I am much mistaken if this work does not come to be regarded as
epoch-making in the department of Bantu stiulies, if not of sociology
generally. A. W.

A’otes on the Kamba Language. By Gerhard Lindblom {Archives
d'Eiudes Orientales, publiees par J.-A. Lundell). Vol. 10,
Liv. 1. 10 X 6.V, 100 pp. Upsala (Appelberg) : Leipzig (Harras-
sowitz) : Paris (Geuthner).

Dr. Lindblom's very full and thorough account of the Kamba
people appeared in 1919 ; the present work wa.s really produced at
the same time, but owing to various circumstances, publication
has been delayed till now. The materials for studying this important
Bantu language consist, in this country, of a few scanty vocabularies ;
the only serious work being the Ilandbuch der Kamhasprarhe of Ernst
Brutzer (1905). Dr. Lindblom modestly states that his essay is ‘‘ merely
meant to form a supplement " to this, "chiefly sucii things being treated
as are not mentioned bv Brutzer.’’ The dialect on which Dr. Lindblom
has based his notes is, moreover, not the same as that used by Brutzer,
though this should not cause any difficulty to the student, since
" dialectal differences are very slight in Kikamba in comparison with
so many other Bantu languages.”

It seems strange, considering the extent and importance of this tribe,
that their language has been so little studied ; but no doubt those

414

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

Europeans who have been most in contact with them have been able
to use Swahili as a means of communication.

Ukamba proper, Dr. Lindblom considers, is, roughly speaking,
a triangle, having its three points at Kiu, ^Itito Andei and the Mumoni
mountains, respectively. There are, however, numerous detached settle-
ments of Kamba folk outside this area, notably the villages at and near
Jimba (in the Eabai district) containing sev'eral thousand people. AVe
also find Akamba living in the Kilimanjaro region, and in Usambara,
and it is interesting to note that “ those who have emigrated not only
preserve their language and their customs fairly pure, but also keep up
relations with their kin at home, and in East Ukamba, from where
the emigration appears chiefly to have started. I have manv a time
come across visitors from Rabai, and I have also, on the other hand,
met with people from Ukamba at Lake Yipe".

Bearing these circumtances in mind, one is not disposed to dispute
the correctness of Dr. Lindblom'.s conclusion that “ Kikamba is one
of the most widely .spread languages in East Africa ", and that " ne.xt
to Kisuaheli. the lingua franca of East Africa. Kikamba is the best
language to know for the traveller in the jiarts of East Africa above
referred to. It is understood and spoken by a great number of Akikuyu
and Ala.sai. the immediate neighbours of the Akamba to the west and
south-we.st. Also among the tribes living upon and around Kilimanjaro,
my knowledge of the Kamba language was sometimes very useful
to me ".

Dr. Lindblom’s book is a most welcome addition to our knowledge
and would be still more generally useful if he had adopted for
Kamba words the script of the International Phonetic Association
instead of the Swedish dialect alphabet.

A. W.

The Northern Tribes of Nigeria : An Ethnographical Account of
the Northern Provinces of Nigeria, together with a Report on
the 1921 Decennial Census. By C. K. Meek. B.A., F.R.G.S.,
F.R.A.I. 2 vols. 9 X of. vol. i. xviii -f- 312 pp. ; vol. ii. 277 pp.
Oxford : University Press, 1925.

Mr. Meek has spent a considerable part of his life in the Nigerian
Government service, and the two volumes before us are the result of
intensive work in various districts, besides incorporating valuable
reports, which might otherwise have been consigned to oblivion in

THE XORTHERX TRIBES OF XIGERIA

415

administrative pigeon-holes. It is im])Ossible to summarize and very
difficult to convey in brief compass any notion of so encyclopaedic
a work ; one must be content with calling attention to a few of the
most important points. The chapter on ” Social Organization “
contains matter of the highe.st intere.st to students of anthropology,
dealing as it does witli totemism. kinsliip, and marriage-laws and the
constitution of the family in general. In connexion with totemism.
the belief in lycanthropy. practically universal in Africa, is considered,
and Mr. Meek suggests that it may have originated in the conce})tion
of the “ bush-.soul " or "personal totem" — the animal counterpart
of every human individual. The chapter on " Religion " necessarilv
devotes a certain section to Islam which has exercised so great an
influence on tribal movements in West Africa for the last thousand
years, and to which, even in the nineteenth century, must be ascribed
" the political revolution effected by the Fuhuni and the entry of the
Kanembu tribes into Rornu ". The common factor in the religion of the
Jluslim peo[)les collectively classed as " Pagan " is Animism ; starting
from this basis, we find various developments " from the most jjrimitive
forms of ancestor-worslu[) to the impersonation of the dead ... to
the attribution of a spirit to material objects (fetishi.sin and spiritism)
to the deification of natural phenomena and finally to the extensive
system of polytheism such as we find among the Yoruba and kindred
tribes

The chapter on Languages, contributed by ilr. X. M*. Thomas, is
the latest pronouncement, in English at least, on a perplexing and. so
far, little understood subject. He proposes a classification of the
Sudanic tongues into four main branches : (1) West Sudanic, (2) Central
Sudanic, (3) Middle Zone (including four groups of iSemi-Bantuand two
of Pre-Semi-Bantu). (4) Eastern Sudanic Mr. Thomas regards the
Semi-Bantu languages as " belonging to the Sudanic sub-family ',
while ‘‘ classifying their nouns b\' means of pronominal affixes after the
manner of Bantu languages and " showing the concord between
noun and verb adjective by the use of the same affix ". But we also
find, unexpectedly, several genuine Bantu languages in this area —
Tarawa.' Bankalawa and others. " From the scattered information of
the Bantu tribes, it seems probable that they found themselves in
the road of the Central advance " (of the Sudanic tribes coming from
the direction of Lake Chad) " perhaps on . . . the line of the Upper
Middle Benue, and were broken up and ceased to form a continuous

^ This is classed by Sir H. H. Johnston as Sc-mi-Bantu.

VOL. IV. P.CRT II. •>!

416

REVIEAVS OF BOOKS

jiroup. " This question is further discussed by ^Ir. Meek in his chapter
on "Ethnological Conclusions".

This is a most inadequate notice of a work which, we can only
repeat, deserves the most careful study and will be a special boon to
anthropologists.

A. W.

TAXGANYIK.A, TERRITORY. RePORT OF THE EdI'C.ATIOX Co.MMITTEE,
1925, TOGETHER WITH THE RePORT OF THE COMMITTEE FOR THE
Standardization of the Swahili Language. 177 pp. ; 13 in. by
8 in. Government Press, Dar-es-Salaam.

This Report marks a .significant new departure in East African
administration. It is mainly occupied with the proceedings of a
Conference held at Dar-es-Salaam in October last year, at the invitation
of the Governor (Sir Donald Cameron, K.B.E.), in which Government
officials, missionaries and representatives of commercial interests
took part. Papers were read by the Director of Education (Mr. S.
Rivers-Smith. O.B.E.), by the Deputy Director (Mr. Isherwood).
by the Hon. Charles Dundas, the Rev. G. W. Broomfield (U.M.C.A.).
Miss Gelding (C.M.S.). the Rev. A. M. Anderson. Mr. W. B. Mumford,
Mr. G. B. Latham. Father Van Aken, Mr. Frederick Johnson, and
several other.s. Mr. Johnson's paper and the report of the Sub-
Committee on the Standardization of Swahili are discussed elsewhere.
Samuel Chiponde (Native Interpreter of the High Court) and
MM’alimu Leslie Matola (Head Teacher of the Training Class) also read
papers and took part on more than one occasion in the discussions.
Mr. M. 0. Abbasi, representing the Dar-es-Salaam Indian Association,
also contributed to the discussion on Mr. Rivers-Smith's paper (“ Co-
operation between Government and Missions in Secular Education ")
and to that on the training of native teachers. He pointed out that
" there is a large section of .settlers in this country ivhose co-operation
is equally necessary and desirable in the matter [with that of the
Government and the missioms], i.e. the Indian community . . . Indians
are very often accused of being middlemen in commerce. Let them
be middlemen in the spread of knowledge and culture also. They
occupy rather an advantageous position in this respect, because they
furnish a happy mean between the extremely civilized Europeans
on the one hand and the extremely primitives on the other ”. His
other suggestion, that native teachers should be sent to Europe for
training, has less to be said in its favour.

THE IXTERXATIOXAL REVIEW OF MISSIONS

417

Of outstaiidiiii; interest, besides ^Ir. Rivers-Smitli's paper just
referred to. are Mr. Islierwood's (■' The Problem of the Vernaculars
in Education "). Miss Gelding's on the education of girls, Mr. Latham's
(“ The School in its Relation to Agriculture "). the Rev. A. M.
Anderson's (Scottish Mission. Iringa) on " Native Handicrafts ". and
Mr. Dundas's (" The Ideal of the African Citizen "). Readers of
Kilimanjaro and its People will know what to expect from this admirable
essay, the keynote of which is struck in the following parapraph ;

“ If we want our African to grow up a true man. let him be brought
up in the atmosphere of his true environment, but that will not be
assured if the main impression made on the pupil's mind is that the
school stands in complete contrast to his accustomed life and eimron-
ment, and that the object of schooling is to eradicate the spirit and
instincts of his race ".

It is only possible within these limits to give the barest indication
of the wealth of information and interest contained in these pages.
The Dar-es-Salaam Government Press must be congratulated on
its typography, which is admirably clear, neat and (except for a few
misprints on pp. 104 and 169) accurate. Appended is a useful map of
the Tanganyika Territory.

A. IV.

The Ixternwtioxal Review of Missions. Edited by J. H. Oldham

and G. A. Gollock. Special Double Africa Number. July. 1920.

International Review of Jli^sions, Edinburgh House, Eaton Gate.

Sloane S(piare, and Humphrev Milford, Oxford University Press.

5s. net.

This important jiublication was issued, in the first instance, as a
])reliminary to the international missionary conference which met at
Le Zoute in September of this vear. But its appeal is of much wider
scope and u'ell worth the attention of many who are not directly
interested in missions. M. Elie Allegret, one of the Directors of tlie
Paris Mission (best known bv nearlv a century of work in Basutoland),
supplies (under the title ” Black and IVhite in Africa ") some much-
needed information as to the position of natives in the French colonies.
(He does not. however, touch on the vexed question of military
service.) The South African Problem " is discussed from three
different points of view, bv a wTiter who prefers to veil his identity
under the pseudonym X ", by Dr. Du Plessis. and by Professor
Tengo Jabavu. of the South African Native College. All three will

418

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

be found eminently suggestive. One of the mo.st important papers is
Professor Westermann's on The \ alue of the African .s Past
but we would also call attention to Mr. Oldham s '■ Population and
Health in Africa " and Dr. Loram's account of " The Separatist Church
Movement ", an impartial consideration of features in native life
which are sometimes regarded with an luiwarrantable degree of alarm-
Father Callaway — a son of the eminent Zulu scholar whose collections
have proved of such ine.stimable value — writes on " Manners and
Race Relationships ", a subject to which his intimate knowledge of
native life and character enables him to do full justice. The superficial
observer may be surprised to learn that the Native of South Africa
is bv nature a comteous person " ; but he will be fully enlightened by
the subserpient explanation that " he doe.s not certainly express his
courte.sy in the same way that we do ", illustrated by some of the
ways in which this courtesy may easily be mi.sunderstood. There
is much more in this publication which is both highly informative
and provocative of fruitful discu.ssion, and it is warmly recommended
to the perusal of all engaged in African studies.

A. W.

My African Neighbour.s. Man, Bird, and Beast in Xyasaland.

By Han.s Coudenhove. 84 x xiv + 245 pp. Boston :

Little, Brown and Co.. 1925.

The author of this fa.scinating book tells us. in his Preface, dated
from Kiva Malemia, that he first went to Africa in 189G and has
remained there ever since, with an interval of a few months only.
His experience is not confined to Xyasaland, as he appears also to
have lived among the Ma.sai, in Jubaland, in Taveta, and in other
parts of the Kenya and Tanganyika territories. This renders some
of his sweeping generalizations all the more surprising — one can only
conclude that he had a more sympathetic understanding of the
animals whom he describes so attractively (insects, and more especially
ants, being apparently the only ones outside the circle of his affection)
than of their human kinsfolk. It is certainly not universally true
that natives are “ incapable of feeling pity for suffering fellow-creatures,
man or beast or that " they love to see animals die ”, or that they
“ lack the most rudimentary notions of hygiene and sanitation ” and are
indifferent to the cleanliness of their surroundings ”. (To this last
he admits one exception — that of the Wasokiri to the north of

MY AFRICAN NEIGHBOURS

419

Lake Xyasa. but there are others ; and he certainly can never have
come in contact with the fastidiousness of a well-bred wild ” Zulu.)
It is only fair to say that he has liimself supplied incidental qualifica-
tions to some of his more reckless statements. But the chapters on
animals — especially those dealing with his mongooses and ravens —
are a pure joy, or would be, were it not for occasional tragedies, such
as that of poor little Xyasa, the genette.

A. W.

NOTES AND QUERIES

Ox Editing the J/ATH-yAiri.

The notice of Vol. I of inv edition of the Mathnmvi by Professor C. E.
Wilson, which appeared in the last issue of the Bulletin (p. 200) is. in
my opinion, so misleading that as one interested in the advancement of
Persian studies, I think it advisable to offer some remarks on the views
which the writer has expressed and on the criticisms which he lias
thought tit to make. If I can scarcely expect that he will reconsider
his general views on the subject. I hope to convince both him and others
that his particular statements are not always correct. Oriental editions
of the Mathnau't, some with commentaries and some without, exist
in plenty, but most of them contain hundreds or thousands of inter-
polated verses and. judged by any critical standard, are more or less
negligible, with two outstanding exceptions : (1) the edition, including
a Turkish translation and commentary, of Isma'il Anqiravi. who lived
in the early seventeenth century : and (2) the Bulaq edition. .v.H, 1268.
which is accompanied by the Turkish verse-translation of Xahiff.
Both these books, as I know from personal experience, are difficult
to procure ; and that was one of the motives which led me to under-
take a new edition. It is " not a sufficient reason " in the eyes of
Professor Wilson, who regards the Mathnairi as a book suitable only for
a few “ advanced students ”. and has forgotten how widely it is studied
in India and Persia. Aid though European students of Persian are
comparatively few at present, it may be hoped that in the future their
numbers will increase, and that many of them will wish to become
acquainted with the Mathnairi. A volume of selected extracts from the
poem might be of great interest and well within the range of the
ordinary student.

Another motive was supplied by the nece.ssity of providing a
standard text to serve as a basis for the translation. To
Professor Wilson my remark that an annotated translation would be
of little use by itself, seems ‘‘ uncalled for ". Why ! Surelv tlie utilitv
of any translation for students depends very largely on the establish-
ment of quick and easy communications between the translation and
the original. By referring students to one of the Turkish editions,
which few possess and still fewer can hope to obtain, and wliere the
verses are not numbered, I should have restricted the full use of the

422

NOTES AND QUERIES

English version to a small band of scholars like Professor W ilson
and myself.

A third motive, and the most powerful of all. was niv desire to
investigate the authenticity of the Oriental printed or lithographed
texts of the poem. This I did, in the only possible way. by collating the
oldest MSS. I could find with the two best Oriental editions. The result
of that comparison, so far as Book-s I and 11 are concerned, is set forth
in the Introduction to Vol. I of my edition, p. 16 .seq. It amounts to
this : the Turki.sh editions are di-stinctly inferior to the four ancient
MSS. which I have collated : the variants are nimierous and often
affect materially the form or the meaning or both ; in the Turkish
editions the language and prosody have been modernized to some
extent, while a con.siderable number of verses have been interpolated.
The MSS. in short represent an older recension of the poem, and that
fact alone would justify my edition, even if the divergencies were
less important than they are ; for the main object of a new
edition is, presumably, to restore the original text as far as pos.sible.
Professor Wilson thinks otherwise. He maintains, in effect, that the
existence of a relatively good text (Anqiravi's) ought to deter anyone
from attempting to make a better : le mieux est Vennemi du bon ; the
only hypothesis on which he will admit the need for a new edition is
“if those existing are really un.satisfactory IVhat he means by
“ really unsatisfactory ” may perhaps be conjectured from his remark
■■ that a great number of the emendations (in mv edition) . . . are of so
slight a character as to be but little needed by the advanced student ”.
It would seem that, in his judgment, advanced students can dispense
with textual criticism — a comfortable doctrine, which throws us
back even further than tw'enty-five years ago, when the late
Professor Browne w*as just beginning his successful efforts to promote
the scientific study of Persian. Professor IVilson recognizes that in
preparing my edition I have adopted “the historical method”, i.e.
I generally follow the text of the oldest or most authoritative MS.,
without seeking to incorporate readings of other texts, notwith-
standing that I may regard such readings as preferable. Hence he is
mistaken in charging me with inconsistency on the ground that in
Book II, V. 2752, the MS. reading is retained, though the variant in
Anqiravi's text, to judge from the incorrect rhyme, is probably older.
In this and several other cases, which will be discussed in my com-
mentary. the fault, if fault there be, lies in adhering too strictly to a
method approved by my critic.

NOTES AND QUERIES

423

I now come to a vital point. AMiile studying the ancient MSS. of
the MatJmaw'i, I found evidence which convinced me that from an
early period the text of the poem had suffered considerable alteiation
at the hands of its copyists. One proof of this is the disappearance
in the later MSS. of many archaic words and forms which occur in the
older ones. • Another and more striking phenomenon, pointing in the
same direction, is the fact that some peculiarly incorrect rhymes, which
are common in the oldest MS. of Book I (c), uialergo a gradual process
of elimination, so that the ilS. next in age (a) has fewer of them than
c, while the youngest ilS. (b) has fewer than a. I knew, as everyone
who reads with open eyes and ears must know, that although imperfect
rhyme.s of a certain tvpe are not unusual in Per.sian poetry, the
{)articidar specimens which occur most frecpiently in the oldest JIS.
of the MatJinuu i are almost without parallel in the works of other
poets. I inferred that the copyists of the Matlnuiw'i would naturally
try to get rid of these blemishes when the alteration could be made
without difficulty, and that in the numerous cases where the same verse
appears in one MS. with the faulty rhyme and in another MS. with a
correct rhyme, the former reading is likely to be the original. Other-
wise it would be hard to explain how it is that the greatest number of
these faulty rhymes occur in the oldest MS., or why so many of the
verses in which they occur are accompanied by variants exhibiting a
correct rhyme.

Professor Wilson does not attempt to answer this reasoned
argument. ‘‘ Who can account. " says he, “ for the vagaries of copyists or
know the contents of older MSS. no longer extant I " He has ventured,
nevertheless, to assert that “ Dr. Micholson speaks of ordinary poetic
licenses as if peculiar to RumI ". If this a.ssertion were true, the force
of mv argument would be impaired ; for I rely not so much upon the
abnormal quantity of these incorrect rhymes as upon their
unprecedented quality. He says they are ordinary : I say they are
extraordinary, and I will now give him an opportunity of putting his
statement to the test. The verbs and jW.1 are

among the commonest in Persian, and it is evident that a poet who was
not fastidious in his versification would be tempted to use them freelv
as rhymes. This is just what Rumi does, and what his copyists have
endeavoured to disguise. Sometimes j a. takes the place of j A.i as

one of the rhyme-words, the other being either j A j or j Ai ' .
Here are the details (for Book I of the Mathnan i according to the oldest
MS.). The figures in brackets indicate the number of the A'erse.

NOTES AND QUERIES

4:2 t

(2774, ;3475. 3478).

(25:38).

(.3891).

(2428, 28.52).

(25:31, :38:36, :3926).

A.. 1 , , **>A..

(:3313. :39:33).

T ^

(:3:371).

(24:39).

9^ J , 9-^JZ

(2688, 2866).

(2097, 2448. 2780).

In fourteen out of these nineteen verses the false rhyme has been
corrected by later copyists.

If the rhyming of j -U; or j .x with or j ’ is

“ an ordinary poetical license as Professor Wilson describes it. we
may expect to meet with numerous e.xamples in Persian poetry of the
first class. I do not ask him to show me a list equivalent to that given
above : let him produce a single example if he can. I have not been
able to find one. but he may be more fortunate ; and perhaps it will save
him a little time and trouble if I inform him that there is nothing of
this sort in the (approximately) 4,000 verses of the Buskin. He does
not like to think that Riimi's versification is le.ss polished than that of
Nidhami and Sa‘di. Still, facts must be faced, and it is safer to verify
a statement than to deny it. That Riimi not seldom rhymes wdu’-i
ma'nif (u) vdth wnir-i majhi'd (6) is unquestionable. I gave a brief
list of examples, and added the words “ etc., etc. ”, which
Professor Wilson ignores, thus suggesting that my six examples were
intended to be exhaustive ; he then declares that two of them are
indecisive.^ Possibly, but the admission will not help him. Here are
five more instances ; I 1121 (jy, jy ) : I 1294 (j_^ ) ; I 1357

( ’ I ^”08 ( ) : I 2741 ( jy, jy^ ).

I\ill Professor Wilson contend that in these cases and in others that
might be quoted the verse is spurious or the reading doubtful 1

^ Outside of the .Matknawi and the Diwdn-i Sham'i i Tabriz, 1 cannot recall any
instance in which Jjj (zOr) is rhymed with a word having the ma‘ruf vowel. In the

Bustdn occurs in rhyme ten times, and in every case the word that rhvnies
with it has the tnajhid vowel. Here again the onus probandi lies on Professor Wilson.

notes axo queries

■isi)

As regards the frequent occurrence otijn-iji ntajhul (e) rhyming with
alif (a) in the oldest MSS., e.g. this is of philological

interest as indicating a nearly similar pronunciation of the two sounds.
I have therefore retained it. and am confident that my critic’s surprise
will not he shared by others. ^

He asks on what authority I write instead of jk-Al- The

verb (of which an example from the Shihnnnia is cited bv

Yullers, Lexicon Pcrsico-lMtininn. ii. 310). occurs at least a dozen times
in the old MSS. of the Mathnnui ; the Oriental editors, of course,

replace it bv

A-t or

The following instances, where it

occurs in rhyme, will perhaps satisfy my critic.
Hook ITT. V. :lo07 . —

A 1 <, Ai? ^ S ».

-■ ,0“ j i

I , J I)" /r I

Hook TIT, V. 3997

3 i

4103

In the first verse the Turkish editions read in the second

and in the third c. Ai — hardly possible rh vines even for
Rumf. My edition will restore what the poet wrote, bv making three of
those slight emendations wliich, we have been tolrl. are " but little
needed by the advanced student ".

I regret that I have not been able to find Profe.ssor MTlson's
criticism so helpful as it might have been if he had directed it to the
many questions in which a difference of opinion is natural and
legitimate. One of these is raised in the last sentence of his review.
He is inclined to doubt the possibility of a translation of the Mathnair'i
without an accompanying commentary, i.e. a commentarv published
simultaneously with the translation. I have acknowledged elsewhere
that a bare translation of the poem is often unintelligible. Ideallv

426

>'OTES AXD QUERIES

the translation and the commentary should be twins. But this means
either that the whole poem mu.st have been studied before the
annotated translation appears in firint. or that the conunentary on
each Book can take little or no account of the remaining Books. I
would not reproach anyone for choosing the latter course : but what
would classical scholais think of the author of a commentary, say, on
the First Book of the Aeneid. in which the other eleven Books were
treated almost as if they were non-e.vistent ? Yet life is short, and
Per-sian literature is so enormou.sly long that an thiental scholar may
.sometimes feel himself oblige<l to adopt this alternative, as
Professor WiFon has done with prai.sewf»rthv results in his commentary
on the Second Book of the Mal/nutirt. I can oidy hope that my
preference for the other horn of the dilemma may equally jirove to
be an illustration of the Arabic proverb

I A..4.3C' y"L.-a.5l -Y.C-

Revnoli) a. Xichol.sox.

I have received from authoritative corresjwndents information
which .sheds further light on certain points of my contribution to the
last issue of the BnJletin entitled " History of the Mission of the
Fathers of the Society of Jesu.s in China, and other Kingdoms of the
East ”. Sir Y'illiam Foster, who.se wide knowledge of the Ea.stern
history of this period i.s universally acknowletlged. suggests that the
“ untraced publication mentioned in footnote 2, p. 47, is probably
the work of which there is now a modern edition, under the title :

Voyages et ^Missions du Pere Alexandre de Rhodes. S.J., nouvelle
klition. conforme a la premiOTe de 1653. annotee j)ar le Pere H.
Gourdain." Lille. 1884. Sir William also points out that “ Jacquetra ”
mentioned on p. 50. is Batavia (from the original name Jakatra),
the kindly President of which place at this time was Aaron Baker, not
“ Becza A further interesting point to which he draws my attention
is that the voyage made by Pere Alexandre, from Bantam to Surat
(p. 50) receives mention in '■ The English Factories in India ”,
1646-50, p. 173 and note. Further the Reverend Father L. Riondel,
Principal of the Jesuit College at Ore Place. Hastings, has directed my
notice to a very exact and complete list of the works of Pere Alexandre
de Rhodes, which is included in Sommervogel’s Bibliothcque de la
C'*' de Jesus, 1895.

Arnold T. Wilson.

NOTES AND QUERIES

427

SOME ROOTS COMMON TO THE TURKANA. LOTL'KO. AND BARI

LANGUAGES

Suggested

English.

Turkana.

Lotuko.

Bari.

common root.

abuse

akamori

imoryii

mor

answer

eruko (sing,
to sing.)

iruk

rugo

ruk

ascend

adoki

odoglio

dukin

dok

j cover

emugo

inioghok

milk

muk, mok

[sandals

aniukat

ghamogha

kanioka

—

drink

emathi

amata

mata

mat

kiU

ari

oriamo

rem

ri(m)

bad

ngaroko

orogho

narok

arok

big

epol

obolo

bulo

(powerful)

bol

black

ngerioko

iriok

naruok

riok

painful

adiaka

odiagha

dika

diaka

man

ekili

lale

lalle

milk

akili

nali

teeth

ngelai

nalai

kele

mouth

akitok

kutuk

(ku)tuk

tongue

aliep

ngadyep

ngedeb

dyep

head

ako

naghu

kwe

breast

ethigina

kina

(ki)na

bone

akoit

naghotyu

kuyutyo

koit

horn

amwarak

namwerak

ungwuri

mwar

spittle

ngakimulak

namilak

kamulak

(ki)midak

urine

ngul

naghula

kola

kul

dimg

achino

kino

kin

(ki)no

elephant

etoni

tome

tom

rhinoceros

amothi

nemwi

mui

giraffe

yekori

kori

kurit

kori

crocodile

akinyan

kinyang

kinio

(ki)nyang

guineafowl

etapen

tapeng

tafingi

tapeng

snake

emun

munu

mun

bird

ngken

nakenyi

kwen

ken

cow

ate

kiteng

te(ng)

goat

akini

kini

kine

(Id)ni

sun

akolon

kolong

(ko)long

moon

elap

yapa

yafa

428 NOTES AXD QUERIES

Suggested

English.

T urkana.

Lotuko.

Bari.

comnmi root

smoke

apurru

napuro

kofurot

puro

chain

erikot

naririk

rerekat

rik

tobacco

etaba

taba

and

lunga

w hat ?

nyo

who ?

ngai

nga

whose

angai

anangai

aninga

anga

two

ari

arega

ori. murek

re(k)

four

omwon

angwan

unguan

ngwan

Authorities : Owen's translation of ilitterutzner's Bari Grammar.
my Lotuko Language (B.S.O.S. II. ii), and Jiixon Barton's Turkana
Vocabulary (B.S.O.S. II, i).

Kaol.-vn.

THE STAND.\R][)IZ.A.TION OF SWAHILT
The Report issued last year by a Committee which met at Dar-e.s-
Salaam, in order to consider the standardizing of the Swahili language,
raises several questions of interest. Without entering into the question
of how far it is possible for any e.xternal authority to “ standardize
a language, one may agree with the finding of the Committee in thinking
that form of the language which is current at Zanzibar and on the
adjacent mainland to be the one most widely understood and most
useful for general purposes. But a standard language — bv which is
presumably meant a literary language — usually grows uj) through the
influence of native writers, whose genius, while e.xpre.ssing itself in
their own local speech, makes use of words and forms from other
dialects when united to its purpose and thus renders them current
coin. It must not be forgotten that the dialects of Mombasa and
Lamu 1 (which are, after all, less restricted in scope than Mr. Johnson

1 " Of the several Swahili dialeets I think we can rule out straight away all
except that of Zanzibar and Alonibasa, the others are of too local a character and
are spoken by very' few people compared with the others. . . . Jlost of the people,
European and native, with whom I have discussed the matter, agree that the
niceties of [the Mombasa] dialect obtain only in and about Mombasaitself, and that
up country that of Zanzibar is the common tongue w hen Swahili is spoken.’’ This
coincides more or le.ss with my own experience, as regards “ up countrv ", where
most of the natives only speak Swahili as an acquired language — but, on the coast.
I fancy it will be found that the Mombasa dialect will be understood as far north a.s
Alalindi while certainly that of Lamu extends, with variations, as far north as
Mambrui. It must also be remembered that migrations, e.g.. of families from Siu
and Shela settled at Mambnii, tend to bring about a mixture of dialects, which is
one of the agencies for prorliicing a standard language.

NOTES AND QUERIES

429

asserts) are in some respects richer than that of Zanzibar and contain
a considerable amount of ancient literature in a diction which, if
somewhat conventional, is accepted and understood bv educated
Swahilis in other districts and. to a certain extent, is kept up in modern
poetry.

The propo.sals of the Committee for a revi.sed orthography are
certainly a step in the right direction, but two of the most important,
one regrets to note, have been rejected by the Government of Tangan-
yika Territory ; these are the substitution of c for ch and of the
phonetic symbol 13 for the velar nasal hitherto written ng'. (But why
are these two sounds repeatedly described as “ double consonants " ? !
Here we have an example of that deplorable bondage to the written
letter which scientific phoneticians are always combating.) I have said
that the proposed substitution of c for ck is a .step in the right direction
— but it is only a partial one, for a distinction should certainly be made
between the two sounds usually written ch : one being the ^lalatal
plosive, as in chakula (phonetically cakula) the other the affricate
(for which the Mombasa dialect substitutes dental f) as in chini (tjini —
or, as Professor Meinhof would have it. Gmi— at Mombasa tini). Some
distinction ought also to be made between the aspirated and unaspirated
forms of the consonants k. t. p; the difference being significant, thus : —
ku km = “ to sit ". but khaa = “ a crab ".
tembo = “ palm-wine ", but thembo = “ elephant ".
jtaa = “ roof ", but phaa = “ gazelle ".

One other remark of Mr. Johnson's calls for comment : —

“ I feel that we ought to endeavour to prevent peculiarities which
are being introduced by the particular tribes who are adojiting the
language. For instance : sangaa for shangaa, kirongozi for kiongozi,
mashika for masika, mutii for 7 Htu. munaiaka for mnataka, etc.” Now,
some, at any rate, of these are older forms which have become
atrophied in Swahili as spoken to-day. It seems to me that there is no
sufficient reason for rejecting them indiscriminately.

A. Werner.

.AFRICAN IROXAVOltK

A careful study of an interesting native craft is given by Dr. Lindblom
in a paper on " African Wire-drawing " {Dragning av Metalltnid i
Afrika). recently received from Stockholm. A map shows the distribu-
tion of this craft, which is curiously sporadic, being known to the
Kikuyu. Kamba, Masai and Chaga in East Africa, to a group of tribes

430

NOTES AND QUERIES

(Ruanda, etc.) between Lakes Victoria and Tanganyika, to the Konde
and Kinga at the north end of Lake Xyasa, to the Barotse on the Zam-
bezi. the Malemba in North Transvaal, the Bakuba and Chokwe in the
•southern Congo basin, and, more doubtfully, to the Zulus, and in three
separate areas of AVest Africa. The p»rocess varies locally in detail :
the apparatus used in Ruanda (illustrated in fig. 6) is perhap.s the
most elaborate. The literature of African travel has been ran.sacked
for evidence, of which Dr. Lindblom has accumulated a surjirising
quantity, ranging from Wilkinson (1837) and Moffat (1812) to Dr.
Schachtzabel in 1823. Residents in Africa may be able to adduce
other localities where thi.s art is practised, and to a.scertain how far it
is likely to survive the importation of wire from Europe. As native
craftsmen made bra.ss wire as well as copper aiul iron, and no bras.s is
locally produced, but the imported coils and rods are used for the
purpose, it may not be in danger of immediate extinction.

A. W,

Journal of the Gipsv Lore Society. Editor E. 0. Winstedt,
181 Iffley Road, Oxford.

Ami. lA’’, Pt. 2: — (i) ; AA’elsh Gypsy Folk Tale, No. 25, by John
Sampson ; (ii) : Specimens of Finnish Romani taken from a Finnish
Missionary paper by F. G. Ackerley and E. 0. AVinstedt. In addition
to the Lord’s Prayer, the Beatitudes and the Birth of Christ, there is a
charming legend of the Bethlehem inn-keeper who would not admit
Joseph and Mary, (iii) ; Two Romani Songs, (iv) : A brief account is
given of the acti\dties of the late Mr. David MacRitchie, founder of
the Society. I recall with much pleasure the two or three occasions on
which I met him, and can fully bear out what is said here of his
very attractive personahty.

Vol. lAy Pt. 3 : — (i) : AA'elsh Gypsy Folk Tale, No. 26, by
John Sampson ; (ii) ; The Song of the Bridge as recited by a blind
beggar in Ruschuk (Bernard Gilliat-Smith) ; (iii) : Anglo-Romani
Gleanings (from Hampshire), wdth a vocabulary of about 270 words.

AML lAL Pt. 4 (i) : AAMlsh Gypsy Folk Tale, No. 27, by John
Sampson ; (ii) ; Irvine’s A ocab. of Gypsy AAMrds ; (iii) : Review of
Rev. C. P. Cape’s “• Prisoners Released”, an excellent account of work
among outcasts in India.

T. Grahame Bailey.

OBITUARY

Nawab Itnadul Mulk Bahadur Sayed Husain Bilgrani

On 3rd June died after a short illness, at the age of h5 vears. at his
residence in Saifabad, a suburb of Hyderabad, a man and scholar
who was revered far beyond the confines of India. Saved Husain
was born at Sahibganj. Gaya, in the year 1842 as the son of Saved
Zainuddin Husain Khan, who was a magistrate in Behar, one of the
first iMuhammadans appointed to such a position. Saved Husain
enjoyed an excellent education under the care of private tutors and
acquired through his father's teacldng a mastery of the English
language hardly ever equalled by any other foreigner. He was
finally sent to the La Martiniere College at Calcutta where he
matriculated at the Hare Academy. He then entered the Presidency
College and took his degree after four years’ study. In 1868, at the
age of 20. he v.-as appointed to the chair of Arabic at the Canning
College in Lucknow, being at the same time, on account of his proficiency
in English, made chief editor of the Lucknow Times, at that period
a very influential j)aper among the landowners of the province. In
1872 the great Minister of the State of Hyderabad. Sir Salhr Jang,
recognizing his merits, invited him to enter the service of that State,
which invitation he accepted in the following year. From that time
all his energies were devoted to the service of this, the paramount
independent Indian State, and the enlightenment of its subjects.
At first private secretary of Sir Salilr Jang, he became subsequently
Educational Secretary and Director of Public Instruction. How highly
he was honoured by his sovereigns can be estimated from the fact
that during his long service to the State he was appointed in succession
tutor to His Highness the late Nizam Mir Mahbub ‘All Khan, to his
Exalted Highness the ruling Nizam, and to the princes of the latter.
Though a politician bv virtue of his offices it is mainly due to his
efforts that most of the educational institutions in the State were
inaugurated, and the latest of these, though not directly due to him,
the Osmania LMiversity and the new Girls' School, are the result of
his example. But it was not only in the establishment of schools and
colleges that he worked for the development of the intellectual advance-
ment of Indians. He, assisted by a number of high-minded and
generous friends, initiated a Society, known under the title of

■28

VOL. IV. P-4RT II.

432

OBITUARY

“ Da‘iratul Ma‘arif for the publication of important and rare Arabic
works to enable Muslims, not of India alone but of the whole
Muhanunadan world, to study at moderate prices the masterpieces of
their literature. At the time of his death no less than fifty-seven separate
works had been issued by the Press established for this purpose.
We owe to the efforts of the Da'ira the publication of many work^
of which manuscripts are either entirely lacking or only in fragments
in the great libraries of Europe. As early as 1872 he had urged the
publication of the great Optics of Ibn al-Haitham. one of the chief
scientific works composed by the Arabs in the Middle Ages. Only one-
manuscript, that in the Leiden Library, was known to Oriental scholars,
but by diligent search four more copies were brought to light in India,
and sparing no expense an edition was prepared, of which the last
sheets of a final revision were ready shortly before his death. At the
same time the Da'ira had undertaken to publish the extensive book on
tradition, the Sunan of al-Baihaqi, the Jamhara fil Lugha of Ibn
Duraid, the Amall of Ibn ash-^ajarl. and the biographical dictionary,
the Durar al-Kamina, of Ibn Hajar. Supported as the Imad ul-^Iulk
was during his life-time by a devoted circle of friends, many of whom
I could name, they are determined that the great work incepted b}-
him shall not cease with his death and it has been decided that the
work will be carried on under the auspices of the Osmania University,
and it is to be hoped that the new arrangement will continue to
contribute to the advancement of Muhammadan learning.

The devoted collaboration of so many high-minded friends throws
a vivid light upon the personal character of the Imad ul-Mulk ; he
was imtiring and unselfish to the highest degree in assisting friends and
scholars ; a noble soul and of the purest integrity, a man of whom any
land can be proud and who will be greatly missed by all who came
into touch with him.

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PAPERS CONTRIBUTED

‘OJilAll KHAYYAM

By E. tiENTSOX Ross

ri1HE interest in ‘Omar Khayyam is perennial, not only among those
who can only appreciate FitzGerald's masterly version, but also
among those who can study the Persian poet at first hand : and within
the last few years notable contributions have been made to the
biography of ‘Omar and more critical examination of the verses
attributed to him. It is with this last subject that I wish to deal in
the present article.

As is well known, and as is also inevitable, there is no definite edition
of the Ruhcrif/i)dt of ‘Omar Khayyam. Collections of these isolated
poems vary in number from thirteen to upwards of 800. It is conse-
quently a question of considerable interest to attempt by a process
of elimination to define which quatrain.s may be safely attributed to
‘Omar Khayyam and which may be with certainty rejected. The task
is by no rpeans a simple one, and the following tests have been applied.

(1) To eliminate from the attributed verses all those which are found
in old MSS. of early poets.

(2) To eliminate verses which have from the first been claimed
for later poets.

(3) To accept as genuine incidental quotations from 'Omar,
occurring in early works of biography and in anthologies, and

(■4) To take the style and subject matter as the test of genuineness.

von. IV. PART III. 'i'.)

434

E. DEXISOX ROSS —

The first two methods have been carefully pursued by the late
Professor Schukofsky, by Professor Christensen, and by myself. The
result of these researches reduced the number of quatrains as known
to us to-day and presumably attributable to ‘Omar, to about 100.

In connexion with the third te.st, most valuable light has been
thrown on this subject by the discovery of a unique MS. dated
741 (a.d. 1340-1) and bearing the title Mirni.sul-Ahrar(jl_j.=-Vl
This MS., which occupies upwards of 500 folio.s. contains an anthology
of the works of famous Persian poet.s from the earliest times down
to the compiler's day. The whole is written in the hand of the com-
piler, whose name was Muhammad ibn Bahr-i-.Jajarmi. The M8. was
first brought to Paris in 1913 by the well-known dealer, IMr. Kevorkian,
but unfortunately was not purchased at that time and no one knew
what had become of it. It was not, however, sold elsewhere, and a
few weeks ago the dealer, who .shows no inclination to part with it.
was kind enough to lend this precious volume to the Bibliotheque
Nationale for a short period, in order that it might be more fully
examined by MiTza Muhammad Khan of Qazwfn. I have been
fortunate enough to obtain Mr. Kevorkian's permi.ssion to reproduce
the whole work. As a preliminary measure, it was neces.sarv to take
negatives, and thanks to the generosity of a former pupil of this
school, who wishes to remain anonymous, this part of the work is
being at once proceeded with. It only remains now for funds to be
collected to defray the cost of facsimile reproduction. Fortunately
the writing is a very clear Naskh.

Though I am actually talking of ‘Omar Khayyam, I cannot refrain
from mentioning here that this MS. is po.ssibly the most important
document for the history of early Persian literature that has ever
come to light ; for in it are presented not only copious extracts from
famous poets whose works have disappeared, but also first-class
poets with whose names we are quite unfamiliar.

I hope on a futime occasion to publish a more detailed description
of the contents of this 3IS. from the pen of Mfrza Muhammad Khan,
than whom no one is better fitted to deal with it.

Among the poets included is ‘Omar Khayyam, who is represented
by thirteen quatrains. This constitutes the earliest collection of
Omar s Ruha‘ujydt which has yet been discovered, and is 123 years
older than the famous Bodleian MS. Of the thirteen only two have
hitherto been known, and thus we have eleven new quatrains which
may more safely than any others be accounted genuine.

‘OlIAR KHAYYAM

435

In connexion with the fourth method, Dr. Rosen, of Berlin, has made
a very careful study with a view to ascertaining from their manner
and contents which quatrains with the greatest likelihood may be
attributed to ‘Omar Khayyam. It is, of course, almost impossible to
judge of the precise date of any Persian poem by the language test
alone, so little change has poetic diction undergone in the course of
over 1.000 years. Dr. Rosen has therefore confined himself to the
consideration of the thought and significance of these verses. Incident-
ally I may remind the reader that Professor Christensen in his
Recherches sur les Ruhaiijijats d'Omar Khaifijam pointed out that in
no less than twelve of the ascribed quatrains the name of Khayyam
occurs. But he admits at the .same time that the occurrence of this
name by no means proves the genuineness of tliese (piatrain.s as it
would be quite easy to change some other name to Khayyam if one
wished to ascribe some particular quatrain to him. Moreover, one of
these twelve certainly seems to imply that ‘Omar was dead when it
was composed.

For further details I must refer my readers to Dr. Rosen’s recent
article, Zur Textfrage der Vierzeiler Omar's des Zeltmachers : Z.D.M.G.
Neue Folge, Bd. v. p. 285 et seq. Suffice it to say that he finally decides
for thirteen qviatrains, and that, including the new quatrains belonging
to the Kevorkian 3IS.. he would admit “ a basis of 23 Ruba iyyat from
which we may obtain a true idea of ‘Omar Khayyam’s poetry, and by
which we may test the numerous other Rubadyvat which pass under
‘Omar’s name.’’

Dr. Rosen has been further influenced in his choice by the discovery
in Berlin of a hitherto unknown MS. of "Omar’s RubnUyydt. This
MS. bears the date 721 (a.d. 1321). Unfortunately the paper of this
MS. is certainly of a far later date than the colophon. It is, however,
quite possible that many, if not all. of the quatrains in this MS. were
copied from a MS. bearing that early date. This collection, which
contains 329 quatrains, has been edited and printed in Berlin at the
Kaviani Press, with a learned introduction in Persian from the pen
of Dr. Rosen. As an appendix to this edition, Dr. Rosen reproduced
the thirteen quatrains from the Kevorkian MS., and in view of their
importance I am again printing them here together with a literal
translation.

It will be noticed that Xo. 8, which is Xo. 252 in Xicolas, begins
with in the Kevorkian MS., instead of with as elsewhere.

436

E. DEXISOX ROSS —

Chapter 5 of Bab 28 of thf Mr'xis el-Ahrar

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‘oMAR KHAYYAM

437

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438

E. DEXISOX ROSS —

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Although the world is made beautiful for you
Set no value on it, for the wise set value on nothing,
For many like you come and many go
Take you your share ere they take you.

Since thou canst not either increase nor diminish thy daily bread or
the days of thy life,

Thou canst not complain about the more or the less.

My Fate and thine as I and thou well know
Cannot be moulded like wax between our hands.

It is the hour of dawn. rise, thou symbol of delight,

And gently gently sip the wine and touch the harj) ;

For none of those who are here endure for long
And none of those who’ve gone will e'er return.

Since there is no lasting abode in this world

It is a heinous crime to live without wine or the beloved.

How long must we discuss with hope and fear what is original and
what created ?

MTien we are gone, what matter whether the world was created or
exists from all time.

Xow that the clouds for Xew Year's Day have washed the Tulip’s face.
Rise and form your good resolutions with a cup of wine :

For this greensward which to-day delights your eye
Wni be springing up to-morrow through your dust.

Last night I cast my cup against a stone
I was intoxicated when I did this wanton thing ;

‘OMAR KHAYYAM

439

The Clip cried out to me with mystic tongue :

" I was like you and you will be like me.”

There was a drop of water and it fell into the sea ;

There was an atom of dust, and it mixed with the earth.

What is thy coming and going in this world 1
A fly made it.s appearance and then vanislied.

The days of our life are ashamed of him
Who sits disconsolate lamenting his Fate :

Drink wine from the jug to the sound of the harp
Ere the jug is broken on some stone.

This sea of existence came out of hiding :

No one has pierced this pearl of Truth.

Each has pronounced a word out of his inner consciousness,

Of ivhat really is no one is able to speak.

Oh ! wise old man. rise more betimes ^

And take a careful look at that child who is sweeping the dust.
Warn him and say : “ Sweep gently, very gently
The brain of Kaikobad and the eye of Parviz.”

This circle ivithin ivhich we come and go
Has neither a starting nor an ending point :

No one claims that he can tell us truly
Whence we came or whither we are going.

1-2

Drink wine, for the sky revolves for my destruction and thine.

It has designs upon my poor soul and thine.

Recline upon the greensward and drink the bright wine

For this greensward will often spring from my dust and thine.

Oh ! Thou who art the result of the Four [Elements] and the Seven
[Spheres]

And art always excited about the Seven and the Four
Drink wine, for as I have told you a thousand times before
There will be no returning for Thee, when Thou art gone, Thou art
gone.

.4-V ARABIC AXD A BRRSIAX JIETRICAL VERSION OF
BURZOE'S AUTOBIOGRAPHY FROM “ KALILA AND
DIMNA

By E. Dexisox Ross

JX my Foreword to the fifth volume of The Ocean of Story
(Mr. Penzer's reprint of Tawney's translation)/ I had occasion
to discuss the well-known Burzoe Legend, which forms part of the
preliminary matter in Ibn Muqaffa' s Kalila wa Dimna. This legend
relates how Burzoe. a physician at the court of Anushirwan the
Just, was sent to India to discover a wonderful book of wisdom, how
after infinite pains he found it. and having translated it. brought back
a Pahlavi version to the Persian monarch. The story is too well known
to need repetition, nor am I here concerned with the question of its
origin. For my own part. I am inclined to believe that it was invented
by Ibn Muqaffa' himself. However this may be. the chapter containing
the autobiography of Burzoe is a document of such outstanding
importance to the student of Oriental life and culture, that
Professor Xbldeke made it the subject of a special monograph bearing
the title “ Burzoe's Einleitung ’’ (Strassburg, 1912). His translation
is based on the various manuscripts and editions of Ibn Muqafla‘‘s
Kalila tea Dimna. As is well known, there exist, both in Arabic and in
Persian, a number of adaptations and translations, both in prose and
in verse, of the original Kalila wa Dimna, all of which I have
enumerated in the foreword referred to above. Among the poetical
versions there is one in Persian by a poet named Qani‘i, of which a
unique manuscript is preserved in the British Museum,^ and an
Arabic version by a poet named Naqqash, of which only two copies are
known to exist to-day.® In view of the interest attaching to Burzoe's
Introduction, and the divergencies in the text of Ibn Muqaffa‘'s original,
I thought it might be of interest to publish the poetical versions of this
chapter given by Qa’ani'i and an-Xaqqash. Moreover, it seemed that
specimens of the writings of these two otherw ise unknown poets might
be of interest to Persian and Arabic scholars. With regard to these two
poets, I think I cannot do better than extract from the British Museum
Catalogues the admirable descriptions given by that great scholar

^ The Ocean of Story, being C. H. Tawney's translation of Somadeva’s Katha Sarit
Sdfjara. Edited ... by N. M. Penzer. In 10 vols. . . . Vol. v with a Foreword
by E. Denison Ross.

2 B.M. Add. 7766. Dated a.h. 863 (a.d. 1459).

® British Museum Or. 3626, and in the Library of the Catholic Fathers in Be\Tout.

442

E. DEXISOX ROSS —

Dr. Charles Rieu. It may be claimed, without fear of contradiction,
that both these poems have considerable merit, and that their authors
deserve to have their names on the roll of Islamic literature.

Qani‘i writes with a rare simplicity of style, and his method of
treatment is on the side of discoursiveness : an-Xaqqa.sh. on the other
hand, while employing an unaffected language, alwav^s aims at cutting
down his matter to the fewest possible words, and one is often struck
by the amazing neatness with which he reduces a long sentence of hi.s
original— supposing him to have had Ibn Muqaffa' before him — to a
single trenchant verse in which nothing is lost either of clarity or force.

The “ Kali'la wa Dimxa of ax-Xaqqa.sh '■

A metrical version of Kalila and Dimna, by Jalal al-Di'n al-Hasan B.
Ahmad, called al-Naqqash.

In the prologue, after discoursing on philo.sophv and on the utility
of apologues, and giving various precept.s of morals and practical
wisdom, the author says that the book of Kulailah (.sic) and Dimnah.
which Kisra had obtained from India, hafl been tran.slated bv that
king s order into Pehlavi. After the Arab conquest, and in the time of
Ma mun. that Khalif s ^\azir, Ibn Barmak. having expressed a desire
to learn the book by heart, Aban al-Lahiqi volunteered to turn it into
verse for the azir s convenience, and submitted of his free will to a
period of solitary confinement in order to carry out that task, which he
performed in the space of three months. His v'ersion amounted to
fourteen thousand verses. Five chapters, lost at the time of th(‘
invasion, were subsequently restored by Sadaqah B. Sind.

It is cmious to notice that the author makes no mention of the
original translation of Abdallah B. al-JIuqaffa ”, although it appears,
from the above-quoted passage of the epilogue, that his versification
was based upon a prose text, which could be no other than that
standard version.

Four earlier metrical versions are on record, namely those of
Sahl B. Kubakht for A^ahya al-Barmaki {Haj. Khal., vol. v. p. 238),
of Ibn al-Habbariyyah (Xo. 1158), of As’ad B. Muhaddab Ibn
Mammati, who died a.h. 606 (Ibn Khallikan, vol. i, p. 192), and of
Abd al-Mu min B. al-Hasan, who wrote a.h. 640-67 {Vienna Catalogue.
vol. i, p. 469). For others see Fihrist, p. 305.

In the present copy the text runs on without any division or heading
from fol. 21 to the end ; but the titles of some sections have been added
in the margins. The text is vocalized throughout.

1 Rieu. Supplement Catalogue of Arabic MSS. in the Briti.-<h Museum, p. 735 et soq.

burzoe's autobiography from *• kalila and dimna ” 443

The Version of an-Naqqash

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444

E. DEXISOX ROSS —

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The Persiax Metricae Versiox of Kalila wa Dimxa, by QAxri*

The work was composed for a king called Ka'us. to whom a few
laudatory verses are addressed at the end of each section. He is
designated as the sovereign of Rum. and the worthy successor of
Kaikhu.srau and Kaiqubad.

Tzz ud-Din Kaika'iis, who is here meant, succeeded as the eldest
son to his father Kaikhusrau, at the time of the Moghul invasion of
Asia Minor, a.h. G42, and carried on for about twentv years a fitful
rule under the control of the Moghul sovereigns, and in a state of con-
stant struggle with his brother Rukn ud-Din Kilij Arslan, with whom
he had to divide the kingdom. Ousted at last bv the latter he repaired
to Con.stantinople, and wa.s shortly after, a.h. Ii02. confined by the
Emperor Michael Paleologns in the castle of Hinos. He was
subsequently released by the iloglud Jferekai Klian. and obtained from
him a principality in the Crimea, where he died a.h. (178. See Abulfaraj,
Historia D//nctsliarum. pp. 319-32 : Ahulfrcla, vol. v, p. 11 ; D’Ohsson.
Histoire des Mongols, vol. iii. pj). 92. 479, and Hammer, (reschichte,
der Goldenen Horde, pp. 171-81.

The author gives in the prologue, fol. 86. a brief account of his career.
He lived, he say.s. in Khorasan in joy and comfort, a matchless j)oet
sought after by all, when the iloghuls overran the countrv, shedding
blood by torrents, and drove the Khwarazm Shah in wild flight to the
sea of Mazandaran (a.h. G17). Having e.scaped to India, he took ship
to Adan, and, after visiting iledina and the holy shrines of Mecca,
and passing through Baghdad, he repaired to Rum, where “ in his
distress his heart was rejoiced by the sight of the sovereign of the world,
Kaiqubad (a.h. 616-34). He became his paneg\Tist, lived, thanks
to his bounty, in great opulence, and composed a poetical record of the
dynasty, entitled Saljuk Xamah. the bulk of which was not much less
than a camel s load. He enjoyed also the favour of Kaiqubad s glorious
successor, Kaikhusrau (a.h. 634-41).

The poet says in two other passages, fol. 95a, 108a. that he had
during forty years celebrated the praises of three sov'ereigns of the
house of Saljuk (Kaiqubad, Kaikhusrau. and Kaika us), that his
poems filled thirty volumes, and amounted to about three hundred
thousand distichs. If. therefore, the arrival of Qani'I at the court of
Kaiqubad took place, as appear.s probable, in a.h. 618, the composition
of the present work must be placed about a.h. 658.

I Rieu, Catalogue of Persian Manuscripts in the British Museum vol ii
pp. 582 et seq.

burzoe's autobiography from kalila and dimxa ” 455

The author was still living in Quniyah a.h. 672 ; for he is mentioned
by AflakI, the author of Manaqib uT Arifin, Add. 25.025, fol. 142, who
calls him Amir Baha ud-Din Qani'T ilalik ush-Bhu'ara, as one of those
who paid a last tribute to the saint Maulana Jalal ud-Dln Riiml.
deceased in that year. He may be identical with a Qani’I called like
him Bahii ud-Din Ahmad, and also entitled llalik ush-Bhu'ara. who is
mentioned in the Gotha Catalogue, p. (58. as the author of a Qabus
Xamali. The latter, however, is designated as Kazaruni. or native
of Kazarun. while our author came from Khorasan.

The prologue of Qani'I treats at considerable length of the virtues
and accomplishments which befit a king, of each of which the author
shows his royal master to be the true paragon. An easy transition to
Aushlrvan, the traditional pattern of a just and wise ruler, introduces,
fol. 96, the main subject of the work. At his court appears an Indian
envoy bringing the tribute of his country. Questioned by A'ushTrvan
about a wonderful herb sahl to grow in India and to give eternal life
to those who eat it. he explains its true nature. The herb is
but an emblem of the book of wisdom which the kings of India keep
as a sacred heirloom in their treasury. ^ He entreats the king, however,
not to betray to his master that he has disclosed his secret. Here follows,
fol. 106, a detailed account of BarzQyah’s mission to India, and of the
means by which he succeeded in obtaining a copy of the precious book.

The arrangement is very similar to that of the Persian version of
Nasr TTlah. But the author does not give any information as to the
original which he had followed. He merely says that he was turning
prose into verse.

Qaxti's

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TOl. X, p. 107.

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BURZOE’S autobiography from KALILA AND DIMXA ” 461

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462

E. DENISON ROSS —

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BI RZOE's autobiography from •• KAI.ILA AND DIMNA 463

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BLEZOE's autobiography from “KABILA AND DIMNA " 465

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VOL. IV. PART m.

46fi

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RURZOe’s ArTOBIOf.RAPHY FROM • KAULA AND OIMNA ” 467

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BURZOE’S autobiography from “KALILA AND DIMNA ” 469

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470

E. DENISON ROSS —

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burzoe’s autobiography from “ kalila and dimna” 471

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472 birzoe’s autobiography from

KALILA AND DIMNA ”

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In conclusion I wish to acknowledge my indebtedness to Syed
Jafar Husain, M.A., LL.B., D.Lit., a former student of this School,
w ho kmdly copied the extract from an-Naqqash, and to Mr. S. Topalian.

ectiirer in Turkish, who was good enough to transcribe the passage
from QaniT. ”

A CHINESE TREATISE ON AliCHITECTUBE
j By W. Perceval Yetts

T HF> Chinese have held to the architectural standards of the past
n\) less tenaciously than to other traditions of their ancient
civil '-Aation. Buildings standing at the present day testify to this
fr et, and innumerable written records indicate a continuity of archi-
tectural practice lasting more than 2.000 years. The probability is
that foreign importation has affected Chinese architecture least of all
the arts. Buddhism introduced certain Indian forms : the cenotaph
or felicjuarv, the p^-ramidal monastery, and jjerhaj^s the curved roof
later. Numerous decorative motives from many parrs of Eurasia have
been turned to good account by Chinese interjireters. But the borrow-
ings from abroad have done little more than to nrodify superficially,
here and there, native methods of construction.

Written evidence shows that the erection of palaces and public
buildings has always been a care of the State. Unfortunately, extant
remains of governmental codes regulating architecture are much
scantier than those concerned with other departments of the administra-
tion. ^Moreover, the art of building has not called forth scholarly
treatises to the same extent as art expressed in portable objects which
appeal to collectors, for instance : paintings, bronzes, and jades. And
technical methods have been an oral tradition handed down through
generations of practising craftsmen who are the real architects of
China. Thus the literature of architecture is small ; in fact, so small
that the book which is the subject of this article is the sole surviving
work of importance.

About A.D. 1070 the Emjjeror of the Northern Bung dynasty,
reigning at K‘ai-feng. ordered the Inspector of the Board of Works
to compile a treatise on architectural methods based on ancient
tradition and information preserved in the official archives. The
resultant work was finished in 1091, and it bore the title of Ylitg tsao
fa shih § aa ^ i®- ^lOhod of Architecture. ISix years later,

Li Chieh ^ an Assistant ^ of the Board, received the imperial
command to revise the book. In 1100 the amended version under the
same title was finished and presented to the throne. In 1103 it was
printed, and copies were distributed among the Government offices
in the capital.^ The likelihood is that the blocks and many copies

* For sake of brevity, Li Chieh 's treatise will be indicated thus : YTFS

474

W. PERCEVAL YETTS

were destroyed during the troubles of the ensuing years. In 1126, w li. i.
K‘ai-feng was taken and pillaged by the Nii-chen Tartars, air tin
official buildings and their contents were destroyed. The leML'nini.'
family fled to the south, and eventually e.stablished the corirr at
Hang-chou. The Emperor Kao-tsung (1127-62) built a Irlirary,
and offered rewards for contributions of books. An “ old c0Xi\ " of
YTFS came into the hands of the officials at 8u-chou. and H-om it
in 1145 they had blocks cut and a new edition printed. ManuscfJjit
copies of this 1145 edition are all that are known to survive at the
present day of the YTFS, except one folio and a half, presumed to
be relics of the first edition, as will be described later.

In 1919, a manuscript copy, kept in the Chiang-nan Library at
Nanking, was examined by Mr. Chu ('h‘i-ch‘ien ^ who had

been Minister of the Interior under the presidencv of Yiian Shih-k‘ai,
and is now Director-General of the Chung-hsin Mining Company.
After consulting Mr. Ch‘i Yao-lin ^ fhe Civil Governor of

the province, Mr. Chu decided to publish it, and accordingly an edition
was printed by photo-lithography. This was smaller in size than the
manuscript ; but afterwards, in 1920, a photo-lithographed facsimile
of the manuscript was published by the Commercial Press at Shanghai.
Not long before that, the Curator of Peking Metropolitan Library had
found the two fragments which are presumed to have come from the
first (1103) edition of YTFS. Recognizing the imperfections of the
manuscript reproduced by photo-lithography, Mr. Chu conceived
the project of reconstructing the first edition in the form indicated
by the fragments. The work was entrusted to Mr. T‘ao Hsiang
It was published during 1925 in eight magnificent volumes which
are triumphs of book-production.

The photo-lithographed edition, YTFS (1920), is the subject of
an admirable review ^ by M. P. DemieviUe, which is the most scholarly
contribution yet made by a Western writer to the study of Chinese
architecture.^ M. DemieviUe gives a summary of the text of YTFS
as weU as bibliographical data. The present article deals mainly
with the history of the 1925 edition as set forth at the end of the last
volume in an appendix and in an account written by Mr. T‘ao Hsiang.

^ BEFEO, xxT (1925), pp. 213-64. A much shorter review by Professor Naito
Torajiro ^ 0 ^ ^ fiU appeared in Shina-gaku ^ i (1921), pp. 797-9.

With the help of Professor Ito Chuta 0 the writer had in 1905 copied the

MS. copy of FTES in the Ssu k'u set at Moukden (v. inf., pp. 480, 485, 488-9).

* An article by the present writer on literature relating to Chinese architecture
appeared in the Burlington Magazine of March last.

A CHINESE TREATISE OX ARCHITECTURE

475

Fig. 1. — Title-page, written by Mr. Lo Chen yii, of YTFS 11925).
(Size of whole page is 13? X 9-, inclie'-.)

476

\V. PERCEVAL YETTS —

It is a complicated narrative, which includes the bibliographical
vicissitudes of YTFS from its earliest bcginning.s, and it fills twenty-
four and a half folios. Too long for literal tran.slation here, I give it
in outline.

Note ahoidd be made that this 1925 edition open> with title-page
(Fig. 1) and foreword written by Hr. Lo Chen-yii ^ ^ 3E- ^

preface by Hr. Chu Ch‘i-ch‘ieji.

The appendix comprises the following : —

1. Biography of the author (v. inf.).

2. A photo-lithographed reproduction of tlie front page of the
first folio of chapter eight of a YTFS believed to have been the first
(1103) edition.^

3. A photo-lithographed reproduction of a traced facsimile of

the colophon-page of YTFS (1145).® A copy of thi.s page appears as
the first colophon to YTFS (1920). The edition is here stated to
have been based on " an old copy of the shuo-sheny YTFS ". which
probably means the 1103 printed edition. The fact that the 1103
edition had been comj)iled during the ahm-^hriiy period (1094-8)
doubtless led to its being known as the nhao-^heny YTFS” to
distinguish it from the i/iian-yu % (1091) compilation (c. inf., p. 482).

The 1145 edition was published under the suj)ervision of Wang Huan,
Prefect of P‘ing-cliiang Fu (>Su-chou).

4. Twent_y-two colophons containing bibliographical matter. An
account of these follows later (pp. 478-82), where the colophons are
labelled A to Y.

Biography op the Master Li who held the decoratiox of the
Bed-gold Fish-ca.se » B| ^ g ^ S' IS

Li Chieh (?'. Ming-chung ^ ftfr) was a native of Kuan-ch‘eng
^ ^ U near the Sung capital of K'ai-feng. The vear of his birth is

' It is reproduced here as Fig. 3. Alongside it for comparison the corresponding
page of YTFS (1925) is reproduced in Fig 4.

" See Fig. 2.

* This biography, by theSung writer Ch* eng Chii ^ is preserved in hiscolieeted
works, entitled db ill 4' ft. of which a manuscript copy, formerly belonging to
the Yao m family, is now in tlic Peking Metropolitan Library. Ch^eng C'hii
{T. ^ was a native of K‘ai-hua m ft. and he held the doctor's degree. From
time to time he occupied various official posts at the capital. One of them ^ ^
^ was that of Assistant Inspector in the Department of Seals and Records. He was
a contemporary of Li Chieh, though younger than he. Presumably he knew him
personally, and may have served under him. Accordingly this biography is likely
to be trustworthy. A short account of Ch‘eng Chu appears in

^ p. 1186.

A CHINESE TREATISE ON ARCHITECTERE

477

unknown. In 1085 lie exercised the subordinate function of jjfJ;
^ fl[5 , an official concerned with the sacrificial ceremonies to Heaven
and Earth. He was transferred from that to a post in the prefecture
of Ts‘ao-chou ^ ^ in Shantung. In 1092 with the rank of ^ ^ fill
he became an archivist in the Board of Works ^ ^ i

Four years later he was promoted to the rank of ^ ^ and the
post of Assistant ^ at the Board of Works. About 1099 he supervised
the building of the palace of the Emperor's brother, and when it was
finished he received promotion to ^ ^ f||5. Between 1097 and 1100
he wrote the treatise YTFS, but not till 1102 was he appointed an
Assistant Inspector of the Board of Works with the rank of a ^ flU •
At the end of 1103, in response to his petition for a post outside the
capital, so that he might be near his father, he was appointed to duties
connected with the transport of tribute, ^ M fH *1^ ;

but next year he was recalled to his former functions as Assistant
Inspector of the Board of Works, where he remained for five years.
AVhen the building of the National Academy ^ was finished,
he was promoted to the post of Inspector.^

Before Li Chieh reached his highest rank of Ac ife (fifth

grade of the first class) he had received sixteen steps in promotion,
and of these nine were given in recognition of his work in supervising
the construction of public buildings. The buildings which chiefly
brought him distinction were : —

The offices of the administrative department ^ ^

The apartments 0 ^ of f|

The ^ ^ Gate.

The hall % of the Gate.

The administrative offices ^ of the metropolitan prefecture.

The ancestral temple ^ of the reigning dynasty.

A Buddhist temple built at the command of the Empress Dowager.
In 1108 Li Chieh retired on account of his father's death. During
the latter’s illness the Emperor granted him leave of absence, and
showed a signal mark of favour by allowing the imperial physician to
attend the sick man. The Emperor moreover contributed a sum of
1,000,000 cash for the funeral expenses. This Li Chieh accepted, but
expended on Buddhist temples, since he was able himself to pay the
cost of the funeral.

In 1110, while Li Chieh held the post of magistrate of Kuo Chou

1 Thus M. Demieville’s surmise that Li Chieh never attained the post of Inspector
(loc. cit., p. 228) lacks support.

478

W. PERCEVAL YETTS —

^_J±L in TTnngn fLp ritinifiArl fo rppall film ir\ fhp pam’fal

III TT j_l_ _ n' .. I * 1 - 1 j u I - j i I *1-1

He died, however, in the second month of that year, before the
Emperor’s summons reached him.

Li Chieh’s character is described as generous and magnanimous.
He was learned and skilled in many of the fine arts. His library
contained several myriads of books, of which thousands were manu-
script copies done with his own hand. He was noted as a caligraphist
in all manner of script, and also as an artist. Indeed, the Emperor
once asked him to paint a Picture of Five Horses. In addition to YTFS
he was author of the following works ; —

^ UJ M in ten chapters.

^ IPI it # ^ in two chapters.

^ ^ ^ in three chapters.

^ in three chapters.

7> t# in three chapters.

"S' ^ ^ in ten chapters.

The twenty -two colophons are as follows : —

A. Extracts from 5^

“ Memoir concerning Officials ^ The establishment of

the Board of Works ^ included one Inspector ^ and one

Assistant Inspector ^ ^ . The Inspector supervised affairs connected
with the construction of buildings, ramparts, bridges, shipping, and
vehicles. The Assistant Inspector aided him in this work. . . . An
imperial decree in 1092 caused to be distributed the Ying tsaofa shih
which had been compiled by the Board of Works.”

“ Memoir concerning Bihliographg ^ ^ ^ (Category of cere-
monial usages in the historical section ^ pfU ^ : 250

volumes ;3U' of a Ying tsao fa shift, compiled during the ft ^ period
(1086-94) are mentioned, but the number of chapters is not specified.
(Category of arts and crafts in the philosophical section ^ ^

m m) : A Neiv Book on Wood \Cmistructioti\ ^ ^ ^ in one

chapter by Li Chieh ^ ^ is mentioned.”

^ Vf I’.v H ^

This book^ contains passages of YTFS which is here stated to have
been fini.shed in the first month of 1103. The author's name is giv'en
as Li Ch eng “ $ and his official status as Assistant Inspector of

A CHINESE TREATISE ON ARCHITECTURE

479

the Board of Works (v. A) with the rank ^ [II (fourth class of
the sixth grade). Note is made that, though the author puts the
number of chapters at thirty-six, the YTFS has actually only
thirty-four.

0. m by i

This book dates from the middle of the twelfth century. It states
that “ Li Chieh received the imperial command to revise a Ying tsao
fa shih which the Board of AVorks had in the EE period (1068-77) been
ordered by the Emperor to compile. He considered the book imperfect ;
so he searched the classical canons and dynastic annals, and also
made inquiry among craftsmen and artisans in order to render it
complete. His amended version was authorized to be distributed in
the Government offices of the capital. The saying was current that
the Treatise on Wood [Construction^ by Yii Hao '’fe excelled

most highly in detail, but this book [by Li Chieh] surpasses it”.

D- * M ® by ^

A classified and annotated catalogue of books belonging to the ^
family. It dates from the Sung period. The passage quoted here
describes YTFS in thirty-four chapters, and a general summary
^ 1)^ by Li Ch‘eng, an Assistant Inspector of the Board of Works,
who received the imperial command in 1097 to carry out a revision
of the earlier work (v. C). His new version was finished in 1100, and
the printing of it was authorized in 1103.

E. ©f db m by m ^

Written in the first half of the fourteenth century. The jiassage
quoted gives a list of seven works by Li Ch eng, and among them the
YTFS in thirty-four chapters. Except for a small discrepancy in
the title m m 1& m, these are the same as those specified in the
Biography (y. sup., p. 478).

F. n by fM dlfl

A collection of extracts from books of all periods and on various
subjects. The author lived in the sixteenth century.

A section of the general summary of YTFS is here quoted. It is
entitled Counting Rooms hg (he Number of Pillars M S 1^- This
section is absent from the extant text of YTFS (v. inf., p. 484).

G. ■# Jjc g'b by ^ -g-.

The passage here quoted is the afterword written by the author
Ch‘ien Ts‘eng to the manuscript copy of YTFS acquired by him in

480

W. PERCEVAL YETTS

J649. From this copy was copied the manuscript reproduced by photo-
lithography in 1919-20 {v. J and pp. 484-5). A facsimile of the original
afterword appears as the second colophon to YTFS (1920). Ch‘ien
Ts‘eng mentions the destruction of the family library in 1650, when a
printed copy of YTFS (? 1145) perished.

H. 0 Jg ^

This is the great catalogue of the imperial library under the late
Manchu dynasty. Eighteen years were spent in compiling it, and it
was finished in 1790. At the time when the catalogue was being com-
piled, rare books were submitted from all parts of the empire, and
certain were copied in their entirety and the copies added to the
imperial collection (c. inf., p. 488). One of these was a MS. copy of I TFS
(1145), lent from the library ^ — (SI of fhe Fan family at Xing-po.
It lacked the thirty-first chapter ; therefore, when the copy was made
for the imperial library, the great encyclopaedia ^
drawn upon for the mis-ing chapter, which consists mainly of
illustrations.

I. m m ^ m s

This abridged version of the foregoing catalogue (H) contains a
brief notice of YTFS.

This colophon, dated 1821, appears third in the last volume of
, YTFS (1920). The writer, Chang Yung-ching. at the age of 20, copied
„ manuscript YTFS as a memorial to his grandfather, who for twenty
years had sought in vain to get a copy. The manuscript had been
preserved by the Ch'ien ^ family in their library ^ S' ^ Ch‘ang-
•shu iiiKiangsu. In 1820 the writer's kinsman Yiieh-hsiao ^ ^
(Chang Chin-wu. v. K) bought the Ch’ien manuscript from a book-
seller named T‘ao at the Sign of the Five Willows ^ 2 l W
Su-chou. The copying of the illustrations was done by the artist
Wang Chiin-mou 3E ^ on® of the best pupils of the. painter Pi
Chung-k'ai ^ (>(1 fg.

* i-'or c»ii thi.s vast vdllfttion r. MaytT.--, f’hhxi Rev., vi (1877-8). pp. 215—18 ;

BEFKO, ix (ItHU)). pjp. 82S-f» ; Aurousseau, BEFEO, xii (1912), No. 9, pp. 79-87.
Originally then* more th«an 10.000 volumes of manuscript. The printing of it

was atti'nipted towards tlie end of the Miniz period, but was soon abandoned. Some
vflume-' had he<‘n !<• t hi'b»n* the Imni'nir b\ the Hi)Xer'' in 191H3. Several hundred
volum'‘s arc now known to have ^urvived the tire. Prof^-^sor Hu 8hih informs me that
the rumours of a second manuNcript enpy aiv fal'^e.

- Reminiscent of hw famous namesake T*ao yuan-mine, near whose house .stood
tive willow-trees. Hence the sobriquet ^ ^ ^ assumed by the poet.

A CHINESE TREATISE OX ARCHITECTCRE

481

K. ^ ^ Eg.

This is the eighth colophon to iTFS (1920). It is dated 1827.
The writer is the kinsman of Yiing-ching mentioned in .1.

L. u IT. m m-

This colophon, dated 1820, is the fifth to YTFS (1920).

M- M S

This colophon, dated 1821. is the si.xtli to YTFS (1920).

N. mm Wi-

This colophon, dated 1830. is the seventh to YTFS (1920)

O. PB » m A Efe.

This colophon, dated 1826. is the eleventh to YTFS (1920).

p nmmm-

This colophon, dated 1828, is the fourth to YTFS (1920).

Q- SP

This colophon, dated 1828, is the ninth to YTFS (1920).

R. m

This colophon, not dated, is the thirteenth to YTFS (1920)

s. ^ ^ iu a # a by n if.

This is the catalogue of the C'h'ii || family library at Ch’ang-shu

^ (Kiangsu). It was compiled about the middle of the last
century by Ch‘u Yung, but not published till many years later.'

Note is made that the manuscript copy of YTFS in this library
was ultimately derived from YTFS (1145). but through sevi-ral
successive copies. It contains the colophon-page (Fig. 2). Internal
evidence indicates that neither of the MS.S. des' ribed in J was used in
the making of it.

T. 131 * 1^, by T R

The full title of this library catalogue, dated 1901. is ^

m mm 1 ^- The entry here quoted refers to a YTFS in thirty-si.x
chapters, which was acquired from the library of one $ M> ^"9
is, in fact, the same MS. that appearo in YTFS (1919-20) : r. .1. K. and
p. 485 below.

I*. Preface by ^ jjg to the photo-lithographed 1920 edition,
entitled ^ pp ^ it ri

Dated 1919. it ap[)ear.s as the .secomi preface to YTFS (1920)
The writer. Mr. Ch i Yao-lin. was f'ivil (lovernor of Kiang.'U the visir

^ f. Pelhut, BEFEOy ix pp. 212, 4GS, ;>13, and Aurouss<-au. BEFEV,

XU (1912), No. 9, p. t>4.

VOL. IV. P\RT III. A2

482

W. PERCEVAL YETTS —

that Mr. Chu Ch i-ch‘ien came to Xanking as chief of the Peace
Delegation from North China. Together they visited the public library
for which some ten years previously the Ting collection (v. T) had been
bought by the viceroy Tuan-fang ^ {v. inf., p. 485). They
.saw there Chang Yung-ching'.s tran.script (v. J), and the dechsion
was made to publish it.

V. Preface by ^

This is a copy of the first j)reface. undated, to YTFS (1920).

After the appendix comes an account nine pages long, by

Mr. T'ao Hsiang, who signs it in the intercalarv fourth month (22nd May
to 20th June) of 1925. The writer is a native of Wu-chin ^
(formerly ^fH) in Kiangsu. He outlines the bibliographical hi.story
of YTFS derived from criteria assembled in the foregoing appendix,
and to this he adds information concerning the [)roduction of the
1925 edition. In the following abridged translation the various items
of the appendix are indicated by the letters of the alphabet used above
to label them : —

The YTFS in thirty-six chapters by Li Chieh. an Assistant
Inspector ^ of the Board of Works under the Sung, is a revised version
of an earlier work compiled during the ksi-ning i)eriod (10G8-77), and
finished in 1091 (r. A, B, C, and D). The second version was under-
taken in 1097, and it was finished in 1100. Authorization was given
in 1103 for it to be cut and published. This is the ch'ung-ning (1102-6)
edition. In 1145 Mang Huan 3E an official of P‘ing-chiang Fu,
obtained an “ old cojiy of the shao-cheng period " (r. p. 476 and Fig. 2),
and had it recut. This is the shao-hxing (1131-62) edition. B and
Chuang Chi-yii ® ^ IS in his HI fl); |g. dated 1106 and 1133
respectively, each refers to a copy of 1 TFS. The fact that these writers
copied a number of pas.sages from I TFS is evidence that the work
was highly valued at the time. D mentions Li Chieh's ^ revised version
of I TFS in thirty-four chapters, and one chapter containing the
general .summary, but omits to notice the table of contents. C puts
the number of chapters at thirty-four without either table of content.s
or general summary. T’ao T.sung-i ^ ^ in his Shm fu fg; f(5
refers to a Method with general summary and various sections, but he

' Strictly speaking, the author harl not yet attained the post of A.ssistant Inspector
when he wrote the treatise, since his promotion did not occur till 1102. See his
Biography, p. 477.

- Actually D w rites “ Ch'eng ” instead of “ Chieh ”, as also doB and E. On this
Drror, r. inf., p. 488.

A CHINESE TREATISE OX ARCHITECTURE

483

■ir

* 4^^

m 3. m

■^t II

.M M ip-

* S ii

+ ^

3 ^

^ ii- if

- #

0 n

4 A. #

# -k

4 #

^'! ^

I’ic. 2. — Tr.LCftl fiicMinile of the eolophoii-papc of YTFS illli!, reproduced by photo-
lithography in ITi-'.S (19251.

484

W. PERCEVAL YETTS —

calls it a Treatise on TIooc? \Constructioti\ ^ by Li Chieli4
F describes an edition of which the table of sections in the general
summary has a section on Counting Rooms bg the Number of Pillars
mmm which is missing from the extant book. Is it possible that
the copy he saw was the first (1103) edition ?

The YTFS in the library of the C'h'ien family (v. J) had twenty-
eight chapters, six of illustrations, one of general summary, and one
of table of contents — thirty-six chapters in all. It opened with
Li Chieh’s memorial of presentation, his preface and the imperial
rescript which authorized the printing of the work. It ended with
the colophon-page giving particulars of the 1145 edition (Fig. 2).
There were twenty columns on each folio, and twenty-two
characters to each column. In this copy the characters and
(names respectively of the two emperors who reigned from 1126 to
1162) were tabooed, an indication that it was derived from the 1145
edition.

The colophon by Ch‘ien Ts‘eng (v. G) states that the YTFS in the
Ch‘ien family library was the copy which his senior relative Ch‘ien
Ch‘ien-i ^ ^ ^ obtained from a member of the Chao ^ famOy, and
sold to him in the spring of 1649. Ch'ien Ch‘ien-i possessed a printed
copy, which had come from an old family of Liang-ch‘i ^ but it
perished in the fire which destroyed his library in 1650. The aforesaid
copy was handed down from generation to generation. According to
L the catalogue of the library j® -jff ^ (i.e. of Ch‘ien Ts'eng) states
that Chao Yuan-tu ® 7 C ^ acquired an incomplete copy of YTFS
lacking more than ten chapters. For over twenty years he wore himself
out seeking to borrow a copy. Finally, at a cost of 50,000 cash,
he made the book complete with illustrations, plans, and designs.

In 1821, Mr. Chang Yung-ching in the colophon {v. J) to his manu-
script copy says : “ Copies of YTFS which have survived the downfall
of the Sung dynasty and have been handed dowm are exceedingly rare.
The Ch‘ien family library ^ contained a copy of a Sung edition

of the book, which I tried to get but failed. In the year 1820 my kinsman
Yiieh-hsiao ^ ^ (Chang Chin-wu ; v. K) acquired a manuscript copy

* Doubt exists whether Li Chieh ever wrote a book entitled 3/a ching. M. Demie-
ville discusses this subject fullj-. loc. cit., pp 220-2. The title, A’c?ti Book on Wood
[Conatruction\ of the only work attributed to Li Chieh in the Sung History (v. A),
presupposes an earlier treatise of the kind. Perhaps it was the Mu ching of the famous
architect, Yu Hao (r. C). M. Demieville identifies all the alleged extracts from a
Mu ching of Li Chieh, as quoted in Shuofii, with passages in YTFS. Perhaps these
extracts were in fact derived from the A’eii’ Book on Wood [Construction] which Li
Chieh may have drawn upon when writing YTFS.

A CHIXESE TREATISE ON ARCHITECTURE

485

of this Chhen copy from a bookseller named T‘ao at the Sign of the
Five Willows in Su-chou (t. J). I borrowed it and copied the text,
\\ hile Wang Chiin-mou, pupil of Pi Chung-k'ai, copied the illustrations,
plans, and designs.”

Between 1907 and 1908 when Tuan-fang {H. T‘ao-chai ^ ^),
viceroy of Liang Chiang, founded the library [at Nanking], he acquired
for it the library ^ ^ ^ which had belonged to the Ting family of
Ch‘ien-t‘ang ^ (Hang-chou). Among the Ting books was the
transcript of YTFS made by Chang A"ung-ching {v. T).

In 1919, Mr. Chu Ch‘i-ch'ien (H. Kuei-hsin ^), a native of ^ {I
(formerly jlH) in Kueichou, came south and saw this book (v. L').
He had it reproduced in a smaller size [by photo-lithography]. This
was so favourably received that the Commercial Press of Shanghai
followed it up with a facsimile reproduction of the original MS.
According to evidence afforded by colophons L and M, we know that the
Ting MS. was the one which Chang Yung-ching transcribed from the
copy in the possession of Chang Chin-wu. It contains numerous
errors of transcription.

The library tl IS belonging toilr. Chiang Ju-tsao ^ ^
a native of AVu-hsing ^ ^ (formerly ;1H) in Chehkiang, contains
a manuscript YTFS of which the text and illustrations are well
executed and complete. By comparing the Ting MS. with it, dozens
of errors in the former mav be corrected. But it was not the MS.
from which Chang AAmg-ching's copy was made.

The library SE ^ ^ ^>J ■j® of the Ch'ti family at Ch‘ang-shu
(r. S) has an old copy which also is based on YTFS (1145).

The YTFS contained in the collection of the Ch'ien-lung Four
Libraries was transcribed from the copy which belonged to the T‘ien-i
Ko of the Fan family in Chehkiang. This copy lacked the thirty-first
chapter, and the defect was made good from the Yung-h ta tien (v. H).

According to fH] * @ the imperial library under the

Ming contained five sets of YTFS, but the catalogue omits biblio-
graphical particulars. The catalogue^ of the imperial library under
the Manchu dynasty, entitled * 0- mentions two incomplete

sets of YTFS, one with two and the other with five volumes. It notes
that the book was compiled by Li Chieh at imperial command during
the cJiung-ning period, but that of its thirty-four chapters twelve
were missing. Towards the close of the late dynasty the imperial
library was moved from the Palace to the National Academy g ^
IS; 'S # [in the north of Peking]. During the first years of the

486

W. PERCEVAL YETTS

A CHINESE TREATISE ON ARCHITECTURE

;87

Fli;. 4. — The page represented in Fig. 3 as re-cut for YTFS (19'2.)l.

488

W. PERCEVAL YETTS

Republic it was moved from there and housed in a part of the \\u
C4ate of the Palace 4^ Thence it was taken to the Metropolitan

Library 05 H which now is installed in the former

National Academy. In the course of these moves the sev^en volumes
of the two incomplete sets were lost owing to carelessness.

The Curator of the Metropolitan Library, Mr. Fu Tseng-hsiaiig
If It ?t8 [H. A^iian-shu ilTC of Chiang-an Q; was sorting out a
pile of waste papers when he came upon two fragments of YTFS.
One wasthefront page ofthe firstfolioof the eighth chapter(p. Fig. 3) ^ ;
the other was a complete fifth folio from the same chapter. They were
printed from wood-blocks during the Sung period. Each folio had
twentv-two columns with twenty-two characters in each, and double
colunms of small characters. Probably they are to be identified as
coming from the 1103 edition.

Mr. Chu Ch‘i-ch‘ien considered unsatisfactory the Ting MS. which
he had previously reproduced, so he requested me to consult all
existing copies of YTFS, and, after comparing the texts in detail,
to print a new edition.

In my opinion, the Ssu k‘u cFUan shu copies of YTFS seem to be
the most reliable, for they were made from the Fan library copy w'hich
had been transcribed about the middle of the Ming period from a Sung
wood-block edition, and therefore is earlier than the Ch‘ien copy -
preserved in the ^ library {v. G). Moreover, they have the
advantage of corrections and additions carried out by the editors of
the Ssu k‘u who compared the Fan copy with the Yung-lo ta tien (v. H).

Now, the Ssii k‘u ch'iian shu copies^ were distributed for preserva-
tion in the following seven repositories : —

Wen yiian Ko ^ 1® fS Summer Palace of Yiian ming

A’uan near Peking].

1 Xotc by Mr. T‘ao Hsiang : “ Here we find the author's name clearly written
‘ C’hieh which is proof enough that the version ' Ch‘eng ' is erroneous.’’ Cf. B, 1>,
and B. r Pelliot, BEFEO, ix (1909), pp. 244-5.

- Professor Xaito notes the superiority of the illustrations in the copy belonging
to the Ssu h'u set at Moukden in 1905 as compared with those in YTFS (1920);
V. sup., p. 474.

® \\ hen the great catalogue of the imperial librarj' under the late Manchu dynasty
(r. H) was in preparation, certain books among those sent to the capital by collectors
throughout the empire were temporarily retained for investigation. These were
divided into two categories; (1) Works sufficiently rare for complete copies to
be made and added to the imperial library. One of these was the Fan copy of
YTFS. Bibliographical particulars of books in this category were entered in the
catalogue. 12) Works not copied, but of which bibliographical particulars were
entered in the catalogue. v. Pelliot, BEFEO, vi(1906), pp. 415-16, and ix (1909),

pp. 211-12.

A CHINESE TREATISE ON ARCHITECTURE

489

\\ en tsung Ko ^ ^ [at CTolden Island, C'hinkiang].

Wen hui Ko ^ IS fS [at Yang-chon ^

en Ian Ko X iP [at the Western Lake, Hang-choii],

en yiian Ko ^ [Ij [in the Palace at Peking],

en shuo Ko X ^ fSI [in the Palace at Moukden],

^^enchinKo X IS [in the Palace at Jehol].

The first three sets have suffered destruction from the ravages
and burnings of war.^ Also, half of the Hang-chou set was destroyed.^
The Peking Palace set is still there ; the Moukden set is stored in the
Hall of Assured Peace /fP jS [in the Peking Palace] ; and the
Jehol set is in the Metropolitan Library.

These three are all that are now preserved intact. I have compared
the te.xts of YTFS contained in all three, and also the extracts quoted
by B. Chuang Chi-yii, T-ao Tsung-i and F. The old manuscript copy
in the library of Mr. Chiang Ju-tsao has been examined besides.

After carefully comparing all these texts, the shortcomings of the
Ting MS. have been made good ; missing characters have been restored
and errors of transcription corrected. Possibly some mistakes remain ;
but tliere is little probability that any passage is omitted. Several
parts of the te.xt are hard to understand ; yet, when all texts agree
as to the reading, I did not venture to alter them.

The foimat of this edition and the style of characters cut for it are
made to imitate those of YTFS (1103) as represented by the two
fragments recently discovered. The illustrations are based on those
of YTFS (1145), and such that caimot be followed as to detail without
difficulty have been redrawn twice the original size and afterwards
reduced by photography to the scale of the originals.

One source of perplexity is the lack of originals wherewith to
compare these much-copied illustrations. Decorative designs of stone
carvings and the smaller wooden objects may likely have undergone
minor modifications from time to time in accordance with current
fashion. On the other hand, strict precision must have been main-
tained in plans for large wooden structures, because upon them
depend all measurements and proportions, and even slight deviations
from the originals would have resulted in loss of architectural integritv.

'■ The Yuan mint; Yuan was destroyed by the .Allied .Armv in 1860. The set.s at
tiolden Island and Yang-chou were burnt by the T'ai-p'ing Rebels a few years earlier.

- .Also by the T'ai-p'ing Rebels. Professor Hu Shih informs me that the loss has
been repaired owing to the generosity of Air. Ting Ping q" pq (e. T) and to the
recent efforts of Air. Chang Tsung-lisiang ^ ^ formerly Commissioner of
Education in Chchkiang.

490

A CHINESE TREATISE OX ARCHITECTURE

To .-olve these problems we have had recourse to existiiiv buihliiurs
and living architects. The present Palace at Peking, though actually
built in the ijinuj-h period (1403-24), wa.s designed in conformity with
Sung .standards which were an architectural heritage handed down for
SOO vears. Technical ternus have varied with the times, yet continuity
of form may be traced by reference to the Institutes of Govern me nt
Administration -g- A and the archives of the Hoard of Works X S-
Plans from the latter source have to some extent been lost, therefore
we have asked the old master-builder Ho Hsin-keng Ilf and

others, who for many vears h.ave been in charge of imperial ami public
works in Peking, to draw detailed illu.strations on modern lines in
accordance with data provided in the thirtieth and thirty-first chapti'r'
of YTFS. and to add to them modern terms. These additional
illustrations^ thus jiro vide material for comparison with the originals,
and the .student is enabled to recognizi' ditferences. similarities, and
correlations, and to obtain models for imitation as well as evidence
concerning the evolution of nomenclature.

Chapters 33 and 31 contain coloured illustrations. Former editions
of YTFS had the colours only indicated with labels giving the names
and shades, and they hail notes to show which was the front and
which the back. Such methods of jiresentment gave but imjierfect
notions of the true colouration, .so we have cmjiloyed the services
of the Kuo $15 family of Ting-hsing ^ which for five generations
has been engaged in artistic colour-printing.^ As manv as four to ten
printings have been necessary for some of the illustrations ®

The production of this book — textual criticism, redrawing of
illustrations, making of modern designs for comparison, and colour-
printing — has taken seven years, and the text has been revised ten
times. The cutting of the blocks was started in 1919 and finished
in 192-5.

Though the foregoing account by Mr. T‘ao Hsiang is as lucid

* Tiity appi-ar in two supplements ; one of twenty-six folios at the end of chapter
30, and the other of twenty-four folios at the end of chapter 31. The new teehnieal
terms and explanatory note.s are printed there in red ink.

- This craft has much advanted in recent years. Formerly foreign paper was
used for lithographs done in China, but here in 1’7’F.S' (1925) coloured prints for the
fir.«t time have been made on Chinese paper. The paper comes from the iirovince
of Fuhkien.

“ Several are reproduced in colour on Plate I of my article in the Burlington
Magazine of March, 1927.

492

A CHINESE TREATISE OX ARCHITECTURE

as may be, the sources from which the magnificent last edition of this
architectural classic has been compiled are too many and varied
to be kept in mind easily. In order to show them at a glance I have
drawn out a plan (Fig. 5).

I gratefully acknowledge indebtedness to Professor Hu Shih
S both for his good offices in aiding me to obtain a copy of YTFS
(1925) and for invaluable help generously given in the writing of
this study.

BEMAEKS OX THE IDEXTIFICATIOX OF SOME
J AT AKA PICTURES
By Jakl Charpeis'tier

"ITTHILE busying himself with reviewing, for this Bulletin,'^
' * vols. iii-v of Professor von Le C’oq’s great work Die
Buddhistische Spdtantike in Mittelasien the present writer had an
opportunity of making a somewhat closer acquaintance also with
Professor Griinwedel’s very important book Altbuddhistische Kult-
stdtten in Chinesisch-Turkistan (1912). Various passages of this
work, and most specially pp. 65-75, contain interesting descriptions
and pictures of Jdtakas (or Avaddnas) found in the different caves
in Eastern Turkestan visited by Herren Griinwedel and von Le Coq.
Most of these pictures have already been identified by the learned
author with passages in Buddhist literary works ; and the identifica-
tions are, of course, in an overwhelming number of cases, quite correct
ones, though sometimes perhaps in need of some improvement.
However, a certain number of pictures are left unidentified, and as
the present writer ventures to think that he has succeeded in a few
of these cases in hitting upon a hitherto overlooked identification
this may be the excuse for now giving publicity to these very modest
remarks.

For it should be understood from the very beginning that this
is in no wise an outcome of a prolonged and systematic research into
Buddhist lore, for which the present writer cannot pretend to posse.ss
the adequate capacity. He has mainly consulted a few works, such
as Finot’s edition of the RdsBapdlapariprcchd, Chavannes’ admirable
Cinq cents contes et apologues extraits du Tripitaka Chinois (1911), etc.,
in order, if possible, to unearth from them some passages explaining
a few of Professor Griinwedel's pictures. Some use has also been
made of Professor Foucher's interesting letter from Ajanta in the
JA. 1921, i, p. 201 sq.2 But although the following remarks are of
a very scattered and scanty nature it is to be hoped that they mav
prove of some little use to students interested in this field of research.

The set of pictures chiefly interesting us here is the one running
' Cf. vol. iii, p. 81-t sq. ; vol. iv, p. 348 >iij.

* With this paper cf. also the short notices by Mile Lalou in the JA. 1925, ii,
p. 333 sq.

494

JARL CHARPENTIER —

from Xo. 125 to Xo. 164 of the Althuddhistische Knltstdtten. Of tlie.se
tlie following ones seem to have been correctly identified already by
Professor Griinwedel ; —

125. This is the story of Rfipavatl in Divf/dvaduna. p. 471. who
cut off her own breasts in order to satisfy a starving woman ' ; cf.
also RdAraprdaparipiccJm. p. 25 (Xo. 30) : —

kanakdbhaplnaaiiJcHiiidraiii tyakta slanadra/jriM h/d(i//akdnta)n |
strT prekhpt we k.pidliahmrtnm sdrupijairdlti Vdnitd i^addbhdt

126. According to Griinwedel this is the well-known storv of
K.santivadin (Jdtaht. iii. p. 39 sq. ; Jdlakuwdld. 28. etc ). whose hands
and feet were cut off by a cruel king. Put this .seems rather uncertain
as in this jiicture only the hands have been cut oil', and the tormentor
of the Bodhisattva seem.s to be leaving him ; cf . po.ssibl v Rdstrci paid pati-
prcehd, p. 24 (Xo. 27) : —

cakrdiikitain kawahtul//aw pdiiii/ii(/aw jmradnttaw anajM’kMitn |
nrpa Asiiketa yndn dsld hodhim ahklpmmdwt jayadarlhe
or even ibid., p. 23 (Xo. 17) : —

mrdutuhpicupawaadkpnau komalapadmapnttra.fakinndruH \
tjjaktau karau sacaratiau me pdrvam nrpena Dhrtimald ca ,

127. This, as well as 131, seeni-s to be the famous storv' of King
i§ibi sacrificing his eyes to a blind Brahmin, cf. Jdfakawdid. 2. etc.
In the Rd.drapdlapan'picckl. p. 24 (Xo. 22) the name of the king
is given as rtpnlnnetra : in the Ghinese version of •• the Wise and
the Fool he is called '' Plea.sing-eves

128. Professor Griinwedel (p. 345) tentatively identified the
Bodhisattva who has set fire to his hand.s in order to show the wav
to a caravan with Asuketu (cf. above under X'o. 126). But it seem.s
more probable that we should turn to the following verse in the
RdsIrapdJnjxtriprrc/id. p. 24 (Xo. 21) : —

tij(ikta>ii any all tiddrd sulvuhddtihatn evn caratd me |
jdldrcdd vnnnlasuddhd Kdiicanamnia jidrthiea yaddalt

129. This is the Vessaidnrajdtaka. cf. picture Xo. 317 (p. 141).
In the Rddrapdlapan'prrrhd. p. 22 (Xo. 10). the hero of the tale is

^ Cf. pi' tiirf Xo. 254 m (rrunwedel.

2 But thi, later one &eem.s to be less fitting onr pi.-ture. and for the same reason
as tho

= In t'havannes. Cuiq rents mutes, i, p. ](|4 sq. Kuiula. the son of Aioka, whose
wieheii stepmother had his eyes put out (ef. Bn ySt wlanit. p. .382 sq.). ha.s. curiously
enough, been turned into a Bodhisattva.

‘ Takakieu. JRAS Ifiul. p. .htij.

THE IDENTIFICATION OF SOME JATAKA PICTURES

495

called Sudamstra (cf. Lalitavistara, p. 194. 10 ; Chavannes, loc. cit.,
ill. p. 362 and note) ; in Cliavannes, loc. cit., i, p. 56. lie i.s called
Sarraddna.

130. Sibi and the dove, cf. picture Xo. 251 (Griinvedel, p. 111).

1-31. Cf, 127 above.

132. Thi.s is the MahdJ;apij(itaka in Jdtakaixdld. xxvii. etc. (cf.
also Chavannes, loc. cit., i, p. 216 sq.).

134. Cf. Xo. 160 below.

136. This is said by Griinwedel. p. 68, to be the Sarahhajdtaka
{.Jdtakn, vol. iv, p. 267 sq. ; J dtnkamdJd , xxv). which is probably
correct. But it .seems curious that two person.s should be seen riding
on the animal here while, according to the texts, it only .saved the king
who had been pursuing it. Whether the animal depicted here,
which is somewhat like a very misshapen hippopotamus, i.s really
meant for a sarabha also seems doubtful ; at Ajanta the snrahha is
simply a species of antelope.^

138. Professor Griinwedel (p. 70) identifies this picture with the
story of Sain torbltu in the Mongolian Dsanglun,- the young boy
who, in order to support liLs starving parents, had his own flesli cut
off in portions. This story does not, so far, appear to have been found
in any Indian version. But it G found in the Chinese Tsa Pao 2'iia>ig
King, where, in the summary given by Chavannes it runs as follows ® :

“ Un roi avait six fils ; il e.st tue. avec cinq de ses fils, par son
ministre Lo-heou-k' ieou . Le sixieme fils . . . s’enfuit avec sa femme
et son jeune gar^on . . . il s’egare en chemin et souffre de la faini :
il vent tuer sa femme, mais .son jeune garcon .se devoue pour la sauver :
on coupe done chaque jour a celui-ci une certaine (juantite de chair
qui permet aux trois voyageurs de ne j)as mourir de faim.” etc. —
the story, like all the other ones of the .same type, is rather disgusting.

The jjicture intends to give the situation described above : the
prince, with raised sword, is going to kill his wife, but the voung bov,
sitting astride on the shoulder of his mother, with a deprecating
gesture prevents this and offers his own life in ransom for hers.

142. Ygdghrljdtaka.^ cf. Jdtakamdid, i; Chavannes, loc. cit., i.
p. 15 ; Rdstrapdlapariprrrhd. p. 22. etc.

1 Cf. JA. 1921, i, p. 210 <!(1.

^ Cf. T. J. Schmidt, Dynnfjlun, i, p. xxv sq.

3 Chavannes, loc. cit.. in. p. 2 . according to Chavannes tlie title of this Chinese
work would translate a Sanskrit original Samyuktciratnopitahnsutra.

' There are other pictures lx longing to this Jataku in Professor Griinwedel s
book ; of. p]). (0. 110. and ])1, 440. 447. In some of the pUtures the animals «ecrn to
})*■ j.nkals rather than tiLoi-'.

496

JAEL CHARPEXTIER —

150. On p. 345 Professor Grtin-wedel seems to identify this with
the story abbreviated in the RdstrapdlapariprccJia , p. 24 (Xo. 25) : —

hitvd svam asthi ca sarirdd vyadhikrsasya majja mayd dattam \
na ca satva tyakta mama jdtu dsi nrpo yadd kusuma ndma

Although the identification does not belong to those which strike
one as being immediately obvious it is probably correct.

151. Professor Grtinwedel (p. 71 sq.) thinks this picture to be
a variation of the Vydghrljdtaka (142). This may be correct but the
tale must be a separate one and is, so far, unknown to us.

155. Professor Griinwedel (p. 74) points to Bsanglun, ii, p. 215 sq.
This is quite correct, and the text is otherwise found in C’havannes,
loc. cit., i, p. 11, in the Rdstrapdlapariprcchd, p. 26 (No. 42) : —
bodhicarim caramdnahu purvam matsya hahhuva yadd jalacdrl \
tyakta maydiraya satvahitdya bhaksitaprdnisaJiasrasatebkih |

and in other works.^ Our picture, however, comes nearest to the
tale as told in the Dsanglun where we read the following : “ Wahrend
zu der Zeit fiinf Holzarbeiter am Ufer dieses Gewassers herumcfiimen

^ c ■

um Holz zu suchen, entdeckten sie den grossen Fisch, welcher in
menschlicher Sprache sie folgendermassen anredete : ‘ Wenn euch

hungert, so schneidet von meinem Fleisch ab, so viel ihr woUt und
esset ! . . . Sagt auch alien Hungernden im Lande, dass sie nach
Belieben von meinem Fleische nehmen sollen.’ Hierauf schnitten
die Fiinf von dem Fleische ab und riefen die Einwohner des Lande.s
herbei, so dass die Nachricht von Einem zum Andern kam und endlich
alle Bewohner des Dschandntdicips sich versammelten von dera
Fleisch abschnitten und assen,” etc. The picture shows us two
woodcutters — instead of five— one cutting pieces out of the fish
with his axe, the other with his knife.

157. To the literature quoted by Professor Griinwedel (p. 74)
should be added Jdtaka, 12; Mahdvastu, i, p. 3-59; Chavannes.

loc. cit., i, p. 68 sq. ; u, p. 35 sq., etc. The scene is found also at
Ajanta, cf. JA. 1921, i, p. 208.

160. Cf. 134 above. The story is found in Dsanglun, ii. p ^9 s<t
T o these identifications by Professor Griinwedel can now be laid
a short series of otters which are given below. As has been pointed
out above I have not'ibeen able to make any systematic investigation.s
and the results achieveci here can thus not be looked upon as final

1 For references cf. M. Fino^>^edition of the Bastra'pd.la'pariprccha p yiu

THE IDENTIFICATION OF SOME JATAKA PICTCRES 497

135. In this picture we see three young men, of whom one is
dressed in a sort of flapped coat of rather common occurrence in
the Turfan picturesd surrounded by a very bulky serpent or dragon
with heads at each end of its body and with widely opened jaws ;
in the lower part of the picture is seen an elephant on the back of
which stands a lion springing upwards in order to attack the dragon.
On p. 60 of his work Professor Griinwedel mentions a duplicate of
this picture where, however, elephant and lion are missing ; and
on p. 1 15 the same scene occurs with the lion but without the elephant.

This is what may well be called the Simhal-urijardvaddmt. It
occurs amongst the pictuies at Ajanta where the elephant is likewi.-e
missing.- Literary documents relating to it are found in Ksemendra's
Bodhisatti'dvaddmkaljxdatd. No. 102. and in Chavannes, loc. cit..
i, p. 253 srp : iii. p. 70. From the last passage I borrow a few lines
which will form an exact commentary to our picture : " Autrefoi.s
de nombreux marchands s'etaient vus entoures par un serpent
monstrueux qui ne leur lais.sait aucun moyen d'echapper. Pour
les delivrer. un lion monte sur un eliqfliant blanc et attaque le serpent
dont il brise le crane ; mais le lion et relephant meurent tons deux
pour avoir ete atteints par I'haleine empoisonnee flu serpent . . . Le
lion, c'e.st le Buddha: I'elephant blanc c'est (,'ariputra." ^

137. A bear sitting on a tree holds a man on his lap while a tiger
waits at the bottom of the tree.

This is the story of the noble animal which, without listening to
any temptations saves the man from the tiger while the mean and
ungrateful human being tries to throw his benefactor, fluring his
sleep, from the tree. The .story is found in many variations in Buddhist
literature, where the chief actors are invariably the Buddha and
Devadatta.

139. A man dressed only in a dhoti is standing on an elevated
plot of ground on the bank of a pond from which emerges a ndgardja
in a suppliant attitude.

The former figure is taken by Professor Griiiiwedel to be
a Bodhisattva to whom he. undoubtedly, bears a great likeness.
Now, it seems that we must identify this picture with a scene out

^ Cf. Professor Gruiiwedei’s index s.v. Klappenrock aiul Professor von Le Coq’s
Bilderatla'i, p. 49.

- Cf. JA, 1921, i. p. 219.

^ Travellers surrounded by a great serpent occur also in the tales of Sindbad.
cf. Purton, Arabian Sights, vi, p. 29. But there no lion or elephant comes to their
rescue.

VOL. IV. part III.

498

JARL CHARPEXTIER —

of the Sailkhapalajdtaka (Jataka, Xo. 524), which is also depicted
at Ajanta and is thus described by M. Foucher ^ : " Burgess a vu
a tort un ‘ Buddha ' devant lequel se pro.sterne un roi : elle - montre,
en fait, un ascete ordinaire recevant les bommages d un roi des Xagas.”
This scene, however, belongs to the previous story of Saiikhapala
when, according to the atthakatha of the Jataka. the Bodhisattva
was a prince of 3Iagadha who turned ascetic and received the homage
of the then Sahkhapala. Consequently, Professor Griinwedel

was quite right in looking upon the figure standing beside the pond
as being a Bodhisattva.

140. In this picture we see a square pond or tank in the middle
of which stands the nude figure of a girl weeping while above, in
the air, a winged boy, a sort of angel or genius, is carrving another
young man in hi.s arms.

Professor Griinwedel’s reference to the story of Kalmasapada ®
is not quite intelligible. We have here a scene from the Yidhura-
panditajdtaka (Jataka, No. 545) where a young genius, after having
won the wise ^ idhura at a game of dice, carries him away in order
to please his own daughter, a beautiful ndyl. This jdtaka also occurs
at Ajanfa,^ and a similar .story about Pi-t‘ou-h> (= Yidhura) is told
in Chavannes, loc. cit., iii. p. 100, although it does not quite tally
with the jataka.

143. A man is seen merged to the waist in a round pit from
which issues a high, pointed flame. On both sides of the pit are
seen two gods who take hold of his arms and try to raise him up.
A variation of this picture on p. 114 (pi. 253) assures us that the man
in the pit is in reality the Bodhisattva.

Professor Griinwedel thinks of either the .story of ^'iiitavin in
Mahuvastn. iii, p. 42 sq.. or the Sresthijdtaka [JdtakamdJd, iv). but
neither is the case. This is the scene described in the Dsanglun,
ii. p. 11 sq. The Bodhisattva was at that time the prince Darngama,^
.^n of king T'sangpa-Ma, and Indra, in order to try him, arrived at
the palace in rhe form of a brahmin saying that he wished to proclaim
a Itoly doctrine But when the prince wants to hear it he is told
tnat, before he can do so. he must have a fire-pit made of ten vards’

' JA. 1921. i, p. 210.

“ Viz. *■ la scene

^ Cf. Watanabe, Jounal of Ike Pali Text Society, 1E09 p “>36 so
* JA. 1921, i, p. 20S. ^

‘ This name, according to Takakusu, JR AS. 1901, p. 454 is from the
Tan-ma-han, a corruption of Sanskrit Dharrnakama.

Chinese

THE IDEXTIFICATIOX OF SOME JATAKA PICTURES

499

depth and filled with burning coals and sacrifice himself by springing
into it. The Bodhisattva willingly complies with this and has all
preparations made. After hearing the ilokas recited he is just on
the verge of jumping into the pit when on either side Indra and Brahma
take hold of his arms and try to dis.suade him. This is exactly the scene
of our picture.

144. A giant demon holds a young boy before his mouth in
order to eat him. There is another picture of the same event on
p. 114 (pi. 248) but more complete ; in front of the demon are seen
a king and a queen loudly wailing.

Professor Griinwedel (p. 345) takes this to be the story of Sutasonia
{Jdlaka. No. 537, Jatakamfild. xxxi. etc.) which is also found at Ajanta,^
and this at first seems probable. But .some doubts seem j)ossible
as the prey of the demon is apparently here a small child which
does not tally with the jdtaka where Sutasoma is a grown-up young
prince. There is a story of a man-eating ogre converted by Buddha
in C'havannes. loc. cit.. iii, p. 90 sq.. but this does not fit our picture
as the child captured by the demon niu.st undoubtedly be a Boddhi-
sattva .

145-8. All these pictures are extremely j)uzzling as there is very
little real difference between them. In all of them it is apparently
told how at one time or other the Bodhisattva sacrifices his own
blood and flesh for the welfare of some other beings, but the difficulty
is to find out precisely what is represented in the different pictnres.

In 145 the Bodhisattva is .seen sitting on a throne raising his
left arm. while a servant is cutting open his left side with a knife,
the impression being that he is going to tear out his heart. In 146
the Bodhisattva is again seen sitting on his throne : a small servant
is cutting open his right leg while the Bodhisattva himself is holding
a bowl into which blood is meant to flow. Behind the servant
another small person is seen waiting — probably for the blood in the
bowl. In 147 the Bodhisattva clad only in a dfiotl is seen standing
in front of a tree ; a small man (possibly a demon) is sitting beside
him holding a bowl and pointing at his dhoti with some pointed
instrument. In 148 the Bodhisattva is sitting on a throne (like
that in 146) ; behind him is a servant probably cutting flesh out
of his back, and beside the throne is a large cooking-pot.

Professor Griinwedel thinks 145to be the story told in the Dsanglun,
ii, p. 15, where the Bodhisattva in shape of the wise Utpala had his

» JA. 1921, i, p. 213 sq.

500

JARL CHARPEXTIER —

skill made into parchment, one of liLs bones into a stvdus and his blood
into ink in order to take down a suhhasita. But this, for apparent
reasons, is impossible : unfortunately, the present writer is just as
little able to identify the picture, but the solution should apparently
be found in a story where, for some reason or other, the Bodhisattva
sacrifices his own heart.

In 146 we should, according to the same authority, see the
Maitribalajataka {Jatakamala. viii).' in which the Bodhisattva. as
king Maitribala, has his veins openeil in order to satisfy the craving
for blood of five ogres (i/aksa). That there are here onlv' two persons
instead of five is an objection of no consequence : but it is more
important that these persons do not seem at all like demons. It
seems much more probable that we ought to connect the picture
with this verse in the Rafttraj>alapariprccha, p. 24 (Xo. 24) : —

vyadhjaturam ca naram svam rudhiram pradnttani api me

’bhut I

nirvijddhitah sa ca Jcrto me pmybhava Sarvadarsi ijad abhnvam

But there seems also to exist another otherwise unknown ^ storv
of how the Bodhisattva once gave away his one leg, cf. ibid., p. 24
(Xo. 29)

mrdu komcdam vimalayatiram Cnu tac chittm dr.damHditn;/ri ^ j

dattam svamcinisa rudhirmn me Jrxlnavail yaddsi nrpapul/n

In this legend the Bodhisattva was a woman ; but might there not
as well have e.xisted a parallel version where he performed tlie same
act of sacrifice as a man ? Our picture might just as well he meant
to depict that event.

In 147 Profes.sor Griinwedel .sugge.sts that we might find the
storv of how the Bodhisattva had his whole bodv' perforated and a
thousand burning wicks j)ut into the holes. ^ This seems probable
enough, although the picture in it-self does not give us much
information.

As for 148 nothing definite can, unfortunately, be .said about it.
But the story should be that the Bodhisattva has his own flesh cut
out and cooked in order to perform a good deed.

149. In this picture the Bodhisattva is seen kneeling beneath

' Cf. Dmnghoi, ii. p. f»5.

Not quite though. a.s according to Finot. loe. cit., p,
Sinnadhinlja, ch. xxxi.

^ Read hr.da^.

■* (‘f. J)sanglun, ii, p, .*) np

viii, it occurs also in tlie

THE IDEXTIFICATIOX OF SOME JATAKA PICTURES

501

a tree, while on the other side a huge man with beard and top-knot
approaches with a raised sword in his right hand.

Professor Griinwedel (p. 71) takes this to be a scene from the
Sutasomajataka } for what reason is not apparent as there is in this
story nothing that especially reminds us of that tale. The story,
I venture to helieve. is found in Chavannes. loc. cit., i. p. 17 sq.,
and runs as follows : The Bodhisattva was once a mighty king,
called P'ien-jjue. renowned for his boundless liberality. A wicked
ascetic from a foreign country presented himself before the king and
asked for his head as he wanted it for a certain object.- The king
tried to turn him off with an offer of va.st wealth, but all in vain.
Then we may quote the text itself : “ Le roi ne s'etait jamais

jusqu'alors refuse a aucun des desirs qui lui avaient ete exprimes ;
il descendit done de la salle, enroula ses cheveux d un arbre et dit : ' Je
vousfais don de mn tete ' . L'asccte lira non epee el .s'uraxfu en niarchant
rapidemeni. " The king, however, was saved by the intervention of
a vanadevdtd.

The italicized sentences .seem to me to describe exactly the scene
found in our i)icture.

153. A man sitting under a tree is seen flaying a small animal
while another animal of the .same species i.s seen at some distance.
There is a duplicate of this picture described on p. 60, but there the
animal is said to be an elephant.

There can be little doubt that this is the story told in the Dsanglun,
ii. p. 101 sq. A king of Benares .sees in his dreams a golden deer and
sends his hunters to fetch its skin, threatening them with death
and destruction if they fail to bring it. Finally, one of them sees a
Kunla-deei (the Bodhisattva) which offers it.self to be flayed alive
in order to save the hunters and their families. The one difficulty
is to account for the presence of the second animal in our picture as
there is nothing about it in the text.

156. A bear is seen sitting in the entrance of a cave. In front
of him is a tree, and on its other side a man is seen bending a bow
and taking aim at the bear while in the front part of the picture another
man is pointing it out to the bowman.

* Cf. Jdtaka, v. p. 456 sq. ; Jatakatmld, xxxi, etc. ; and Kern. Verslagen en
Mededeelingen du Kon. Akad. van Wetenschappen, afd Letterkunde, 3de Reeks, v,
p. 8 sq.

^ In the well-known Ueta/a-tales the wicked Yogin wants the head of King
Vikramaditya in order to perform a magic rite.

502

JARL CHARPEXTIER —

The story is found in an abbreviated form in the Rdstrapalapnri-
prcchd, p. 25 (No. 37) : —

rksapatir abkuva sailadurge himahata sapta dindni raksito me |

purusa vadhaku tena me prayiikto na ca pratighaia kiiasca me
tadasmin [!

The same scene is found depicted at Ajanta ^ and has been identified
by Mile Lalou ^ from Tibetan and other sources. Already M. Finot,
in his edition of the RdstrapdlapariprccM, p. yiii, had pointed to it.s
existence in the Karmasataka.^ The story runs thus ; A bear (the
Bodhisattva) rescued a man from a snow storm and fed him in his
cave for seven days. The man promised not to betray the site
of the animal’s lair, but. in spite of this, he led hunters to the spot,
who killed the bear with their arrows. AVhen the ungrateful wretch
was going to carry away his part of the flesh his hands detached
themselves from his arnts.

159. The Bodhisattya is seen lying in a coffin on the lid of which
two men kneel apparently occupying themselves with closing it.

Professor Griinwedel (p. 74) thinks this to be either the Milga-
pakkhajdtaka (Jataka, vi, p. i sq.) or the story of the Saint Krsa Vatsa
and the cruel king Dandaki.* The latter suggestion is impossible,
but the former one might be taken into consideration though there
are great difficulties. The story about an old man being buried alive
in Chavannes, loc. cit.. iii. p. 13, is too vague, nor does it identify
the hero with the Bodhisattva though this would be rather an obvious
conclusion.

163. A king on his throne surmounted by the royal sunshade.
An old emaciated brahmin e.scorts a Bodhisattva whose hands are
tied behind his back towards the throne.

This is the .story told in Chavannes, loc. cit., i, p. 41 sq. ; ii
p. 59 sq. The Bodhisattva was a king world-famed for his mildness
and liberality. As he did not want to fight liLs enemy conquered his
kingdom, and he himself had to resort to the wilderness. There
he met an old and poor brahmin who was on his way to ask him
for alms. As the Bodhisattva had nothing to give him he exhorted
him to put chains on his hands and take him to his enemy who had

» Cf. JA. 1921. i. p. 21(5.

* Cf. JA. 1925, ii, p. 33j sq.

^ Cf. Feer, JA. 1901, i. p. 99.

‘ On this story cf. Charpentier, VOJ. xxviii, p. 227 sq

THE IDENTIFICATION OF SOME JATAKA PICTURES

503

offered a substantial reward for his capture. This is precisely the
scene of our picture.

This finishes my very modest list of identifications. There is
a number of other ones still to be done, but I must leave that to
scholars who are far better conversant with Buddhist lore.

There is one circumstance of some interest which, in this
connexion. I should like to point out. We have drawn. Professor
Griinwedel and myself, upon different sources for the identification of
the pictures. Mo.st of them are found in Indian sources, though the
Chinese tales translated by Chavannes have also yielded a good deal
of helpful material and will perhaps, on a more careful perusal, yield
still more.

But there is one source that .seems to me to stand in a peculiar
connexion to our pictures and that is the collection of tales occurring
in Chinese, Tibetan, and Mongolian versions, and perhaps best known
under the name of Dsanglun. “ der Wei.se und der Tor." I should
like to emphasize that the picture 138 was identified by Professor
Griinwedel with the help of a story in the iVIongolian Dsanglun (not
found in the Tibetan version), and that the j)ictures 143. 153, 155,
and 160 all exactly tally with the situations de.scribed in the coinciding
stories of that work. This remarkable coincidence can scarcely be
wholly fortuitous. It proves, in the opinion of the present writer,
that the painters of our pictures worked upon te.xts which were, at
least partly, identical with the original underlying the Dsanglun.

The history of the Dsanglun has been written by Professor
Takakusu.i According to him the Tibetan (and Mongolian) text is
a translation, for obvious reasons dating from after a.d. 632, of the
Chinese original, the Hien-ijii-king. “ Tales of the M’ise Man and the
Fool." which itself exists in two different versions. The original Chinese
work was compiled in a.d. 445 from various Indian sources and scarcelv
presupposes a single Sanskrit original. It is of special interest, in
this connexion, to learn that the materials upon which the Chinese
translators worked were collected in Central Asia and chiefly at
Khotan. For, if that is so we need not feel very much astonished
that these Central Asian pictures should tally well with texts originating
from that same neighbourhood. Perhaps there once existed, in
“ Tocharian " or some other Central Asian language, another
“ Dsanglun " which to the artists of these pictures was one of the
chief sources of their inspiration.

^ Cf. JRAS. 1901, p. 447 sq., and M. Sylvain Levi, JA. 1925, ii, p. 311 sq.

A BUBUSHASKI TEXT FBOM HUXZA

By D. L. R. Lorimer
Introduction

1. Biirusliaski, the language of Hunza and Xagir, has not up
to the present received any undue measure of attention.

The list of authorities in the Linguistic Survey of India is a short
one containing only nine items. Of the.se only three are of serious
importance : —

Dr. G. W. Leitner, The Languages and Faces of Dardistan, Lahore,
1877.

Col. J. Biddulph, JRAS., vol. xvi, pt. i (1884), “ The Boorishki
Language," being a corrected reprint of the Grammar and
^’ocabula^y of the language, published in his Tribes of the
Hindu Kush, Calcutta, 1880.

Dr. G. \V. Leitner The Hunza and Kaggr Handbook, pt. i, Calcutta,
1889.

The Skeleton Grammar in the Linguistic Survey of India, vol. viii,
])t. ii. Calcutta, 1919, is “based", says Sir George Grierson, “on the
Grammars of Colonel Biddulph and Dr. Leitner. It has been carefully
revised at Hunza by the Political 3Iunshi, Hunshi Ghulam Murtaza,
to whom I am indebted for many important corrections."

The Hunshi's version of the Prodigal Son is dated 1899. I do
not know of any original work on the language that has been published
since that date.

To those, therefore, who are interested in Burushaski, a short
text recently collected may not be without value.

2. When I was in Gilgit as Political Agent for nearly four years,
in 1920-4, I devoted most of my spare time to studying and
collecting material in Shina and Khowar (Sina, Khowa’r), but
during the last year or so I was able to give some attention to
Burushaski.

I have now worked over my Burushaski texts, which are of
considerable bulk, and have roughly extracted the Vocabulary, and
am at present occupied in working out the Grammar in detail. This
will be a lengthy business as the subject is more complicated than
might perhaps be gathered from the existing printed works.

In the present state of affairs fully to annotate a text would involve

506

D. L. R. LORIMER —

practically WTiting out the whole gramniar, but I think it may be
possible to offer some notes on a less elaborate scale, which may be of
interest to students as throwing a little more light both on the grammar
and on the vocabulary of the language.

The task is not without its risks as there is constant danger
either of repeating unnecessarily what is already familiar, or of
making brief statements which unsupported by sufficient explanation
may appear arbitrary or may even be unintelligible. Also, further
penetration into the language which elucidates some points keeps
presenting new mysteries and problems to view, and not infrequently
throws doubt on previous solutions.

3. Before proceeding to the text, it may be advisable to offer
a few remarks on some well-known features of Burushaski.

First there is the grouping of the nouns into classes, corresponding
in effect to oirr genders. These are as follows, with the symbols which
I use in referring to them : —

i. Nouns denoting human beings

(a) of the male sex ...... m.h.

(h) of the female sex ...... f.h.

ii. Nouns denoting all animals of either sex and certain

inanimate objects ...... x.

iii. Nouns denoting all the remaining inanimate objects y.

Hitherto it has been the custom to denominate the x. class as
“mascidine " or neuter-ma.sculine ”, and the y. cla.ss as ‘•feminine"
or ‘‘ neuter-feminine , but this .seems to me both incorrect and
misleading, as the one thing which these classes do not distinguish,
but definitely confound, is sex. (I understand the L.S.I. to say
that animals are apportioned between x. and y,. according as thev are
•male or female. This is not correct ; all animals, male and female,
are x.)

On the other hand, after an exhaustive examination of aU the
nouns available (over 1,800) I have been unable to discover any
single general principle governing the differentiation between the
X. and y. categories, and hence I am unable to propose any descriptive
title for them. One may say that x. includes animals and fruit, and
that y. includes liquids and trees, but without proceeding further and
still more complicating the question I do not myself see how to devise
single terms to distinguish even these few classes of things. For the
present, therefore, I prefer to use the non-committal labels x. and y.

The division of nouns into these classes is a radical thin^ in

A BURUSHASKI TEXT FROM HUXZA

507

Burushaski afEecting not only the plural forms of the nouns but also
to a considerable extent the inflectional endings of the verbs and
sometimes the body of the verb itself.

It may be mentioned here incidentally, that the plural endings
of nouns are much more numerous than those previously recorded,
and that they are absolutely differentiated as between x. and y. In
general x. and h. share plural terminations.

4. Another well-known feature of Burushaski is the series of
pronominal prefixes and infi.xes generally employed agglutinatively
with nouns and verbs.

These have been given in slightly differing forms. My opinion
is that there is one original set of forms and that modifications are,
in the majority of cases, due to the presence of an initial vowel in
the word to which they are attached. The matter is, however,
obscured and complicated by a tendency for i and e. and u and o to
interchange with each other.

What I believe to he the simple forms of these pronominal
prefixes are ; —

PI.

1st person

•2nd „

3rd ,,

3rd f.h.

I cannot here give the

forms resulting from the meeting of

with all the vowels, but it appears to me that the following are

which result when the initial vowel in question

is A or a : —

Sing.

1st person

me, me

2nd ,.

3rd

e, E

3rd f.h.

The vowels may be longer or shorter.

These vowels are of special importance because, as it seems to
me, causative verbs are often formed from simple verbs by merely
prefixing ail a- or a-.

It is unfortunate that this particular series is peculiarly liable
to embarrassment by any casual vacillation between i and e, and u
and 0 ; but generally speaking the simple series given above and this
series stand consistently opposed to each other.

It is useful to note that when any of these pronominal forms are

508

D. L. R. LORIMER —

used as infixes, which occurs in the case of some verbs with separable
initial d-, a vowel is inserted between the d and a following consonant,
and the g of gu- is in that case changed to k.

so d -p gu + oma {Ama ?) — doko ma thou earnest
d -i- mu -f omo (Amo ?) -> domo mo she came
d 4- i + imi di mi he came

Here the medial o's are, frankly, a difficulty. A straightforward
example is :

disilji he, or it, will become wet

hara lte dE’silji the rain will wet him (it)
haradte doko silji the rain wiU wet thee
These verbal forms I would refer to infinitives :
d'-silAs to become wet

d*-AsilAS to make wet

Other similar cases could be quoted.

There is also a similar parallel series of verbs where the causatives
or transitives appear to have -as- instead of the simple -a-.
’-warAS to become tired

'-AspgrAs to tire v.t.

Individual adverse instances and other difficulties are not lacking,
but I would propose it as a hypothesis that where we have

go, ko for gu, ku
e, E ,, i
me, mE „ mi

whether with nouns or verbs, tbe prefix has, as a general rule, come
up against an inherent a or a.

5. I have just referred to the change of gu to ku, when preceded
by a vowel. This instance of a media changing to a tenuis is part
of a more general phenomenon of which I am not at present prepared
to formulate the exact rules (compare also as + warAs yielding AsparAS
above).

The negative prefix a- induces the change media tenuis e.g. :

di mi, he came ati mi. he did not come

The n plus vowel of the p.pc. commonly has the same effect :
gAUAs, to take nukAn, having taken

barEUAs, to look at nuparAn, having looked at

So also the causatiA-e -as- ;

ga rtsAS, to run *-AskartsAs, to make run

6. The text given below was dictated to me by Jemadar Imam Yar
Beg, brother of the present Wazir of Hunza and son of a former

A BURUSHASKI TEXT FROM HUXZA

509

distinguished Wazir. Huniayim Beg, a member of the Hunza
aristocracy. It may be accepted as the most approved form of the
language as spoken in Hunza. That the forms of speech employed
in Hunza and Xagir constitute distinct dialects. I am not at present
prepared to assert, or deny. The Hunza is and the Xagiris lay stress
on the difference between their respective forms of speech, but then
it is generally asserted that the lingo of each little village or community
differs, and the only correct speech is always that of one's informant.
The former proposition is doubtless true enough, but whether the
difference in the forms of sj)eech even of two such politically distinct
communities as Hunza and Xagir is sufficiently great to justify their
being called separate dialects is a que.stion that requires further
investigation.

The titles of Biddul[)h's book. Booriahli (Noj/er liinlni) spoken in
Hunza, Nager, and Yassin, is curiously confused, but seems to imj)ly
that he worked on Xagiri material. Leitner. I tliink. worked with
X'agiris. I myself worked only with Hunza men. but I liave material
obtained from a Xagiri by my wife, wliich I hope later to collate
with my own. Hy impression is that the differences are suj)erficial.

The form of the language, however, spoken in Yasin under the
name of Wareikwa r, or War.<ikwa’r. is markedly different and is
certainly to be ranked as a distinct dialect. Ho mucli I can say from
the recollection of a little material, which I was able to collect on the
spot, but which I have not yet worked up.

The L.S.I. gives a Wareikwa r version of the Prodigal Son Tinder
the name of Khan Sahib Abdul Hakim Khan. 1898, but this redoubt-
able investigator must have been somewhat out of his depth in this
particular language, or have failed to make himself clear in recording
it, as a casual examination discovers one or two misdivisions of
vernacular words and misassignments of English meanings. The
text, which is likely sound enough, was jirobably written out for him
in Arabic script by a local friend. But I cannot enter at length into
the matter here.

7. As regards the name of the language, my Hunza informants
called it Burushaski (Buru.sAski) and repudiated Biddulph's name
“ Boorishki ”. This, however, may well be a Xagirism : Biddulph
could scarcely have invented it. Leitner 's Kh.vjuna (not. x.vjuna)
is a name only applied to it by foreigners, as is correctly stated in
the L.S.I.

In the Yasin word '\I'arcikM'a r, the -wa r is a Khowar suffix

510

D. L. R. LORIMER —

meaning “ language ; Khowa’r being itself “ the language of the
Kho Worcik is obviously connected with AVar.sagu'm, the name
of the district. In the AVars- a form of the Buru.s- of BurusAski ?

8. The nuniljcr of people in Hunza and Xagir who speak Buru-
shaski as their j)riniary language is probably about 20,000. That
of those in Yasin whose primary language is AN'areikwa'r is probably
about 6,000.

The text which follows has the merit of presenting purely indigenous
matter.

Mu'nulum Da 'do

PfAqir Alt senAS bin hirAne CAya ECAm.

I ne i en bAm, i ik Darbs so bilom. Sispare te re horu Um bAm.
Hau guntsAnolo huye s HAmunAn Mun yAkAlAte uyarcar tsumi.
HuyE s ruqulo fAt no gucAmi. GucaiyAsar e yEnomtsE qau mATiiitir :

5“DarbE so! OarbE so ! ” nosen. Di Ulimi. Di tAl bare imi ke
hin bu't pa’ki'za dAsi’nAn E'skitsar dumobo.

I ne senumo : “ Mi bAb'a go r qau Ecai” esumo. SenAsar i ne dAsin
motsi nultAn i se flAnumAn Mu n ya rar ni mi. Mi Asar i se cise lun
hi^An sika manittii. Ulo nici ke bin yenise sAktAge hirAn horn-tom
lObai; bu t marii) mariq tAlo gosi^AUts sita rii) noka horucAm ba n.
Darbe-so ni n SAla m Etimi. Ine hire SAlame juwa b dumarimi.
Dumarin yugo^Aiitser o simi: “Darbe-su.ar hAn hari pAn sita retE
'e-yarin.” TJ’e IaIowe sitariq noka bu t uyAm ucareka hari-pan
'EyarumAn.

15 Mu nolom Da du.E Darbs su.ar e simi : “ Le.i e i, u-q ar aknmAnom
gir'At. Je u'^e dado ba. Ja e ik Munolom Dado bila. Ku ja
aiyu goknts ba n. Ki n hin ja o s bo. Kisare e pi motsuya ba. Gote
ja ha bila. Gii At,” 'e simi. Te rumAnar Darbe’so girAtimi. Niki rAt
horu tAsar Munolom Da du.e yu smor senimi : “ Ja Darbe-su.ar gi ri.E
2obi-stsE dirAm pfitimotsik e r o ti.”

Yu-se e-r dii Am pfitimots e r o tomo. Su Asar Munolom Da du.e hin
e yenmor hokaro etimi : “Darbs-so i mo disar nitson fAt ns ju.”

e yens i se HAnumAn Montsom di-usin huye s o pAcar ru-gar ditsuniAn.
Ditson fAt ne ni mo.

25 I ne Darbe-su.e huys-s nuyen hara-yar di-mi. Di n du-q sus iitiAntmi
Hu-sar wAlAsar huyeltarcu E doy'arusumAn : i “be gumAnoma ? ”

I-ne Munolom Da-du.E ha lar nitson yugosAnts sita r no yar egir Atoms
da dirAm pfitimots giri.E bi stse e-sirome cAya o r etimi. Dyo-n

1 The strc.^^s aocent is to be placed on the \owel following the symbol

A BURUSHASKI TEXT FROM HUXZA

511

haira n umAnumAn. Yarum cAya ke bilom Sispar Barulo Munulom
SODa do bai nossn. Ki ne Munolom Da do Kisare e pi mutsu Am, se.iba n.
Kisare 'e pi.e Kisarar E sumo : “U ge Bu boli Gas mutsu ca kE ja r kE
hirAn a r ditso. Sispar Barulo yEnisE saLaIa^e hirAn bai, se.iba n.
I nE a r ditsu kE ja kE u ^e gar nAla E CEn."

ESAsar Kisar ni ci kE bin ysnisE sAlAtAgE Mtahe hi skAtE nu rot
35pfilAmAn gi sacai. I nE hir KisarE E SAtE pfAl nE i mo ha lar ditsimi.
KisarE e pi yAtE IesaIe huru tum bo m. KisarE yEnisE saIaIa^e M r
ditsAs ni itsin cisE xa sokECAm nosEn xAnamu El muya lmu yo gAli bi m,
se.iba n. Berunun gontsiqtsum Kisare e pimur mil'ents num'o, wa rts
nomo tAn, Munolom Da du.e ka gar etimi. I mo ke gar Etimi, se.iba n.
40 Darum xa Sispar Barolo HAnumAn Mu ntsum la o mai.i bila. Mu to
xa doyelja n.

Traxsl.ation of Above Text
^Mu nulom Da do

I shall tell the story of a man called Faqir 'All. He had a son,
hi.s name was Darbs.so. He was staying at the Sispar grazing ground.

One day he took the goats off to graze in the direction of HAnuniAii
Mil’ll. Leaving the goats in the pasture he laid himself down. When
he had lain down and was gone to sleep a call came : “ Darbeso !
Darbeso ! “ He woke up. Waking up when he looked (he saw that)
a very beautiful maiden had (has) come up to his head.

She said to him : “ My father is calling you."

When she said this he followed after the girl and came up to the
foot of the HAnunLvn Mu n.

On his approaching it a door opened in the mountain. "When
he went (goes) in a man with a golden moustache was sitting there,
(and) seven very beautiful women were sitting there with “ sita’rs ”.

Darbsso entering salamed. The man responded to his salain.
Having done so he said to his daughters : “ Play a tune for Darbeso
on the sitaT." The seven (women) taking their sita’rs (singing) with
very sweet voices played a tune. Mu’nolum Da’do said to Dorbeso :
" 0 my son, dance without fearing. I am your grandfather. My
name is Mu’nulum Da’do. The.se are mi' daughters. This one is my
wife. I married Kisar s grandmother. This is my house. Dance ! "
he said to him.

L'pon this Darbeso danced. When, having danced, he sat down,
Mu’nulum Da do said to his wife : “ Make some ‘ dir vm " bread with

512

D. L. R. LORIMER —

ibex fat for my Darbeso." His wife made “ dir.vm ’’ bread for him.
When he (D.) had eaten it, Mumulom Da do commanded one of his
daughters (saying) “ Take Darbeso away to his own place and leave
him there and come back One of his daughters took him out of
the HAnumAn Hum and brought him to the pasture ground to the
goats. Having brought him (there) she left him and departed.

The (man) Darbeso taking the goats came to the camping place.
Coming there he became for a short time xmconscious. When he
came to his senses the herdsmen asked him : “ What became of
you 1 ”

He told them the story of their taking him to the house of (that)
Hu nulum Da'do, of (M. D.'s) making his daughters play the sita r,
of his being made to dance and then of his being made to eat " dir.mi "
bread made with ibex fat.

All were astonished.

There was also an old-time story that Mu nulom Da'do is in the
Sispar nullah. This Wu'iiulum Da’do had married Kisar's grand-
mother, they say.

Kisar's grandmother said to Kisar : “• When you marry Birbuli
Gas bring a husband for me too. In the iSispar Bar they say there is
a man with a golden moustache. You fetch him for me and we
shall celebrate my marriage and your marriage at the same time."

On her saying this to him when Kisar proceeded (there), a man
with a golden moustache was sitting at a loom weaving a piece of pattoo.
Kisar's grandmother was sitting up on the roof. When she saw
Kisar bringing the man with the golden moustache, saying “ I'll get
down the ladder she fell down and her ribs were broken, they say.

After some days when he had given his grandmother medicine
and made her well, Kisar married her to Hu nulum Da do.

He also effected his own marriage, they say.

Up to the present day a halloo comes from HAiiumAn Hu n in
the Sispar Bar. People still hear it.

Notes ox the Above Text

1. PfAqir Ali I Huhammadan names are probably com-

2. Darbeso 1 P^’’atively recent importations into what has all

I the appearance of being a very old legend.

1. seuAS This is the form of the Intin. to say, to call, and of the

A BUEUSHASKI TEXT FROM HFXZA

513

Noun Agent, sayer. Here, however, it is equivalent to
the English by name, called.
cf. note under esumo, 1. 7.

hin one. This form is used only with words denoting human
beings. With almost all other nouns, whether of the
X. or of the y. class, the form ased is hAn. There is a third
form hik used only with a few y. noiuis denoting time
or OCCASION’ or measure, e.g.

hik hE’si one time

and in the phrase hik ke, once, one time, once again
(here the k£ is perhaps independent).

The form hik is not in general use with all y. nouns
as stated by Biddulph and Leitner. In some cases its
use appears to be optional. I have : —
hAn hisa one month, but also
hik hisa

In my texts hAn is the normal form with y. nouns as
hAB guntsAnolo (1. 3).

hiiAne, hir-An-£ the noun plus the suffix of individualness
plus the genitive suffix : man-one-of.

The case endings always follow the -An-.

caya ECAm I shall tell (the story), of,

caya, CAya story, narrative, statement.

CAya EtAs to make any sort of verbal connnunication.

ECAm 1st sg. future of EtAs to do, make, etc.
pres, base ec- perhaps from
Et- plus s.

EtAs is used as a general-service verb in combination
with nouns and adjectives.

i’nE i’En bAm of him a son-of-kis was, i.e. he had a son.

i’En the noun *-i with the 3rd sg. m.h. and x. prefix i-, plus
the suffix of individualness -An, -En,
i plus i plus An his-son-one.

i’ik his name, i plus ik -<■ i'ik or i’k

cf. 1. 16 : my name, a plus ik -► e ik

or ai ik

hilom the y. form of the 3rd sing, past of the verb to be. In
Nagiri dilom and in Warcikwa r dolom.

Sispar a tributary valley, I believe, of the Hassanabad

VOL. IV. PART HI. 34

514

D. L. R. LORIMER —

line

Valley which debouches into the main Hunza-Xagir
Valley on the north side 5 or 6 miles down-stream from
Baltit, the capital of Hunza.

teTE, teT j’tngle, 'uncultivated ground with sufficient vegetation
on it to afford grazing. Many of the mountain sides are
practically devoid of vegetation.

Cf. ru’g, 1. 4, note. teTE is the genitive form, but
this form occasionally occurs as a general oblique, as
here, where it seems to have a locative force.

horu'tAin bAm possibly, for the past participle huru’tom seated,
sitting, which is at any rate more usual. The jffirase is
ecpiivalent to the imperfect, which, if it exists, would
be horu simi.

The conceptions to “ sit down " and to “be seated ’’
are apt not to be differentiated. Cf. Mn.P. nisAsta bu d
and Sina bE’tus, he had sat dou n, he teas sitting.

huru'tAS, like these other verbs, covers the ground of to
sit down, to sit, to dwell, to abide, to live, to stag, etc.

The participle in -om in intransitive verbs usually
denotes state, not action. In transitive verbs it is usually
passive, but sometimes active.

3. hAU guntsAuulo (on) one dag. gouts -au-uIo. -ulo is in general a
Locative suffix in.

ulo used as an independent adverb means in, into,
inside.

hujTE s a general term, plural, for goats, goats and sheep, small
cattle. A single animal is huyE SAn. Various ages and
sexes, etc., of sheep and of goats are denoted bv a number
of separate words.

HAUuniAn Mu n Proper name of a mountain.

hAnumAU means alone, hg itself ; hinuniAn when used of
human beings. It is apparently a derivative of hAn one.
-om is an adjectival suffix, and -An the suffix of
individualness.

yAkAlAtE *-yAkAl -f AtE in the direction of
ayAkAl in mg direction
guyAkAl in thg direction

the prefix i- for the 3rd pers. is not usually distinguished
with a word beginning -with y. The suffix'-AtE means o«.
upon, also with, by means of.

A BURUSHASKI TEXT FROM HUXZA

515

uyarcar, from *-y9rAs to itmke graze, u-yarc-ar them-niahe-graze-to.
The present base of the verb (here *-yarc-) plus the
dative suffix -ar is very commonly used to denote in order
to, for the purpose of.

4 ru’qolo. ru’q has the same general meaning as te r, line 2. It
may be a foreign synonym, as it is used also in Sina.
The genitive of each ; ru gs, te rs is used as an adjective,
meaning wild as op|)osed to domesticated.
fAt no. fAt etAS to let go, leave, set loose, abandon, etc. fAt is
also used in Sina.

etAS is really the form of a pronoun-prefix verb *-AtAs
when its direct object is in the 3rd person singular,
m.h., X., or y. This verb has two forms of past participle
active :

n*-AtAn and n*-A
So we get :

n + i -f At An and n ~ i \ net An and ne

having made, or done it.
n -f mu -f AtAn and n -f mu -r a — nomo tAn and nomo

having nuide her. v. 1. 38.
n -f u + AtAn and n u — a ^ no tAn and no

having )nade them.

gucAmi 3rd sing, preterite m.h.. x.. and y. of gocaiyAs, present
base gocac- to lie down, to lie dow n to sleep, (of a woman)
to be brought to bed, to be delivered. -Ami replaces the
usual -imi as the 3rd sing, jueterite ending when the
verbal base ends in -a or -ai. Verbs with a base in -u
(and a few others optionally, e.g. yula s) have -u'mi,
C’f . in this line tsu mi from tsu yAs.
gocaiyASar. Infinitive plus dative suffix -ar, on his Iging down,
%vhen he had lain down. A very common idiom used to
denote the sequence of acts done by different persons.
“ On A’s doing something, B then did so and so." See
the examples 11. 7, 8, 19, 21, 26, and 34.
cysnumtsE. Past participle m -om plus tsE on his going asleep, or
being asleep.

The verb is *-AyEnAS to go to sleep

i + AyEnom -► e yEuom he being asleep
mu + AyEnom ^ mo'yEnom she being asleep

516

D. L. R. LORIMER

line

-tse is a suffix in common use with nouns and noun-
equivalents in a variety of senses, perhaps most
frequently that of motion into contact uith, ujmi, on.

qau mAnimi a loud cry, call, shout, hail, became.

The use of mAna’s corresponds to that of those verbs
which in certain other languages combine the functions
of the English to be, and to become, e.g. Hind, hona,
Pers. sudAn, Pa. swol, Sina bo iki, Khowa r bi k. It
provides amongst other things the intransitive equivalent
of EtAS in compound verbal expressions, e.g.
qau Etimi he raised a shout, he called
qau mAuimi a shout occurred (i.e. was raised,
heard, etc.)

5. nosEu having said, saying, past participle of seuas to say ;

here equivalent to marks of quotation dependent on
qau mAnimi. In §ina the, the ppc. of tho iki to do,
say, is similarly used. In Khowa-r, I think, te, having
said, is also so used.

di'tAlimi he auvke. Infinitive d*-tAlAs. This is an example
of an intransitive pronoun-prefix verb with a movable
initial d-, of which there are a number.

The agglutinative pronoun corresponding to the subject
of the verb is inserted between the d- and the bodv of the
verb and is preceded when necessary by an epenthetic
%‘owel. So :

da’tAlAm I awoke

dokutAluma thou awokest
ditAlimi he awoke

domutAlomo she awoke, etc.

Transitive d- verbs (frequently causatives) have as
a rule an *-a or *-as preceding the body of the verb.
The inserted pronoun corresponds to the direct object
of the verb. So :

d*-A8t(s)AlAS to make awake, awaken (trs.)

dE'st(s)AlAm I awakened him

doko'st(s)AlAm I awakened thee

atAst(s)Al (a -f- dAst(s)Al) don't thou awaken me
(The (s) following the t is of no grammatical significance.)
d*-mAnAS to come into being, be born

A BURUSHASKl TEXT FROM Hl’XZA

517

d*-AsmAnAS to give birth to, create

i'nEmutsom tha a hundred sons were born of

muyn- dumAnoniAn her

adtu muyu’ do’sniAno bo m she had given birth to twin sons.
There are, however, a few verbs in d*-A- which do not
appear to be transitive or to be regarded as transitive, e.g.
d*-AyASAS to laugh

doko'yAsuma thou wilt laugh

de'yAsi he will laugh

Similarly

d*-AsqAltAS to arrive

The presence of an -a- (or -a-) ajjpears to me to be
postulated by the O’ and £’ in place of u and i in the pro-
nominal infixes, as already stated in the introduction § 4.
di'tAl he haling anahened (intrs.) ppc. of d*-tAlAs. There are
three {irincipal kinds of participles in Bunishaski :

i. Present participle, consi.sting of the present base

ome, e.g. ecoms doing.

ii. The participle in -om formed of the past base -)- -om

(-m where the base ends in a vowel).

iii. The participle active, occurring in several forms.
Xo. i denotes contimung action contemporaneous with

another action. It is not very common.

Xo. ii pro^’ides the passive participles of transitive verbs,
but it seems also to be used at times with an active
sense.

In the case of intransitive verbs it occurs most often
with case suffixes in phrases of which the nearest
English rendering would be of the form ; on this + pres,
pc., e.g. “ on this happening ’. “ on his going away ”.

gokE fAS mAnu mar ju’CAm, on this (grain) being finished,
i.e. when this is finished, I shall come back.

Generally speaking this participle indicates, I think, a
state or condition, which has been induced by, or has
resulted from, some preceding action.

Xo. iii records an action as preceding, or leading up
to another action. It is equivalent to English “ having
come “ having said , etc., but is also used where
English would less accurately employ the present par-
ticiple, e.g. “ saying this, he went away ”, “ sitting down

518

D. L. R. LORIMER —

he fell asleep This ppc. seems only to be iised when
the subject of the ppc. and of the following verb is
the same.

My present object, however, is not to discuss at length
the use of these participles but merely to describe the
forms in which the 3rd of them appears.

These are :

(а) n ( + vowel) + past base + -i’n, or -n.

(б) n ( + vowel) + past base, or past base less a final n.

(d) the simple past base.

The past base is seen in the infinitive of the verb when
the termination -as or -a’s is removed.

When the verb is one that takes a pronoun-prefix this
is placed after the initial n- when that is present.

Examples ;

(a) etAs to do, n-et-An having done (-An for i'n is unusual).

Other Postpositions of the Instrumental

Si, sahite, save “ with ", vma, hlna “ without ", karuni “ having
done ”. Examples are as follows : bkaravasenisf " with confidence ",
vi, 47 ; jivitesi “ with life ", ii, 45 ; ihi ndna bhute sahite “ with these
various creatures ", xi, 273 ; mukhamelevina | pilayace pokhana |
kari niriksana \ kurmi jevl || “ rears its young by fond gazes without
giving them suck, just as the turtle does ”, xiii. 140 ; Bharatdre hlna
“ without a husband ", ii. 199 ; avaghiyd bhumikd save chdle “ he
accompanies with every state xviii. 1043 ; saydsekaruni hahute
“ with great endeavoiu- ' , ii, 209 ; maunekaruni " with silence '".
ii, 83.

556

\V. DODERET —

Si must be distinguished carefully from the dative postposition si.
The former is generally derived from sahitam. Eajavade, however,
derives si from saniam. Both derivations present difficulties.

Note. — Si is invariably construed ^nth the instrumental and so
are save, vlna, and kariini. Sahite. as already noted, is sometimes
found with the subjective.

TJte Ablative

In the Jnanesvarl this case assumes the forms ilni, aiini, oni.
aimu, and sometimes hlni. We have here to do, as Bloch has well
shown, with aii or ao < Pr. adu, ado + the locative postposition ni,
which Grierson derives from tani. As regards huni it may be explained,
following Bloch, as the conjunctive particiide ho-iini of the root ho
“be”, “ become This is clear from xvi, 331, where we read
pdtald-hoimi nbnna “deeper thayi hell" and in xii. 147, M vi/dghrd
visa-houni mard “or to kOl a tiger irith poison ”.

Examples of the more usual terminations uni, etc., are ; svapnanni
“from a dream”, ix. 112; meghauni “from the cloud", vi. 87.
Ethauniijd “ hence ", ii, 202. [Here the augment gd. identical with
that of the conjunctive participle aj^pears] ; durum "from afar ”,
ix, 172. Jujediuni[gd] kd janmale Pdndnva he “from the day
these Pandavas were born ”, xi. 168. [Three texts have the
augment yd.] Svargoniyd “from heaven”, xiv, 216. mrgajaldci
gd tall I tiye dithl duraunu ci ngdhdli “ look at tho.se tanks of the
mirage with a glance from afar ”, xv, 222. Other postpositions of
the ablative are Idgaimi, Idgaunigd, stava, saini, pdsdvo. In x. 270,
we read rnamkdldgauni Brahmavari grasi to mi “ I am he who devours
(everything) from a gnat up to Brahma ”. Also in x, 296,
midigiyeldgauni Brahmaveri “ from an ant up to Brahma ”. Ldgauni
“ from ” is found in the Nagava inscription of a.d. 1367.

Ldga is construed with the dative. Hence in the above examples
we have the conjunctive participle, used as a postposition, attached
to the synthetic dative to form an ablative.

An instance of stava is annastava bhute praroha pdvati samaste
“ all creatures obtain growth from food ”, iii, 134. As Bloch points
out, the texts of the Manbhavas have an ablative tara, side by side
with stava, so that perhaps tava is derived from the Sanskrit tdvat,
but how is the s in stava explained ? Bloch gives yet another explana-
tion of the derivation of stava (op. cit., § 198), but regards the matter

THE GRAMMAR OF THE JXAXESVARI

557

as '• provisioremeiit insohible A peculiar and rare form of the
ablative occurs in vi. IGl. toisa santomra hliji <jliw]ihl \ M siddhn-
M<7)iddra-sauii hldhild \ disc icijc nidvi' rudhaifi \ sadlKtht dnse |
“ such a body filled witli happiness has been fashioned or a]> 2 X‘ars to
have emerged from the magician's store in the degree that it has
attained to the condition of the magician’s patron and accessory
Nine texts have bhacdaidsuini, two read hMiidaioinlui. and one
bhfinddruJn'uu. These latter, though obvious glo.sses. and occurring
as they do in the least reliable texts, are useful in fixing the meaning
oisaini as ‘•from", “out of". In this connexion it may be noted
that a declinable adjective si)Hi, meaning ” separate ". “ different ".
occurs in five passages, xiii. ‘2ff5. xv. -158. xvii. 70. 168. xviii. 272.
Also the adjective .s/amid (— sino ~ dtxi < ruii/a). meaning
“ se])arate ", distinct ". is of frequent oecmrence. It is possible
that saini may be comtected witli this adjective, for in the speech
of the common folk, especially the ilabars. siite, saitc. are pleoiiastically
attached to the conjunctive participles and ablative in ilna. e g.
dmhl tc htnlnasoni (Vb “ I did it and came here ", to titJifoKtsiiie f/eld
“ he went thence ". And it is interesting to compare sai)ii with
the Hindi sc " from ", “ with ", and the satin of Tulsidasa. It is also
to be noted tliat saini is attached to the subjective. The noun jjdsdvo
“ vicinity " is employed as equivalent to " from " in the following
passage and construed witli the synthetic genitive. Afri aisaiseijd
aparadhd [ marijndd tidhf mubundd | mhatfauni raJrsa rafcsa pratnadd- |
ptdsdvo tnliatte now there is no limit of my transgressions oh
Kr.sna, therefore I say protect, oh protect, me from sin ",
xi, 571.

The Locative

This is still a synthetic case in the Jhanesvari and for long
resisted the postpositional influence, so much so that at the present day
such locatives as (jhari at home ”, (javi " in the village “ not gone
abroad ”, rdtrl “ at night ”, thihdm “ in the place ", sakdU “ in the
morning ”, ravivdri “ on Sunday ”, kdni “ in the ear jdgt “ in the
place veil “ at the time eJce divdsi “ one clay jtdrvi ” formerlv ”,
Sevan “ at last ”, etc., are still in common use. The d synthetic
locative survives in adverbs of time such as jevhd “ when ”, tevhd
“ then ”, maghd “ a little while ago ”, udgd " to-morrow ”, dtd
“ now ”, etc.

558

W. DOE>ERET —

The followiiiH table will ‘■erve to illustrate the synthetic locatives
of the Jnanesvarl : —

Subj. Loc. Loc. Loc. Loc.

ending. Sing. PI. Sing. PI.

hiuJcIhl. t buddhl

(h mkl . iijp devnkl. >>/rf

iinllfi. u rnal u

msH sdsu

\jlhhc jihhd

I ki((i kutl

indhl. ttullp maid

Neuter nouns in a follow the rule for M. Pdnl makes pdijt in the
locative, goru “ a bovine beast ”, gonad (S. and P.), sone “ gold ”.
soneyd, disaiiS ’‘appearing", “appearance”, disaneyd (S.) and
disand (P.), dpanape ’‘the self”, “the soul” (S.), apanapeyd (P.),
dpanapd. It should be noted that the Fern. i. 1, tatsama classes are
unstable, i nouns appearing as 7 and vice versa. Hence the termina-
tions of the locative vary accordingly. The locative may take five
postpositions, four being locativ'es themselves, attached either to the
synthetic genitive, or to the ca form of the genitive, or to the locative
of a preceding pronoun or participle. They are mdji, i from
S. madhyct, Pr. majjha ; mdjhdrl, t from madkya + either hdra
“ a line ' , “ row ”, or antara “ interval ” ; dnta from S. anta “ in-
side ; vikhi or visi, the locative of visaya “ matter ”, “ subject ” ;
thdyi, the locative of thdya place ”, Anta is generally written
separately from the word it is coimected with. Illustrations are
as under.

Devd ai’fdyarnavi padild | rmyavagure dntudalo \ svargasdsdrdca
saiikadalo \ dohi bhag! j “ oh God ! I have fallen into the ocean of
ignorance. I have been caught in the net of worldly desires and pressed
heticeen both the divisions of heaven and the world xi, 329 ;
striyeca tari vis! | hhogasampatti anekl \ dnl vastu nikl \ je je dekhe |1
“ where his wife is concerned he bring.s her a wealth of various things
for her enjoyment and whatever choice articles he may espy ”,
xiii, 797 ; silp! atinipunu \ s«6/wkarmi hi pravlna | very skilled
in the arts and crafts and adept too in good actions ”, xiii, 830 ; tndjhd
citti ’‘in my mind”, ii. .52; tayd dohi sainyd dnta “in those two
armies ”, ii, 87 ; jagdmdj'i “ in the world ”, ii, 96 ; jai kida agitha pade

agi

1 vivekiyd

vivekiyd

\di. xiii. 818

guru

vihciai

I'incuvi

thdyi

(hid

dold

THE GRAMMAR OF THE JXAXESVARI

5-59

“when impure gold i> put into the brazier xviii. 121 ; padhiijantd
l/tdid " in an atrreeable place xviii. 79 ; jetha dserii/e lale- | aiita
ithd-jlbha lole | " where the tongue of slaughter revolves in the spittle
of desire ix, 181 ; vrttlrndjhdrf " in conduct xviii. lOd.'l ; ii/e {haip

'■ in this place ". ii. h ; hnhafi jj/irl " in many a way ”, ii. 163 ; je
sa)ii<isle iijeblude \jinunri fidi aindrte \ niaqa jidtall ly/aktltc \ jannialaya
■■ all created beings, which before birth were formless, attained to
specific manife-station at birth " (lit. ” on having been born ”). ii. 101 ;
I/d upadhhnajl fjapta " concealed within these limitations ”. ii, 120 ;
bnsl na riije “ does not enter (thy) side ”, xiv. 10 ; sdl'harecii/c riisl
baisali nude mdsl " a fly lodged in a heap of sugar does not take to
the wing ”, xiii, 783 ; M daravantha ci jai/fice | slsa ruvile khafice |
to held parivarice | thevile dekhe [ “ or how can a man. whose head
(when entering) at the doorirai/ has rolled into the (/utter, see what is
placed inside the house ( ”. xiii 845 ; srsfica hona na race " is not
built up in the becoming of the created world ”. xiii. 1113 ; rthmaji
kusurndhara \ vasantn to ml \ " among the seasons I am that
Spring, a store-house of flowers ", x, 283.

Vocative

This case does not differ appreciably from the modern forms, e.g.
Pdrthd “oh Arjuna ! ”, iii, 3; Ambe. srimantc. nijajanakal palate
“ oh, Ambci ! oh wealthy one, oh thou creeper fulfilling the desires
of thy devotees xii, 10 ; aikal mahdbaho " listen, oh mighty one ! ”,
X. 54; prdniganaho “oh host of creatures”, iii. 115; prajdho “oh
subjects ", iii. 94. 111. Ambe, etc., are pure Sanskrit vocatives,
which have descended to the modrt-n spoken language, especially
in the proper names of females. Mahdbdho is also a Sanskrit vocative.

Adjectives, Ai)Verb.s, axd Xumerals

All adjectives in the Jnanesvarl are declinable and when declined
generally follow the rules applicable to nouns and stand in the same
case as the noun which they qualify. Thus, hahutd tejdte prakate
■■ he flashes forth abundant light ”, ii. 238. Here hahutd is the Neuter
Dative u.sed as an objective agreeing with tejdt(' in the same case.
Xdtari grlpnakdU saritd | sosoni jdtl samastd j " or again all rivers
dry up in the hot season ii. 359 [subj. F. j.L] ; janmdntari hahutl
“ in the course of many births and rebirths ”, iii. 25 [loc. pi. X^.].
It is to be noted that the Neuter plural of adjectives, which are
indeclinable in the modern language, ends in e ui the Jnanesvarl, e.g.

560

W. DODERET —

kaustubhahuni nirmcile lem didhaU " gave me ornaments purer tlian
Krsna's breast jewel ”, ix, 389.

An instance of the instrumental Xeiiter is; hointnsr drdJie
“ he is speaking with steadfa.st mind ", ix. 520. And of the F
locative ughavii/e trijagaU " in the whole three worlds ”. x, 82

Adverbs are either the instrumentals or locatives of nouns and
adjectives, e.g. vipfuje “perhaps’’, ii, 205; viir.p' “particularly”,
ii, 268 ; apdde “ strangely ”, i, 13 : vegd “ swiftly ", ii. 221 ; or else
they are adjectives used predicatively. There is a fourth class, con-
sisting of adverbs of time, place, and manner, wliicli can generally
be traced to their Sanskrit originals. Some admit of declension,
e.g. bdhird “outer”, “outside’’ ; je kalpnne Imhirc nn nigati “those
who do not get outside of their fanciful thoughts”, vii, 147:
panigajavali babidi “ moss growing near to water ”, xviii, 272. Others
also are declinable, as noted below.

The following is a fairly complete list of adverbs : ja'i “ when ”.
iv, 197 ; ten “ then ’’, iv, 197 : java “ when iii, 211 ; tdva “ then ”.

i, 168; jeutd “where’’, “whither”, iv, 191; keutd “where”,
“whither”, x, 11: teatd “there’’, ’Ahither ”, ix, 255 (this series
is declinable, e.g. pdhe pd budabuda jeuta jage teute jala chi fagdtc dhc
“ pray observe that whither the bubble goes, there it simjdv consists
of water”, ix, 255); jedkivd “when”, ix. 251; tvdhuvd "then”.
XV, 164 ; kedhavd “ when ”, .xv. 125 ; kc “ where ”, vi, 123 ; kcln
“ whence ’’, xviii, 1146 ; kaht “ ever ”. v. 33 ; arante, arntc “ on this
side ”, XV, 225 ; (declinable) jKiraute “ on that side ”, vi, 81 :
(declinable) rndghaute, mdgute “ behind ”, “ formerly ’’, xv, 75,
xvii, 174 ; (declinable) pudhd'- in front ’’, xv, 75 ; mohare “ in front ”.
xviii, 584 ; (declinable) drM “ on this side ”, xv, 73 ; pdithi “ after-
wards ”, “ after ”, “ behind ’’, xv, 436 ; djKiisc “ of one's own accord ”.
“ easily ”, xv. 522 ; (declinable) dnauti “ elsewhere ’’, xii, 79 ; uhdea
“ on the surface ”, ii, 39 ; ijevi " as “ when ”, xi, 153 ; jeid “ ju.st
as ’, xvii, 192 ; tevl “ so “ in like manner ”, ix, 7 ; kevi “ how ”.

ii. 32 ; jujdpari “' in the manner in which ”, “ as ”, “ lilce ”, ii, 301 ;
tagdpari “ so ' , “ similarly , xi, 578 ; uparate “ on the contrary ”,
xi, 384; ekasare “straight away”, vi, 1.55 (declinable), aila, ailddl.
am “ to^ this side ”, xiii, 844 ; paila “’ yonder ”, v, 93 ; ietha, tetJie
“ there ’, ii, 69 ; xvii, 192 ; yetha, yethe “ here ”, xvii, 197 ; jetha.
jethe “ where ”, ii, 38 ; kadd “ ever ”, ii, 135 ; jxihe “ to-morrow ”,
vii, 14 ; sdihpe {sdmprata) “ now ", xi, 168 ; kheva, khevo “ at that
instant ”, xvi, 14 ; caimierl, f “ everywhere ”, ii, 200 ; ndvahkari

THE GRAMMAE OF THE JXAXESVARI

561

“■ for a moment ", vi, 332 ; ndvchinva “ repeatedly ", xvi. 179 ;
ndveka ‘’momentarily", iii, 211: uirhci " altogether ", xvii, 219:
nlca {nitjj(i) "always", ‘‘eternally", xii. 36. Saviijd, sciviijn
(1) “utterly"’, viii, 111; (2) "immediately"", vi. 22; (3) by
chance "", vi, 181 : (1) “ suddenly "", iv. 197. Xumerals like adjectives
are declinable: prathanu “in the first"', dujd “in the second ".
tijd “in the third ", x. 21, 25; athd rnsdcl rovCiUnn "a ceremonial
waving of the eight rhetorical qualities ", iv, 213. The cardinal
number one is ekl in the Fern. : elTt dorl ” a .single rope ", xviii. 55 ;
maja ekevina " without Me, the one and only ’", ix. 331, and so on.

Proxouxs

The following tables exhibit the personal pronouns. References
are given in the case of archaisms, where necessary :—

Isi’ Person Singular

1st Plrsox Flchal

Subj.

m\.

Subj.

itinht, xii. 222 ; xiii, loti.

Dat.

majn, ii. 82 ; mnjaAntjl. ix.

Dat.

(imha. xii. 19(5 ; atnhd-lt'Kjl, n.

301 ; mnja-pmti, tnujn-dn.

4 ; dinhd-si, ii, 58 ; timate.
ix. 30 : iimute, xiii, 33 ;
dmhd-prat!.

Instr.

myn, ix. 00: majheni^ ix.

Instr.

dmhi. a>nhi. xi, 54(5 , dtnucfni.

200; uiaja-s", x, 110; mas'i,
ix. 449

vi, 3215.

Abl.

mnja-pasuni , ix, 88 ; maja-

Abl.

amha-pd'‘au)il, etc.

pdsaunif iii, 35 : ynaja-katarh
iii, 4.

Gen.

maja, majhd, i, e (when declined.

Gen.

(imltii, xii, 220 ; dmaca, etc..

viajhnyd, xi, 297 (Dat.) :

iiMticii, etc., ix, 71 (when

vxdjhiyd, ix, 400 (Gen,) ;

declined, amaciyn. xi. 291

majhiye, ix, 420 (Inst.) :

(Inst.) ; ciinuciye, ix, 37

viajheyd, xii, 85 (Gen.), etc.)

(Loc,); dmuceyd, i, 112
(Gen.) ; ii. 3t (Dat.) )

Loc.

mdjhdthdyf, ix, 409 : maja-finfa.

Loc.

dmhti dntii, etc.

ix, 420; majanuiji, ix, 71.

2nd Person Singular

2x1) Person Pluk.vl

Subj.

tn.

Subj.

tum/iT, xiii, ol.

Dat.

lute, ii, 210 ; tujn, xiii, 781 ;

Dat.

tumhd, V, 4 : tuma-te, iii, 94 ;

tuja-prati, xiii, 74; tuja-6'i.

tumlififi. iv, 41 ; tuin)i'ipd--i ;

Xiii. ;119.

Inatr.

tuvti, ii, 10; tujheiii, ii, 97;

Instr.

lumhi, xi, 59, 589 ; tumaceyii.

i. 234.

VI, 140 ; tutnacena, xi, 20 ;
tuinht.

Abl.

tuja-pdsau7ii. ii, 95 ; -pasuni, etc.

Abl.

tumhd-pdsauni, etc.

Gen.

'^tujha, etc., tnja.

Gen.

tumacd, etc., ndth the usual

variations when declined.

Loc.

tuja-mnjl, xi, 201 ; tuja-dnUi,

Loc.

tumhdthdyl, ix, 41, etc.

xi, 327 : tvjhdthay'i.

‘ \Vlien declined tujhiyd. iii, 12 (Dat.); tujheyd. xi, 280 (Loc. M.) ; tujhiye
(Loc. F.), xii, 2 : etc.

VOL. IV. PART III.

562

\V, DODERET —

Other PRO^■ouNS

Ha, he, he “ this ”, to, te, te “ that, he, she, it '’,jo,je,je “ which ”,
may be grouped, as they are declined in the same way. The subjective
plurals are M. he, etc. ; F. vja, yd, tiyd, jiyd ; X. ye, iye, taye, te,
tnje, jaye, je, jiye.

SiNOrL.iR

M. & X. F.

M. & X.

taya

liye

jayd

—

yaya

iye

teya

jeyd

jiye

Synthetic

(uith (y;)

Dative ■ lyn

tya

—

Genitive

(0. only)

1 ey/i (xiii, 1

o7) eye

—

• —

—

(D. only)

y(ya (xU’,

Ol )

—

iya

tiye

jiye

Synthetic j

teya

—

jeyd

—

Locative 1

1 iya

—

tiyd

—

1 i/«(ie

iya

te>ic

tiyd

jenH

jiyd

Synthetic !

eyn

tfna

—

jena

—

Instr. \

—

„ 1

—

The Ablative

is formed by adding pasauni, etc

., to the Dat.-Gen.,

forms in d for S.

and d for P,

Other

case -phrases are formed on the

same principles

as apply to

nouns.

Two bases

a or i

< idam and

€ < etad respectively underlie the declension of the near demonstrative.

In the plural anusvdra is the distinctive sign of the dative-genitive,
e.g. yd, yayd, eyd (xiii, 150, 303), etc., also for the loc. pi. yaya, yd,
etc. It is noticeable that in the Fern. Instr. the synthetic termination
d is preserved, as in the case of Fern, nouns, e.g. vikdra urnapa iya kele
“ she has effected innumerable changes of form ”, xiii, 991 (referring
to Prakrti or Maya in the Sankhya philosophy).

The Instrumental Plural runs, M., F., X. ihi, ehi, tihf, teM, jeM,
jihi. Eyd, iyd, etc., also occur for the F. instrumental plural. The
variant yehi occurs for the X. instr. plural (xviii, 313). References
have been omitted as a rule for these constantly recurring forms.
They also show textual variations in all the cases.

There are miscellaneous pronouns, some of which are noted as

THE GRAMMAR OF THE JXAXESVARI

563

under : Aise “ such ii, 11 ; jaise " just as ", ii, 8 ; taise “ such ”,
ii, 8 ; kaise “ like what 1 ", ii, 61 (kayisa, ii, 7) : kavana “ who
ii, 6 ; kavhana “ who ”, ii, 269 ; kai what ", xviii, 267 {kahjaceni
antahkarane with what heart ". viii. 122) ; apide one's own ",
ii. 57 ; jevhade “ as much ", ix, 258 : kevhadd " how much ? ”, xiii, 64 ;
yetide so many ", vi, 334 ; etide so many vi. 438 : jetuke as
much", vi, 425: ketuke “how much 1 xiii, 639; kitide “how
many?”, x, 67; tetide “so many", ii, 261; itule “so many",
.X, 61 ; svaye ‘‘ by one's self ”, “ personally ". ii, 33 (instr.) ; savate
" one's own ”, xiii. 583 ; kalcc “ like what ", ix, 9 ; tesane “ such ”,
ix, 9 ; yesane “ such ”, i, 261 ; nija “ one's own ", xviii, 495 ; yere
“ other ", vi, 221 ; dpanape “ self " [“ the soul "], ii, 119 [xviii. 290],

Particles

Some are noted as follows. As they constantly occur, no references
are given except in two instances. Gd “ oh ! ”, hana or hdna and ci are
enclitics ; ci may also be used as an enhancing particle, e.g. kimbahund
Dhananjayd \ strl ci sarvasva jayd \ dni tiyeciya jdlayd- \ Idgt prema 1|
“ in short oh Arjuna the man to whom his wife alone is everything
and whose love (is) for her offspring”, xiii, 802. Je at the commence-
ment of a sentence is sometimes used in the sense of “ because ”
or as an introductory particle. Je to dtmabodhe tosald “ because he
has obtained satisfaction by knowledge of self ”, iii, 147. Pal and pd
are used independently and also after the Imperative : pahe pd
“ do ”, “ pray " consider. They are contractions of pdh'i and
pdhd respectively. Kira “ it is true ; hokd or liokdja “ why not ”,
“to be sure”; jhane (1) “perhaps"’, (2) “ beM’are lest”; 7idnd
“ or ”, “ otherwise ”, in introducing a statement [>idnyathd] ; md
(1) “ then (maga), (2) expresses astonishment. (3) asks a question.

hd gd “ yes to be sure ; nd (1) “ or (2) otherwise (3) “ and ”,
(4) “ but ” ; ki (1) “ surely ”, (2) “ or ", (3) used as an enclitic ;
kd (1) “and”, (2) “or", (3) “why?”; ndtari “otherwise”; hdho
“ yes, to be sure ”.

The Verb

1. The Aorist. — As in the case of the noun the Sanskrit tenses
and conjugations underwent reduction and amalgamation until finally
the aorist and the imperative were the only synthetic forms left in
Marathi. The terminations of the aorist are as follows : —

Singular. Plural.

1. e, % u, 0

2. asi, isi d, d

3. e, i, ai ati. Hi

564

W. DUDERET —

In the modern language this tense is employed as a past habitual
in affirmative clauses and to express the idea of unwillingness in
negative clauses. It still, however, lingers on in it.s original sense
of e.xpres.sing action independent of time, present, past, or future,
in proverbs and pithy sayings, eg. phiitalc woU tntal? hiana scmdkn
na sake vidhdtCi the Creator cannot mend a fractured i)earl or a
broken heart . Jticudu Inije chdda to nde tdilaotdda " He who is
sought after may overleap palm and coco-nut trees .

Instances occur of verbs used transitively as.suming intransitive
endings, e.g. jane. lultare " I do not practice ; pahe, jnjhe. deklie.
mhane, nene " he knows not ” ; itihamfi "they make a jiarade of ;
neghati ‘‘ they take not " ; sdlmti " they endure ; and of the reverse
process, itthj. hasni. sivai. rKiiiijhiiait) "they clang

2. The Imperative takes the following termination, s : —

Singular. Plural.

2. e. f, at, a d. a

3. o otii, atu.

eis the usual termination of the 2ud .sing, for intran.sitive verbs ;
f for transitives. Exceptions similar to those occurring in the aorist
are found in the corresponding imperatives, e.g. pcihe. pdhi " look .
viii. 177, ii. 133 : utht " arise ". ii. 18 ; upnsdhe " bear with ", vi, 21 :
hast “ laugh ", etc. Madagavakara shows a decided preference for
ai. dekhai " see ", where Sakhare has dekhe. Rajavade give.s jdnal
“ know ", dikal “ hear ", which also occur in Madagavakara.

The anusvdra in the 2nd plural is unstable, e.g. parigesd '' listen .
X, 111 ; dekhd “see ", v, 10. The precative plural is illustrated by
the following : asotu ije vdgdm “ let these idle words cease ix. 186 ;
rnnga knrmendrigP vgdpdri varlalu sukhe “ then let the organs of action
function as they please ", iii. 76.

3. The Future . — The need of a definite tense to express future
action mu.st soon have been felt, so we find a future tense built up
analjdically on the aori.st by the addition of 1. Sometimes the
3rd singular ends in aila. e.g. varusaila " it will rain ", ii, 79. In the
1st singidar the I has been assimilated to n after anusvdra on
phonetical grounds. This I may be the abraded form of some such
verbal root as lav or le as Bloch (op. cit.. §§ 240-2) suggests. But
it may be permissible, as Beames doe.s. to refer it to the root lag. which
was in use in the jjoet's time as an inceptive.

4. Indeclinable and Declinable Present Participles . — In the evolution
of the analytic conjugation the undeclined present participle in t

THE GRAMMAR OF THE JNANESVARI

565

played a great and principal part. In the Jhanesvari we constantly
find it standing detached and used as the ec[uivalent of a present
definite (cf. a similar use in Old Gujarati and Hindi, and see Beames,
vol. iii, chap. ii). Examples are : Pdhe pa tarahga tarl hota jata I
]Kiri tetha udaka te dkhanda asata | tevl bhuta-bhdvi ndsii/anta | avindsa
je I “ behold as water is indestructible, though the waves come and go,
so Brahma is indestructible, who is de.structible from the view-point of
creation ”, viii. 177 : he anddisiddha du/have | hota jata svabhdve |
iarl till'd ka socdve \ sdnga'i maja • “all this established from
Eternity, arises and fades away naturally, so tell me why thou
.shouldst repine ", ii. 100. The locative of this participle expresses
concurrent or continuous action, as in the modern language. The
declinable td form of the present participle was used chiefly (1) as
a noun of agency, e.g. kl tfi eka vadhita | diii sakaJaloka hd marata |
aisl bkrdntl jhage cittd \ geco desl \ " or beware lest thou allowest
the illusion to enter thy mind that thou art a slager and all this
multitude the vifti)i> ", ii. 99. (2) Gonstantly as a participial

adjective ; vddhate jhdda a growing tree ", x, 69 ; padhigantd thdgi
“ in an agreeable place xviii. 79. Bloch states (op. cit., § 244)
that this td participle is employed with the equivalence of a 3rd
person present definite. The point may be conceded without admitting
that this is the primary use. Indeed, in the two examples cited by
Bloch and elseuliere the td forms may equally well be translated as
nouns of agency, and in the third pa.ssage there is a doubt as regards
the correct reading, six texts, including the Paithana, placing an
anusvdra over mhanntd and dekhatd. which would show that these
are static participles in the d locative case, used loosely as tense
forms. But Bloch raises two issues, which are more important. In
the first place he asserts (op. cit., § 248) that the to forms of the modern
present definite, M’hich occur in Xamafleva, but not in the Jnanesvarl,
were evolved contemporaneously with the td forms, which now do
duty for the modern conditional, and that Jnanadeva, being “ un
poete savant did not employ the former for that reason. Now in
the first place Jnanadeva was not “ un poHe savant " in the sense
that he disregarded current Marathi orthography and grammar or
failed to employ homely language. For he repeatedly lays marked
stress on the beauties of “ Marhati ", which in one passage (vi, 133)
he speaks of as desl Marhdtl. It is inconceivable therefore that he
should have deliberately omitted to use the to present even in a
single instance, had it been current in his day. On the other hand,

566

W. DODEEET —

Nama, who survived for over fifty years after Jfianoba's decease in
A.D. 1296, was certainly “ un poete populaire But it was for this
very reason that we cannot say with assurance that the “ to ” forms
were current in Nama's time. Thousands of his ahhangas have been
lost, and those which have survived have become extensively
modernized from constant repetition in the mouths of the populace.

But secondly, the question is not so much as regards priority in
point of time between the to and td forms, but as concerns the genesis
of the former. It is best to take matters from the beginning as we
find them in Jnanadeva. AVe have then : (1) an indeclinable t

participle, loosely but very frequently used as the equivalent of
a present definite tense, and sometimes occurring in the singular
with the variant tu : (ii) a declinable id participle used frequently
(1) as a noun of agency, (2) often as a participial adjective, and
(3) loosely and infrequently as a present tense ; (iii) the t participle
over and over again appearing in combination with (i.e. either attached
to, or preceding or even following after) the aorist of the verb “ to

be ”, thus : —

Singular

1. mi vartaia ase (iii, 160)
mi jartatu ase (xv, 438)

2. til parisata ahasi (Tiii, 54)
ti palitasi (xi, 311)

ta karitu (ihasi (ii, 12)

3. to ase bolata (i, 192)
to nacatuse (x, 173)
to karita ase (ii, 1)
to disatase (ii, 4, 31)
to gamata dhe (ii, 70)
to umatdhe (vi, 133)

Plural

1. dmhi dhd . . . Karita (ix, 7)
amhi sdngatasd (x, 208 ; vi, 163)

2. tumhi bolata asa (iv, 184)
tumhi pokhitasa (v, 2)
tumhi gh&litasd (xviii, 292)

3. te vdhata ci dhati (viii, 183)
te dcaratdti (ii, 171)

AVe see here the process of fusion going on before our eyes.
The 3rd plural of the modern present (indicative mood) is already
evolved and the h of dhdti has disappeared. Similarly the 1st plural
has taken the first step towards integration in sddgatasd, and it will
not be long before the sibilant is submerged. So also in the 2nd
plural. Now it is significant that while the plural has practically
stiU retained its archaic form, the o model is already present in the
archaic 1st plural. In the Jnanesvarl we constantly find Arjuna
or Srlkrsna speaking of themselves as mi “ I ”, and after a few ovis
later on, using the 1st plural of the verb. Nor is this strange, for
the idiom of the language is to use dmhi “ we ' as equivalent to ml.
when a person is speaking of himself. It is therefore suggested
that the o impetus was communicated in a natural manner from the

THE GRAMMAR OF THE JXAXESVARI

567

1st plural to the 1st singular, and subsequentlv to the 2nd and 3rd
singular of the modern present definite. It would seem preferable
thus to account for the o element in the singular of the modern tense
from its actual presence in the archaic 1st plirral than to work back-
wards from an extraneous 3rd personal pronoun, as Bloch suggests,
or to imagine because Jfianadeva occasionally and apparently for the
sake of rhythm or rhyme places a to “ he " after a td participle,
e.g. puravitd to in i, 27. “ he is the provider," or after the aorist. as
in a bhdvl to “ he experiences ", v, 157, that the remote demonstrative
was the origin of the o element in the modern present definite ten.se.
To repeat, the td form of the present participle had nothing to do with
the organic evolution of the modern present definite. That evolution
can more satisfactorily and simply be traced to internal develop-
ments in a tense, which already possessed the o element, and whose
component parts were the indeclinable t participle and the aorist
of the verb to be. Everything happens as if this present definite
tense was not fully developed until some time after Jhanadeva and
Nama. The td participle lost after Jfianadeva 's time one of its principal
uses as a noun of agency and was replaced by the wdra form, which
is of rare and doubtful occurrence in the Jiianesvarl. MTiat then
more natural than that this semi-derelict form was left to function
as a conditional, a mood which appears to have been a later develop-
ment in the Marathi language, as it does not occiu: in the Jiianesvarl.
The F. and N. forms of the modern present definite were clearly a
development after Jfianadeva ’s time and need not be discussed in
this place.

As regards the variant form in u. found only in the singular.
Rajavade (op. cit., p. 114) gives (1) karito < karitu + u, (2) karitosi <
karitu -f- si, and (3) karito < karitu. Xow this u is apparently the
same Apabhrasa attachment, which we meet with in nouns. But
as the to participial forms of the modern verb were not evolved until
after Jfianadeva’s time, it is necessary to suppose that the participial
ending in u continued in currency for some time after the thirteenth
century, a supposition which is not borne out by the facts. This
leads to the inference that the u participle was a moribund, if not
already an archaic form in the poet's time and that it was not possessed
of sufficient vitality to affect conjugation or to effect the evolution of
a new tense form. Madagavakara's text indeed shows a sparing use
of the u form, both in the case of participles as well as of nouns.
Sakhare, on the other hand, hardly ever reads a t participle without

568

W. DODERET —

the M attachment. But then Sakhare has been extensively retouched
and is unreliable on this account and because of his modernity.

5. Past Participle and Tense. — The so-called past tense, which is
really a declinable past participle, was formed by the addition of
/ or il the abraded forms of the Prakrit adjectival suffix Uln either
(1) to the verbal stem or (2) to the t participle. The latter method
explains the following forms found in the Jhanesvarl. some of which,
in retaining the t. have survived to the present day : hdnitalii/n
“ on having struck ”, ii, 140 ; mhanitale *' spoken ", iii, 1 ; sdhgitale
‘'spoken”, iv, 36; khddali “eaten”, xi, 82; janitale “known”,
iv. 81; ghetale “taken”, xv, 411; dhutali “washed”, viii. 64:
hag{h)itale “ seen ”, vogha-bage vegalika ‘‘ distinct bv looking at the
streams ”, xviii, 52 ; patato “ we arrived ”, vi, 2 ; sivatale ” touched ”.
ix. 195 ; haraiale “ lost ”, xviii, 150 ; jitile “ conquered ”, v. 148 ;
mdpitald bolt bolide, nutald pciiilt cdlije “ speak in measured words,
walk with ordered tread ”, vi, 350.

Bas or bais “sit ' and pais “enter” have baithald and paithald
in the ^last tense and participle. Vide xviii. 597. 677, and cf. the similar
Gujarati forms. The apparent anomaly can be explained when the
derivation is examined.

There are a limited number of past participles of the following
type : dinhnld " given " found in the Patan inscription of a.d. 1206
(vide Bloch, op. cit.. § 284) ; jhunjinale, jujhinnale “ fought ”, x, 38 :
padinald, padinnald “ fallen . ix, 45 ; vddhinalagd “ on having
increased , iv, 10 ; padkinale, padhinnale “ learnt ”, ix, 176 ;
dhdvinale, dhdvinnale “ ran ”, xviii, 162 ; jaginalagd “ on having
awakened ”, xviii, 215 ; sdsinale, sdsinnale “ matured ”, xi. 11 ;
minale ” mixed ii, 127 ; tapindld. tapinnald “ heated ”. ix. 422 :
jdcinalld “ tormented ”, xvi, ‘252 ; bhajinnald “ worshipped ”. xvii, 8 :
dubJiinnaU “gave milk”, xviii, 1689; Mmpinale “trembled”,
xi, 486 ; which appear to go back and practically reproduce the
Prakrit “ model ” dinm + ilia. Didhale “ given ”. ix. 177. which
occurs frequently, is of the Prakrit p.p. type, laddha, daddka, etc.
Cf. Gujarati pulhu, dldhu, etc. Some verbs, which attach the I
termination to the stem of the verb, lengthen the final vowel of a to
a before dom^ so, on the model, of nigha, nighdld “ set out ”. This
is, ho^^e^er, an unstable class, except in the case of monosyllabic
roots. The root khdnd (1) “dig”, (2) “break” has the form
klidmlill (mdn mdji) “dug” (in the heath), xviii, 35. Khanitale,
from the root khan, does not occur.

THE GRAMMAR OF THE JXAXESVARI

569

Verbs used transitively are sometimes conjugated in the past
tense as if they Mere intransitives. This is in keeping uith more
modern popular speech, as noted by Godabole (op. cit., pp. 236-7).
Thus M'e have in xviii, 1770, mi yranthalo " I composed On the
other hand, ^ye meet M’ith the reverse process in such passages as
vi. 486. Trihhuvanaikanarendre holile giniasamudre the one and
only monarch of the three worlds, the ocean of virtue, spake The
locative of this participle is used like the locative of the present
participle to e.vpress action simultaneous or processional with that of
another verb, e.g.jaisd prakatalai/a yahhastl asesahl mdrga disatl “ just
as countless paths become visible as soon as the sun has shone forth ”,
ii. 261. It is also used freely as a participial adjective and is declined ;
thirdvaleni antahkarane " with heart composed ", i, 61.

It should be noted that as the Prakrit suffix ilia u'as attached to
both classes of verbs, it appears in such verbs as holild " I sj)oke ”,
ceilagn “ after awakening ", xv, 559 ; mhanilale. saiiqiiale, etc. In the
latter verbs the vowels a and i have been interchanged. A ])eculiar
form of the 1st singular of the past tense deserves notice. The
termination is la. In i, 76, the Paithana JIS. has ml jarl jdla
aviveka “ although I have proved an ignoramus In xviii. 284, there
is a very clear instance, as eleven out of twelve texts yield ml tujhe
jdla dhe khelane dji " I have become your jdaything to-day ". In
vi. 74, two texts, including the Paithana, have navhc chorald and
two have navhe rhnralo " I have not stolen ", Over tu-enty other
instances have neen noted, sufficient in number and clear in the context
to conclude that the la was a variant form of lu in the poet’s time
and that in certain texts the copyist has been bu.sy in changing Id into
Id. It seems that we have in Id the older form of the Lst person,
possibly evolved from the nom. sing. masc. plus the anusvdra of the
1st sing, aorist. Subsequently the influence of the 1st plural in d
would, as noted above, extend itself to the 1st .singular and finallv
submerge the a form.

6. The Conjunctive Participle . — The forms of this participle
terminate in uni, uni. unit, oni, aiini. dfini, duni. u-ith the optional
enlargement to unigci, etc. Bloch has shoMui clearly that the simpler
forms are nothing but the ablatives of the iMarathI verbal .stem plus
the ni locative attachment, abbreviated from tani. as in the case of
the ablatives of nouns (e.g. kara + m + ni : Idga + ft + ni). Nigd
is a strengthened locative in d with intervocalic g. All this accords
logically uhth the locative being the case of the present and past

570

W. DODERET —

participles employed to denote concurrent or processional action.
Examples are as follows : jaise svapndmaji deJchije \ te svapnf ei
sdca dpaje [ maga ceiiniya pdhije \ tdva kdhX ndki || “ just as what i.s
seen in a dream appears real only in a dream ; then when an awakening
it is looked for nothing is visible ”, ii, 139 ; tu jhane kahi gd vdtd
visaroni jdsl “ beware lest thou in forgetfulness goest by this road ”,
V, 127. The type mJianduni occurs in Madagavakara and Sakhare,
e.g. in ii, 145 ; not in Rajavade. M. has mhanauni (with the diphthong)
where S. and R. read mhanuni or mhanoni. Mhanauni, occurring
in M. and S. > mhanoni, which in the form mhanona occurs in corre-
spondence of the Pesva's Court at the end of the eighteenth century.
The unu form is rare. Nedunu “ not having permitted xvi, 70 ;
perunu “ having sown xvi, 148, etc.

The Nagava inscription of a.d. 1367 contains the following con-
junctive participles, ending in ni, karuni (occurring three times),
mhanauni, sodvuni. The inscription is in prose, and shows that
Rajava^e’s explanation of the i, iyd terminations as being poetical
addenda cannot be correct. (.See remarks under instrumental.)

7. Participle of Obligation . — This participle, indicating obligation,
moral duty, and the like, and ending in dvd, etc., from the Sanskrit
tavya is found throughout the Jnanesvari and does not differ in the
construction from the identical modern form, e.g. tuvd juhjhdve
“ thou must fight ”, ii, 136.

8. The Infinitive . — This form in w or d is employed much more
freely in the Jnanesvari than in modern Marathi, e.g. juiijhd dldsi
“ thou earnest to do battle ”, ii, 206 ; cdlo nenije “ it is not known
how to walk ”, ii, 223 ; bold kevi mi jdne “ how do I know how to
utter ”, X, 22 ; jivd mard visarale “ they forgot to live or to die

X, 119 ; maga ekeka vegale nivadU na ye “ then each cannot be dis-
tinguished separately ”, v, 154 ; karu sarale “ ceased to act ”, xv. 587.
The evolution of the u form from the Sanskrit turn is recognized
by all.

9. The Verbal Noun . — This noun seems to have been the starting-
point from which the modern nara, ndrd participle or noun of agency
was developed. We have at first nouns of agency in nd. In iii, 156,
it is written mdrgi andhdsarisd pudhd dekhandhi cdle jaisd “ just as
a man even who can see, accompanying a blind man on the road,
walks in front ”, and in xv, 381, aise dekhane te pdhtdna dhdtl “ behold
those who take this view are different ” ; parisaneydciyd raya “ oh
prince of listeners ! ”, viii, 58. The suffixes kdra, kdrd, etc., were

THE GRAMMAR OF THE JXAXESVARI

571

added to yield dekJuiara. d on the analogy of kto'xbhakara. kumbhdra
(“ potter ").

10. The Verb " to he " . — The following additional forms may be
noted : dthi is " is never used in composition with a participle.
dni dthi ndthi tituke \ nindhale use ijene ci eke | kalpdntfcena udake \
vyoma jaise “ and whatever exists or does not exist is enveloped
by this single (tree), much as the sky (is enveloped) by the waters
at the end of an geon ”, xv, 53. Athi is also used in the plural in
xi, 452.

Present participle sdtitd, sdtd, 1, e from Prakrit santao : Akdlicf
ahhre jaisi | lirmivlna dkdsi | hdrapati dpaisi | udaili sdntt || “much
as unseasonable clouds are dissolved of themselves in the sky M’ithout
discharging rain, as soon as they are formed ", iv. 117 ; jaisi tlrl
ndva na dhale [ teiikaU sdtl || “ just as a boat when tied to the river
bank does not move”, vii, 4. The Passive asije “to be” occurs in
vi, 170, and elsewhere.

Past Participle : Athild, etc., “ possessed “ existing ” ; taiseni
unmese athild “ possessed with such knowledge ", xiii, 630 ; dthile
ci gupa vdnitd “ in praising the existing virtues ”, xiii. 186.

Aheti may stand for the more usual dhdti : Vikhurale dheti trijagati
dghaviye “ are spread abroad in the three worlds ”, x. 82.

The stem ho “ become ”, “ be ”, takes the forms hoye, hoyi in the
Imperative, e.g. niscala hoye antari “ be steadfast at heart ”, iii, 76 ;
tu dtd sdvadha hoi “ be attentive now ”, ii, 185. And in the second
plural future, hodla, iii, 99. And in the participle of obligation
hddvd, etc., hddvi karmi dsthd “ there should be zeal in (doing one's
allotted) tasks ”, iii, 153. Also hovdvi in ix, 257 : hovl in x, 212.

11. The Negative Verb. — When the negative participle na precedes
the verb it is often compounded udth it and attracts the vowel of
the verbal root towards itself, e.g. citta mahdsukhi ‘pahudaliyd cevo
neghe “ when the mind is slumbering in great delight it does not
awaken ”, vi, 370 ; nene cijo “ who does not know ” (najdne), vi, 405 ;
tetha ndtude to vdgure “ he is not caught in the net ”, xviii, 956 ;
kaM ci dainya nedokhe “ never pays attention {na dekhe) to poverty ”,
V, 90 ; ninage {na nige) “ does not set out ”, xvi, 125 ; nedisi “ thou
givest not ”, ii, 8 ; nedila = na della “ wiU not give ”, iii, 106 :
indriye haralo neddvi “ the bodily organs should not be allowed {na
dydvi) to act according to their sweet will”, iii, 116. The following
forms of the negative verb “ not to be ” may be noted : Nahe “ is
not ”, xviii, 115 ; ndthi “ is not ”, xv, 53 ; nohe “ is not ii, 67 ;

W. DODERET —

0 /-'

navfiaila “ he will not be ”, iii, 227 ; navheti " they are not ”, vi, 399 ;
nohave “ should not be ", iii, 171, with variants nahciva, v, 12. navhava,
vi, 348 ; nohije “ not to be ”, ix, 68 ; ml nolle. “ I am not ”, ix. 262 ;
tu navhesi “ thou art not ”, x, 174 ; ml naso “ I am not ", iv, 41 ;
navkasi “thou art not ”, vadJiita tu navhasi “ thou art not the slayer ”,
ii, 138 ; nathile “ non-existent ”, “ illusive ” ; ndihile socil baisije
“ to continue to deplore the non-existent ”, ii, 196.

12. Potentials. — This mood is expres.sed in five ways: (1) the
verb ye “ come ” is used with the infinitive of the principal verb.
Jaise pavane toya kalavale | dni taranydk-dra jale | tarl kavann ke
janmaU \ mliano ye ' “ similarly can one say what has arisen or where,
in water, which stirred by the breeze, has a.ssumed the form of waves ? ”
ii, 106. ( 2 ) The subject of the sentence is put in the dative and the
verb in the v potential form. Mdydmaya he saritd na tarave jlvd
mankind cannot traver.se this river of illusion ”, vii, 96. (3) The

construction is with sak “ to be able ” and the infinitive of the principal
verb. Mhanauni aikai Arjund | jaisd visphuliiiga Idye indhnnd \
maga to praudha jdlayd tribhuvana \ puro sake |; “ therefore harken
oh Arjuna. just as a .spark alights on fuel and then having waxed
mighty can fill the three worlds ", ii. 329. (4) A verb u.sed tran.sitively
or intransitively may in appropriate contexts convey a potential
meaning. Ekd pkaldbhiln.pt nn take “ some cannot forgo the desire
for reward ”. xviii. 13.o. Pari tynjitd karma na tynje ” one cannot
avoid one s lot even if one tries , iii, 52. This use has continued to the
present day. (5) The verb jxivane “ to accrue ” is used with the
infinitive of the principal verb. Hd sdnydsa jai sambhave ] tai kdmya
bddhu na pave “ an action fraught with desire cannot harm when this
detachedness arises ”, xviii, 127.

13. Passive Voice. — This has been dealt with at length in the
School Bulletin, Vol. IV. Pt. I, pp. .59-64, and the derivation of the
j, p, and pij passive forms explained. The j form is most frequently
employed. The passive was in full vigour in the poet's time and even
verbs used intransitively could be construed in the third person
of this voice and used impersonally, e.g. jaije “ to be gone ”,
ii, 47 ; nasije “ not to remain ”, i, ' 205 .
ii, 1 19. A few examples of the use of the passive will suffice.
Te yajTiavasista bhogl [ mhanauni sdinlije aghi j jaydparl
mahdrogi | ampa siddhi “he is .set free by sins because he
partakes of the leavings of the sacrificial offerings, ju.st as nectar is
efficacious in times of .severe illne.ss . iii. 123 ; md mahdnadi kdl

THE GRAMMAR OF THE JXAXESVARI

573

jdnijnti " then are great rivers recognized ? xiv. Id ; jal puratiyd
satvasuddhi \ acarije dstiJcyabuddhi \ tal Unjdte ci yd prabuddM |
sdtvika mhinipe " when belief in God is practised with complete
purity of disposition then that man is termed virtuous by the Mdse ",
xvii, ddl. The placing of the subject of the sentence in the dative
is noteworthy in view of the fact that that case is employed in the
modern Kartnani construction myd tydld iiidrilc = inayd tayd \Jdy>.
te, 5i] mdrile or mdrijele, literally ‘‘ by me in regard to him killed
Another example is Hn yd jarl mi klje | lari ajddiid kdyn uinaje \ tih'i
kavanl jKirl jdnije \ mdrydte ; " yes to be siu'e wliat will the ignorant
understand if it be not done thus and how nill the (right) path be
recognized by them iii, 157.

The rare nij forms have all been quoted and translated in Bulletin,
Yol. IV, Pt. 1.

14. The Casual Verb . — This does not differ from the modern form ;
tan rmja karavt he h'lsaka kd karavisl then why dost thou cause me
to commit this heinous deed iii, 4.

KODAGU PEDA, TULU PUDAR

By Edwin H. Tuttle

T X the fourth volume of the Linguistic Siirveg of India, which
-L includes most of the important varieties of Dravidian, Konow
has tried to classify the languages described. Evidently Kanara
goes with Tamil, Gondi with Kui, and Kurukh with Malto, while
Brahui and Telugu do not seem to be closely related to any of the other
main divisions. Unfortunately the Linguistic Survey fails to giv^e
accounts of Kodagu (the language of Coorg) and Tulu. Konow has
wrongly put both of these with the Kanara-Tamil group. Their
linguistic position outside of the group, contrary to their present
geographic position, is shown by the derivatives of *pitar (name) :
Kanara hesaru, older pesar, Tamil per, older pejar, Kodagu peda,
Tulu pudur, Telugu peru, Gondi parol or parol, Kui pada or pdda,
Kuvi doru, Parji pidir, Brahui jnn. Kodagu peda is given in Cole's
grammar (1867). Caldwell noticed Tulu pudar seventy years ago, but
failed to understand what is implied by the d corresponding to Tamil^'.'

Kanara regularly has s (often misrepresented as f by Caldwell)
for c not in contact wdth a consonant. Spoken Tamil has sometimes ^
(wTitten as c) and sometimes j for an ancient c between vow’els. In
some regions Tamil c became voiced and changed to a fricative betw^een
vowels, while in others the voicing of occlusives was later than the
change of c to an affricate, which was not subject to voicing and has
become a vmiceless fricative. In Kanara and Tamil the word *pitar
changed through *picar to *p€car, t being palatalized by i as in Kanara
kdnis- < *kanic- < *kdnit- < *kdnitt- (showd. corresponding to Tamil
kdU- < *kdNtt- < *kanitt-, the causative of kan- (see).

Outside of the Kanara-Tamil group the derivatives of *pifar
developed d without palatalization. Telugu has vrelu ~ Kanara
beral, Tamil viral (finger) ; mrdnu = Kanara maram, Tamil maram
(tree), and mrolu as a variant of modalu = Kanara modal, Tamil
mudal (front). We may therefore assume Telugu *preru < *pedar <
*pitar. Modern Telugu has velu for vrelu, mdnu for mrdnu ;
dissimilation caused a parallel but earlier loss of r in peru < *preru.

Gondi has midr = Brahui rvmsir (daughter), with a normal loss of
medial s, and with vowel-displacement accompanving an old stress-

^ I use j for cousonarit-i ; capitals for voiceless sounds that lack separate letters,
as L. -A', R ; and a circumflex to mark main stress combined with length.

576

EDWIN H. TUTTLE —

displacement : apparently the word is still ininr. but we lack
information about Gondi stress. Similarly Gondi has ;x// 6/ < *jx)hir ■ .
*pudm < *pitnr. with medial r for r as in mnm = Tamil imrani and
with I for d as in nudol < *mokil < *iH'tdaI < (hare). From

Kui ari — Telugu adt (that), and mradii < *m>trnl < *)nut(il (hare),
we might expect *prdru as the Kui derivative of *pttar. The lorm
puda, as given in Friend- Pereira's grammar (1909), or jHldd. as given
in the Linguistic Surveg, probably im])lies the development *]irdd
*’f>ridd < *pidm < *pitar : a change of d to r in * prdd was prevented
by what may be called negative dissimdation, and the r became n
too late for a formation of r as in *murdl < *)tii(daL Kui seems to have
redeveloped the general Dravidian ])rinciple of initial stres.s ; but it
shared with Gondi and Telugu an early tendencv to displace stress,
as shown in nirddu and in mrnu < *mirdii < *midru = Gondi miur.

Kuvi, as described in Schulze's grammar (1911). seems to be a
variety of Kui modified by Telugu. It differs from ordinary Kui in
lacking the change of I to d : illu -- Tamil il, Telugu illu. Kui idu or
iddu (house), hil- = Gondi hd-. Kui sid-. Tamil il-. Telugu I- (be). It
has formed an initial d from dr. as in ddlu = Kui drddu (voung animal).
We may therefore assume *dr6r as an older form of Kuvi doni. Since
sound-displacement is a common feature of Gondi -Kui. *drdr could
have come from *durar. Kui phonology allows us to infer *durar <
*diidar. Apparently *pitar became *pud<ir and developed the variant
*dupar in Kuvi ; *dudar was a blend of the two forms. The Linguistic
Surveg puts Parji with Gondi. although some of its traits are Kui-
like. In any case the word pidir is the mo.st conservative of the
Dravidian forms.

Brahui pin can be explained as representing * pinna < *pidna <
*pitna < *pitnn. with n for r under the influence of Arvan numan.
Apparently Brahui lacks the widespread Dravidian voicing of occlusives
between vowels, but a change of tn to dyi could be normal where inter-
vocalic t remained voiceless.

Kodagu peda and Tulu pudar are nearly the same as Gdndi-Kui
*puda)\ *pidra, pidir, and essentially different from Kanara-Tamil
*picar. Putting Kodagu and Tulu with Kanara-Tamil is like calling
Spanish a dialect of Portuguese, in spite of the differences between
buena and boa < bona.

Tulu basdzi

Gondi vandzer (tongue) and Kui vayjgosi (tongue) are quite different
from equivalents found in the other Dravidian languages. The basic

KODAGU PEDA, TULU PVVAE

577

form was apparently *ivatjkiatro. changed to *icm]kotria in Kui.
Gondi and Kui agree with Tamil in voicing simple occlusives in contact
with nasals. Gondi agrees with spoken Tamil in having r for dr <
tr after a vowel, as in sdr (six) = Tamil adrii (spoken an) < *satro.
Kui has dz for dr in sadz (six), and s for c in sd- (die) = Telugu ca-,
so we might assume -si < *-tsi < *-rcc < *-rtia < *-tria, with a dis-
placement of r which would keep the t from becoming voiced.

Tulu has dz for dr in ddzi (six) and mudzi (three) = Kui miindzi,
Tamil milndru. It developed something like *bandzedzi from
"^ivaykiatro, initial 6 for v being normal in Tidu (as in Kanara). A
reduction of *handzedzi or *bandzidzi produced bandzi (interior, heart,
belly). Gondi and Kui keep more of the general word-form than Tulu
does, but restrict the basic meaning ‘‘ inside " to the inside of the
mouth.

A form *wakiatro, without the nasal, developed through *wacatro
or *wacetro to Tamil vajidru, Kanara basiru, basuru, older basiR
(belly). It does not seem likely that a nasal has disappeared from
*wakiatro. We may assume that in 66ndi-Kui and Tulu the nasal
was added under the influence of some associated word. Here, just
as in regard to * pilar, Tulu agrees with the northern tongues and differs
from Kanara-Tamil.

VOL. IV. PART III.

.ss

THE IH IHDOHESIA

By J. Kats

/^XE of the most popular stories in India and East Asia is the story
of the adventures of Rama, whose consort Sita is carried off by
the giant king Eavana. From this event proceeds a great war, which
leads to the destruction of the tyrant and the return of Sita.

The most famous adaptation of Rama's adventures is the Indian
Ramayana of Valmiki, which probably was composed some centuries
before the Christian era. Besides this there are in India and in the
neighbouring countries many Riima -stories.

But also in more distant places the story of Rama's adversity and
SIta’s fidelity has had in all times a great many admirers. In Siam
it is known as “ Ramakien ”, in the Malay literature as " Hikajat
Seri Rama ”, in Java and Madura as “ Serat Rama ”, in the Island of
Bali as “ Ramayana ”, while pictures of this story have also found
their way to the north of Celebes and other i)arts of the Archipelago,

That the story was already known in Old Java is proved by the
Old Javanese poem Ramayana and by the reliefs on two groups of
temples, the one of which (Prambanan, Central Java) was built about
the ninth century a.d., and the other (Panataran, in East Java) some
centuries later. Many of the most important episodes in the story are
chiselled on the stones of these buildings.

Though the general course of the story in Indonesia in the main
is the same everywhere, one often meets great differences in the various
parts, especially in regard to the relationship of the chief characters,
for instance, between the Rama as used in the stage-plays in
Jogjakarta and the Javanese poem.

Whence these differences ?

Some consider that the original story has been spoilt. “ Original '’
is. according to them, the ” Serat Rama '’ as it is known everywhere in
Java, or the old Javanese Ramayana, ” spoilt ” is the Jogjakarta
version.

Others, who know that the Rama story was brought to Indonesia
by Hindu immigrants, explain the differences by the fact that this
story comes from two sources, which already varied in the place of
origin, India. There exist the Ramayana of Valmiki and a popular
version. Both have found their way to Indonesia.

580

J. KATS —

In this way the origin and the existence of the above-mentioned
differences are referred to an earlier time, and another country, but
with all that they are not yet explained. The respon.sibility for spoiling
the story is removed from Java to India, but with this it is not
yet settled, whether there are perhaps other reasons for these differences
than the incomplete knowledge of the " original " Ramayana.

Usually it is accepted that the Ramayana of Valmiki contains the
original story, from which the other Rama stories have been derived.
Valmiki is the great poet of ancient India, his poem forms a wonderful
tmity and none of the popular stories have reached the height of this
remarkable work. But — granted that Valmiki did not use the popular
or one of the popular versions— is it then quite certain that these
popular stories all have been derived from Valmiki’s Ramayana ? Is
it not possible that neither Valmiki nor the unknown popular storv-
tellers have created the story themselves, but that both took their
subject from a more ancient source, which they worked out, each in
his own way ? And in that case the question arises : Has the
original story been spoilt ? If .so, which of them has .spoilt it ?

The Bengali scholar Rai Saheb Dineschandra Sen has tried to solve
this probleni in a detailed discussion on the Bengali Ramayapas
(University of Calcutta, 1920). He supposes that the Ramayana
contains three parts, which have arisen independently of one another.

The first story is the story of Prince Rama, who — in consequence of
a court intrigue — has to leave the palace for many years, accompanied
by his brother Laksmana and his sister Sita. This .story is still found in
a Buddhist Jataka in the north of India.

Another part of the story contains the adventures of the pious
Ravana, who obtains great power by means of serious penance.

And still another story is that of the monkey Hanuman. This is
based on the ape-worship, which was practised in olden times in India
and which has not even yet entirely disappeared.

The connexion of these three stories might result in the
Ramayana , as it is found to-day in several versions and the main
features of which are the followino; : —

I. Rdim, who as the prince royal of Ayodhya is assigned to succeed
his father, is banished from the town in consequence of a court
intrigue. He is accompanied by Sita. here his consort (not his sister).

II. As he IS wandermg in the woods, a mighty giant king, Rdvana,
carries off his consort and brings her away to his own countrv.

HI. Rama sets out to deliver Sita, but only succeeds with the

THE RAMAYAXA IN INDONESIA

581

assistance of the monkey king Siigriva, and especially with the aid of
his dread commander Hanuman.

This is, in brief, the view of the Bengali scholar.

To compose one single story out of the above-mentioned three
stories, the chief characters have to be connected with one another.
Since there is originallv no connexion at all between these tales, it is
almost certain that different authors will do this in different ways.
And so the differences between the various versions will mainly be
found at the points of connexion.

Indeed, there are — as already mentioned — different versions of the
Rama story, and it is highly noteworthy that these differences in the
main are found in the relationship between the chief characters, that is ;
in the connexion of the three composite parts of the story.

Let us trace this point in the Rama stories which occur in Java and
Sumatra.

The afore-mentioned connexion may be pictured in the following
diagram : —

Rama

The author of a Rama-story ha.s to connect the parts : —

I and II
II and III
I and III

It is cj^uite possible that in the beginning the connexion has been
made in very different ways. But the inquiry is very easy for us as we
mainly have only two versions, which differ materially as regards the
connexions between the composite parts, that is ; the relationship
between the chief characters. All the other versions may be reduced
to one of these two, which we will call A and B.

The connexions between I and II are as follows : —

A. Havana’s sister, Surpanakha, falls in love with Rama's brother,
Laksmana. She is scornfully rejected. In revenge Ravana carries
away Rama's consort, the daughter of the king Janaka.

582

J. KATS —

B. The Malay ^vork “ Seri Rama " and the Javanese Rama
KMing " connect the two chief characters in this way : Rdvana
wishes to possess Mandodari. the mother of Rama, but he gets another
woman, exactly like her.^ In a supernatural manner Rama's father
goes to this pseudo-Mandodari who after that becomes the mother of
Sita, nominally a daughter of Ravana. Later on Rama marries Sita,
who — via the pseudo- JIandodari — is his sister.

(In the Jain writing “ Uttara Purana ’’ Sita is also a daughter of
Ravaria. In the Indian Adbhuta Ramayana she is a daughter of
Ravana s consort, Mandodari. who has drunk the blood of the rsi's
killed by Ravana.)

Between I and 111

A. Rama lends assistance to the monkey king Sugriva, who tlien
puts at his disposal his best commander, llanuman.

B. Here Hanumdn is a son of Rama and Anjani, a sister of Sugriva.
Hanuman and Rama are thus related to one another.

Between II and III

A. No other connexion than the light between Hanumdn (as a
helper of Rama) and Rdvana.

B. Hanumdn has a son. Hanuman Tugangga by name, who has
been educated by Rdvana' s son Gangga Mahasura.

In general, the connexion of the three parts is more close in B than
it is in A, because there there exists relationship between the chief
characters. With this is not said that the connexions in A are less
complete. On the contrary, even in putting these close connexions,
B has more odd and unnatural combinations than A, so that in this
last version the course of the story is in the main more satisfactory
and normal. That does not, however, imply that all those odd and
unnatural seeming combinations have been invented by the authors,
who have indulged in fancies because they were entirely ignorant
concerning the original story or who wished to give a new turn to the
story. In many cases the stories, which nowadays seem odd and
unnatural, incorporate very old manners and customs. In this respect
they are often more original than version A, which seems to us so much
more natural and logical.

1 Concerning a p.teiido-SUa see Wilhelm Printz,
Hermann Jacobi (Fritz Klopp, Bonn).

Helena und Sita " : Festgahc

THE EAMAYAXA IX IXDOXESIA

583

It w ould take us too far if we should treat all those old parts of the
story, for instance, the finding of ^landodari in a banibu-bush ; the
marriage of Rama with his own sister ; the fact that Eavana carries
off his own daughter, etc. (A detailed discussion of these stories has
been given by Dr. W. F. Stutterheim in his work Rdma-legenden und
Rdma-reliefs in Indoneslen. Georg Iliiller Verlag. iliincheu.)

The version A is to be found in the following : The Sanskrit
Riimayana of Valmiki. the Old Javanese Ramayana. the story which is
represented in the reliefs of the Panataran temple in East Java, the
modern Javanese ” Serat Rama ”.

The version B is to he found in : JIanv popular Indian Rama
stories, the ^lalay Hikajat Seri Rama the story which is rejire-
sented in the reliefs of the Prambanan temple in Central Java.^ the
Rama story as it is performed in the native theatre, especially in
Jogjakarta,^ The Rama .story in the " Serat Rama Keling in Java
and Madhura.

Besides the above-mentioned relationship there are still .some
important differences between the various versions.

(a) The Javanese “ Serat Rama " begins — just like the Indian
Jain Ramayana of Hemcandra Acarya (a.d. 1089-1173), and one of tlie
Malay versions — with the adventures of Ravana (not of Rama !). The
Javanese stage plays possess also a very circumstantial introduction —
the Arjuna-Sasra-Bahu-cycle — containing the adventures of Ravana
before he met Rama. This proves that not Rama but Ravana here
is considered as the chief character. It is strange that the “ Serat
Rama " — which for the rest has more similarity with the Ramayana
of Valmiki — in this respect differs from that epic and also begins with
the story of Eavana.

The Malay version especially shows a great appreciation of Ravana
in laying much stress upon his penance and upon the wonderful power
he obtained by it. (See also above.)

(b) Sita is considered as Rama’s sister in the Malay version, the
Javanese Rama Keling and the stage-plays in Jogjakarta. In this case
they coincide with the above-mentioned Buddhist Jataka.

In the Jataka Rama leaves the court in obedience to the will of his

' The reason of the similitude of these three versions perhaps lies in the relation
between Sumatra and Central Java in the time of the kingdom of Sriwijaya (eighth
century A.D.).

584

J. KATS

father, wlio is afraid that Eama and Laksmana will have to endure
the envy of his second consort, the mother of Bharata.

According to Vahniki's Ramayana in the old Javanese Ramayana
and in the modern Javanese version (Serat Rama) Rama is banished
from the court by the desire of Bharata ’s mother.

The Malay version relates that Rama leaves the court of his mm
free will, as soon as it has been determined that Bharata will succeed
their father in his kingdom.

In the stage plays of Jogjakarta, Bharata’s mother brings several
charges against Rama, whereupon he leaves the court.

(d) In the Malay “ Seri Rama ” as well as in the stage plays in
Jogjakarta Hanuman has a son — called respectively Tugangga and
Trigangga — who has been brought up by a son of Ravana, and who only
afterwards meets his father. In the other versions this fact is not
mentioned.

(e) In several Bengali versions it is related that a half-sister of
Rama, Kukua, a daughter of Kaikeyl, persuades Sita — after she has
come back to the capital — to draw a picture of Ravana on her fan.
As soon as Sita has fallen asleep, Kukua goes to Rama, telling him that
his consort cannot yet forget Ravana, that she has sketched his likeness
on her fan and even while sleeping holds it in her hand.

The versions, quoted above in A, do not mention this episode.
But we find it in the Malay story, where “ Kikewi Dewi ” is the informer.
Sita is then driven away from the comt, she goes to her protector,
3Iaharsi Kala, and gives birth to a son, Tabalavi. Later on she adopts
a boy who is called Gusi.

In the modern Javanese version Rama doubts the fidelity of Sita
during her stay at the court of Ravana, and on account of shame at
this treatment she resolves to burn herself. Thereupon she mounts
the pyre, but the fire does not harm her and the gods descend to testify
to Sita's fidelity.

The Indian Ramayana gives almost the same version in the final
song (which is a later adcbtion), and says that Rama nevertheless
banishes his consort,^ who — in the hermitage of Yalmiki — gives birth
to two sons, Ku&i and Lava. (In the Malay version these names have
become Gusi and Tabalavi.)

if) The Indian Jain-Ramayana tells of the love of Laksmana
for Princess Yanamala.

' The disowning of Sita by Rama is treated in the
Wilhelm Printz.

above-mentioned article of

THE RAJIAYAXA IN INDONESIA

585

In the stage-plays of Jogjakarta the monkey Jambawan has, in the
guise of Laksmana, a tryst with a maiden. It may be that this event is
based on a story like that in the Jain-Eamayana.

{g) In the stage plays of Jogjakarta it is related that Antraka
Vulan, consort of Kama’s brother Branta ( = Bharata) shows no
affection for her husband. She makes it a condition that he has to
puzzle out a riddle. Laksmana solves the riddle in the place of Bharata,
whereupon Antraka Yulan falls in love with Laksmana.

A coimterpart of this episode is found in the Malay “ Seri Kama
where Sandar Devi has a similar aversion to her husband Tabalavi.
Then Kama calls in the aid of Hanuman, who falls in love wdth Sandar
Devi and goes to her in the form of Tabalavi.

.4 STUDY OF THE OliOHA LANGUAGE, JL4Z.4.

SOLOMOY ISLAXDS
By W. G IvExs

Re'.earch Fellow, Mell>ourne Universitj

npHE material for the study presented here is derived from two
sources : (1) grammatical and linguistic notes, sentences, and
texts prepared by Bi.shop Patte.son at the iMelanesian iMission Head-
quarters at Kohimarama. Auckland. New Zealand, in the years
1863-4. and .subsequently included by H. C. von der Gabelentz in
the second part of his Melanesischcn Sjmirhen. 1873 : (2) grammatical
and linguistic notes collected by myself, along with a certain number
of words, in the year 19'25 at Sa‘a. Mala. This is the only .study of
the language made since 1873.

Bi.shop Patteson's material was given him by three men from
Oroha named Ara'ana. Radeweri, and Tangaheo, whom he had
recruited at Oroha and who accompanied him to Auckland. The
first of the texts given below de.scribes Ara ’ana's return home, and his
ceremonial hanging of a bunch of areca nuts alongside the relic case,
a wooden figure of a swordfish that contained his father's skull and
jawbones. This was done lest his father's ghost .should be angry at
his absence, and at the consequent failure to receive offerings, and
should irohi his son, i.e. visit him with sickness. The word ha‘aoho-
descriptive of the offering thus made after a voyage overseas, is used
also in Ulawa, Solomon Islands, with the same meaning. Ara ‘ana
did not return with the Bishop, and a year or so later he was taken
by a shark when out in his canoe. As he was a chief, the chiefs of
the neighbouring villages, his relatives, made a raid on Oroha and
were paid off with fines, the idea being that his people were responsible
for sending the shark. The first text begins with the pronmm E, which
von der Gabelentz classes as a form of the dual number, exclusive,
but it is more probably a form of the trial number, exclusive, since
the dual forms all begin with a, and also the “ we ” of the text evidently
refers to the three men. I have also made what I consider to be
necessary additions to the text (shown in brackets), some being
alterations in spelling, raa for ra “go. come", raona, raoi “in (it),
within ”. for ra na and raid, rauhi for raohi, “ to abide ", of ghostly
influences, the locative i in front of place names, the addition of
“ breaks ” in certain words, where the sign ‘ denotes a dropped
consonant.

588

W. G. IVEXS

Three words quoted by von der Gabelentz seem to be misprints
or mistakes: (1) the personal pronoun. 3rd pers. pi. Mri for kira-,
(2) the definite article ni, ni mane “ the man for nn, both ni and na
occurring in two places as part of the same quotation ; (3) the
spelling mai " to die ” for mae. Also I am sure that the inclusion
of ‘ ng’ (n) as a sound is incorrect, rongo “ hear ", for rono. The language
in question has only the ordinary “ n " sound, and the rejection
of “ ng ”, the nasalized “ n ” (as well as of “ mw ”, the nasalized
“ m ”) is one of its peculiarities. An instance is given of the use of
pw{q), fwarm ” sail ”, pandanus mat, but the sound of pw is foreign
to the language, and the word here given as jnvana should be rather
pana. I can offer no explanation of the word isun! “ to burn ”,
which von der Gabelentz evidently connects with suna “ fire ”.

My own information was given me by a man of the same people,
though not actually a native of Oroha. My informant hailed from
Tawa ni ‘ahi‘a, a village a few miles north-west of Oroha, and this
will account for the dialectical use of / in one instance, the illative
fiii “ thereupon, consequently ”, which Bishop Patteson gives as
pi and pui.

On the west coast of Little Mala there are at present three villages
inhabited by people who speak the language here represented, which
Sa‘a calls Tolo, i.e. hill, stranger, “ bushman " ; Xa'oni (Wapari),
Oroha, Pau. The Pan people till lately were domiciled at Tawa ni
‘ahi'a (Ariel Harbour) and have moved a little further west to their
present site, Pau. There are slight dialectical varieties between the
languages of the three places corresponding to their original places of
origin. The people are all immigrants, either from the dividing
channel in Mala, called Su‘u rodo (roto). the Xight or Dark Harbour,
by the peoples of South Mala, and charted as Mara Masike channel,
or from the lagoons near ITiu on the west coast. The Na‘oni and
Oroha peoples came originally from the dividing channel to their
present location, and the Tawa ni ‘ahi'a (Pau) people came from the
lagoons near Hhu (where the Spaniards called in 15G8). Na'oni is
close to Cape Zelee, the .south cape of Little Mala, and the Spaniards
anchored there also. (See Rogal Geographical Journal, April, 1926.)
There seems to be good evidence that the Spaniards also put into Ariel
Harbour. Oroha is about 1 mile west of Na‘oni, and a good govern-
ment track nov leads from Xa‘oni to Sa‘a across the peninsula formed
by Cape ZClee.

Bishop Patte.son seems to have called the Oroha language Mara

A STUDY OF THE OROHA LAXGUAGE

589

Ma-siki, i.e. Little Mala or Mara, after the (Tolo) name of the portion
of the island south of the dividing channel. The island Mala is called
Mara by these " Tolo ' speaking peoples, who have no I in their
language, but their word for " little '' is utasike (with a final e and
not i) or maimai. The Bishop po.ssibly had in mind the common
oceanic word rihi for “ little and regarded siki as = riki. while
the ma- woidd fit in as the ordinary adjectival prefix. 31en from
Oroha, either recruited locally by the Bishop, or taken by him from
Marau Sound (Tawa ni pupu), Guadalcanal, where thev were on a visit
to relatives, were the first people from Mala to go abroad, and it
was natural that their language should have been classed as JIara
Ma-siki, to the exclusion of the Sa‘a speaking peoples who were not
recruited till later. On an earlier voyage Bishop Patteson took men
from Marau Sound to Auckland and printed the Lord's Prayer,
Apostles’ Creed, and a small catechism in their language, and also
made grammatical notes. Most of the material appears in the first
part of von der Gabelentz. The language is Mala in origin, the Marau
Sound people having come there from the lagoons on the west coast
of Big Mala near Royahst Harbour. Through his connexion with the
people of Marau Sound Bishop Patteson was able to obtain an intro-
duction to Oroha . The little boat harbour where he landed at Oroha
alongside the village is called Ha‘au. All the three “ Tolo ” villages
of the west coast of Little Mala now have schools belonging to the
Melanesian Mission, Xo translations have been made into the
“ Tolo ” language as here represented.

A Grammar of the Language of Oroha
1. Alphabet
Vowels ; a, e, i, o, u.

Diphthongs ; ae, ai, ao, an, ei, on.

Consonants : iv, r, k, t, n, m, p, h. f, s.

The vowels have both long and short sounds, and the doubling
of a vowel denotes a lengthening of its sound : raa to go, to come
The use of the “ break ”, denoted by the sign ‘, denotes the dropping
of a consonant, usually of the “ Melanesian g ’’ ; I'a “ fish ” for iga ;
but k and t are also dropped, ke'e for keke, negative particle. ka‘a for
hata “ shell money ”, Lau hata. The sound of k is hard. There is
not such a distinct rolling of the r as occius in Sa‘a, and the language
is spoken more indistinctly, with little movement of the lips. A d
in Sa‘a may he represented by an s in Oroha : Sa'a hudi “ banana ”,

590

W. G. I\'EXS —

Oroha husi, Sa'a adu " work with adze Orolia asu, but in most
cases the Sa‘a d appears as t in Oroha. There are no closed syllables.

2. Articles

(n) Demonstrative : —

Singular : na, a ; infini, mad ; irari.

Plural : moi, mo.

(b) Personal : —
a.

(1) As stated in the introduction I am inclined to question the
use bv V. d. Gabelentz of ni as an article, and I regard bis ni as a
misprint for na. though ni is a demonstrative article in Wango, San
Cristoval. Although na is in actual u.se as an article, na mane

a man yet, as the texts given below show, the noun is commonly
used without it ; but a is in general use : a ora “ the thing a taa
“ what 1 ”. a hanua “ the land ". noko horoia ana a taa “ with what
am I to kill it ? ", a mera inau “ my child ”.

(2) The pair mani, mad, denote a part, a piece : 7nani sara
“ a piece of cloth ”. mad 7iiu “ a piece of coconut Mani may
also be used as an ordinary demonstrative article ; mani maeraa
“ a sickness ”, tnani icara *' a word ”, mani warana “ his word,
what he said ”.

(.3) Wari is used of round objects and of fruits : mari ni hau,
nari kau “a stone, a pebble' . wari nm “a coconut”, wari fare'o
“ a bread-fruit (The small club with a nodule of iron pyrites
attached enclosed in matting which is peculiar to the peoples in
the neighbourhood of Tim, and one of which the Spaniards found
in 1568 at Marau Sound, is called wari hau. It was probably ow'ing
to the iron pyrites attachment that the name Solomon Islands was
given to the group.) The Indonesian word huwah ‘‘ fruit ”, which
appears in Sa‘a and Ulawa in the forms hua, hoi [hou i), used of
round things or of fruit, and forming articles, appears as huhua in
Oroha but is of limited u.se i huhua i wai a bamboo water-carrier b
(The common Solomon Islands word for areca nut hua, pua, also derived
from huwah. is pua in Oroha.) The noun hau, which is of similar
derivation and is used in LTawa as an article, haudinqa “ a day ”,
appears also in Oroha, hau ni pou “a (drv) log”.

(4) Moi shortened to mo before o or h shows plurality both of
persons and things: moi inoni “ men", mo ora ‘‘things”.

(.5) I hai e an instance of si used as a demonstrative article,
si kainu a baler ”, where Sa‘a has idenu, danu “ bale ”, wdth i the

A STUDY OF THE OROHA LANGUAGE

591

instrumental prefix. That kamii means the dry sheath of the coconut
flower which form.s the ordinary canoe baler shows that si, in the
instance si kamu. i.s a demonstrative article.

((i) The personal article a is used with noun.s expressing kindred
or relationship, or with personal names : a Waria, a porona the
(male) person, 80-and-so ", a pareho “ 80-and-so ", a maamaa
" father ". when speaking of a definite person ; a teitei “ mother ",
with the same use, a ora " 80-and-so ", when a person s name is for-
gotten. The personal article « is seen in atei ‘‘ who ? ’" (singular),
kira atei (plural).

3. iSouns

(1) youn Endinijs. — Nouns which have a special termination
showing them to be nouns substantive are («) verbal nouns,
(b) independent nouns.

(а) Verbal nouns are formeddrom verbs by adding the terminations
na, ta, ra, raa. fui, haai. a.

Examples : mae " to tlie "", maena ‘‘ death "", maeta death feast "’ ;
pa-u “ to smoke, of fire ’". pa‘ura i suna " fire-smoke "’ ; hana to
eat "", hanaraa “ food ", especially vegetable food : raa “ to go ”,
raaha “ a journey "’ ; macro “ to be ripe "", macrohaai “ ripeness ”,
repo “■ to be old, ripe ”, repokaai ” age, ripeness ” : koru “ to heap
up ”, korua “ a company "", korua ni inoni ” a company of people "’ ;
hatare “ to go along the coast ”, hatarea " seashore ” ; horoa “ day ”
i.s probably derived from horo " to divide, to make pieces of "’.

There are certain adjectives to which the noun termination na
is attached : sieni “ good "", sienina " goodness "" ; paina “ big "",
painana ‘‘ bigne.ss ”. These adjectives are probably verbs in origin.

(б) Independent Nouns. — -The termination is na, and this is (i) added
to nouns which express kindred or relationship, (ii) attached to
cardinal numerals to form ordinals.

(i) Nouns so formed are always preceded by certain prefixes
which mark reciprocity of relationship or of kindred, mai, ma, liai,
and by the numeral rua two ”, or the demonstrative plmal article
mo : rua mai ivarina sister "s son and mother "s brother "" ; rua
maasi)ta “ brother and sister ” or " two brothers, two sisters ” ;
mo hai wauwana “ those who stand to one another in the relation-
ship of grandparents and grandchildren ” ; rua mai Jiunona “ father-
in-law and son-in-law, etc.” ; rua maihana “ two brothers-in-law,
etc.”

(ii) Numerals : rua “ two ”, ruana ‘‘ second "’, a second time.

592

W. G. IVENS —

(2) Nouns with Possessive Suffixes . — Certain nouns take the suffixed
pronouns denoting the possessor. These are nouns denoting : —

eve

maaku

mv eve

pan

men : name, life, death, speecli,
■ his name " ; maeta “ death
word icarana his word " ;

(a) Parts of the body : maa ‘

“ head ”, pauna “ his, its head ".

(b) Certain states or doings of
custom : sasa “ name ”, sasana
maetana “ his death ” ; uwa
7nanafa “ nature ”, nianatana “ his nature ”.

(c) Position, end, middle, top: (i)tunuma “in the middle";
{i)taniimana “ his waist, in the middle of it ” ; to‘o‘erena “ its tip ".

(d) All the words expressing kindred or relationship, except those;
for husband poro and wife hu‘a (keni) and ynera child. These nouns
are marked in the accompanying vocabulary with (A-u) added.
Certain nouns of this class have' the possessive pronoun attached
only in the third person singular, 'ua, and the plural suffix ni, used of
things only, is attached to certain of them ; to‘o'ereni “ their tips
In the case of the remaining nouns and also of poro, ku‘a, mera,
possession is denoted by the addition of the ordinary personal
pronouns : iora inau “ my canoe ” ; mera inau “ my child ” ; poo
inau “ my pig ”.

(3) Gemtive Relation. — The genitive relation of nouns one to
another is effected by the use of the preposition ni, or of the shorter
form i : mane ni Oroha “ a man of Oroha ” : ivaro ni ‘a‘a‘o “ a fishing
line ” ; ‘m‘m maa i he‘u “ a star ” ; sanite i husi “ a hand of bananas ” :
dona i niu “ a couple of coconuts ”. Both the longer and the shorter
forms are used to express purpose. Another form of the genitive is
ri : maa n maro “ a scaffold ” ; nma ri tawa “ a landing place

(4) The Instrumental Prefix 'is i : fAaw “ a crook ” ; froAf “ tongs ”.

(5) Plurality. — Plurality is marked by the presence of the articles
moi, mo, preceding the noun, and the adjective hvera “ many ” may
be added: mo hanua iwera “many lands” or “many people”.
The noun mora, moramora “ a multitude”, used of a thousand of men,
may also be used : mora hanua iwera “ multitudes of people ” ;
moramora apota “ numerous eggs ”.

To a noun ahuta denoting totality the pronoun of the third person
singular, and of all persons in the plural, is suffixed in agreement with
the noun : ahutana sapeku “ all my body ", sapeta ahutata “ the bodies
of them all ”. These pronouns are also suffi.xed to a stem ha-, a noun
with a dative use : haku “ to me ", hata “ to them ”. I have no
example of the use of to-, with the pronouns suffixed, meaning “ with ’’
as quoted by v. d. Gabelentz.

A STUDY OF THE OROHA LAXGUAGE

593

(6) Endearing Use. — Two nouns mai, Jcai, are used with the
adjective ta‘a “ bad ”, to express endearment or commiseration,
mai being used of males, Icai of females : mai ta‘a, Jcai ta‘a “ dear
(poor) thing ! ” mai tata‘ara inau “ my poor dear one ! ” paina “big”,
with ta‘a, is used of people in authority, mai ta‘a paina “ Sir ! ”
Of mera “ child ” the plural is formed by reduplication, rneramera
“ children The numeral eta “ one ”, a noun, is used to express
other — another, singular or plural; eta mane ro‘u “ a different person " ;
eta mane ro‘u marai “ some other people

(7) There is no grammatical gender, the words mane “ male ",
keni “ female ”, being added when there is need to distinguish sex :
mera mane “ a boy ”, mera keni “ a girl

(8) Nouns expressing relationship (except poro and hid a, and
maamaa (maa) “ father ” and teitei “ mother ”, which latter pair are
used as vocatives) are always used as follows : (a) with a suffixed
pronoun : amaku “ my father ” ; (b) with the termination 7ia and
with a reciprocal prefix ma or hai : rua maasina “ two brothers ",
rtia hai nikena “ mother and child ”.

4. Pronouns

1. Pronouns used as the subject of a verb
Sing. 1. inau, nau, no. Plur. 1. inch

2. doe, ‘o. 2.

3. inUia, ne‘ia. ne. 3.

Dual. 1. inch ikura, kura. Trial. 1. inch

1. excl. ierua, erua. 1. excl.

2. iarua. arua. aru. a. 2.

3. ikera, kera, ikira, 3.

kira, ikirarua.
kirarua, rarua,
kirua, kiru.

ikia, kia.
damn, ‘a mu.
ikira, kira.
ikoru, koru.
ieru, eru, e.
iauru, aunt,
ikirauru, kirauru.

The forms begi nnin g with i denote emphasis ; they are not used
by themselves as the subject, but are always accompanied by the
shorter forms without i, which may themselves be used alone as the
subject. The dual ikura is used by itself in address meaning “ come
on In the 1st pers. sing, no is used with the verbal particle ko
of present or of general time : noko raa i si'iri “ I am going to-day ".
nokofui kera raa mai " I have just come ”. Ne is used before proper
names and the personal article a coalesces : nea ora ka‘i raa mai
“ who is it that is coming ? " nea Ara‘ana.

>’01.. IV. P.\P.T III

594

\V. G. IVENS

The trial is used to denote a more restricted number of persons,
as well as merely three people : e raa mai i Kohimarama ‘‘ we three
came to Kohimarama ", ora ikirauru, ke^e ora eru “ it is their thing,
not our thing ", kira atei auru “ who are you (people) ? ", ke‘e ora
huni hana eru irehuni “there is nothing for us to eat here ".

The pronouns of the 3rd pers. sing, and pi. mav be used of
impersonal or inanimate objects, but the example given in
von der Gabelentz of kira used as a plural article, kira hanua hcera
“ all the countries ”, is capable of another translation, viz. they
are people many, i.e. they are a numerous people, Aanwn meaning both
country and people. The use of the pronoun 3rd pers. plur. as
a plural article is perfectly correct in Mota, as in Bishop Patteson's
hymn Ra vanua ngang “ Ye lands ! ”, and I suggest that the Bishop
was thinking of the Mota idiom which does not obtain in the Mala
languages, though alas ! it appears in the translations and thus is
responsible for the statement of Mr. S. H. Ray, who writes of the
Fiu language that “ The personal pronoun kira also denotes plurality :
kira fiolo ‘ the hungry ’ ’ {The Melanesian Island Languages, p. 488,
7, Number). I myself have been guilty of incorporating this Mota
idiom into Sa‘a.

Kira is used to form a passive : kira iria ‘ato “ they said it, i.e.
it has been said ’, mo iora kira asumiH ‘ato moi mau “ are the canoes
finished yet or not ? ” Kira followed by the personal article a and ora
thing (used instead of a personal name) denotes a company or a party :
kira a ora, “ who were they ? ”

The forms beginning with i are used to denote possession : iora
inau “ my canoe ". A chief or a person of importance is addressed
in the dual, or trial, and a mother, either by herself or with her child,
is addressed in the dual.

2. Pronouns suffixed to Verbs or Prepositions as object
Sing. 1. au. Plur. l. inch kia.

2. ‘o.

3. a. *

Dual. 1. inch kura.

1. exch erua.

2. arua.

1. exch ‘ami.

O i

-• amu.

3. kira, ta, ‘i.

Trial. 1. inch koru.

1. exch eru.

2. auru.

3. kirarua, tarua. 3. kirauru.

Examples ; kira horoia naponi “ they killed him yesterday ”,
hanua ka reesikura, mu‘una “ the people are looking at us, my lad ”!

A STUDY OF THE OROHA LANGUAGE

595

The form a is suffixed to a transitive verb as an anticipatory object :
maa Jca araia na mane “ a snake bites (him) a man ", eru toia ‘ato
mo ora nena “ we have finished those things The form ta is used
in place of kira for the sake of shortness, but kira is in quite common
use. AMien things and not persons are in question ‘i is the form used :
nail ka‘i raa‘ohi‘i ‘‘ I will go for them (to fetch them) ".

3. Pronouns suffixed to Nouns or to certain Prepositions ;

Sing. 1 .

I'll.

Plur. 1. inch ka, kauru.

1. excl. mami, meru

niu.

2. mill, maurii.

7ia.

3. tn, taunt.

Dual. 1. inch kara.

1. excl. merua.

2. mania, mnru.

3. tarua.

These are the pronouns denoting possession and, as stated above,
are affixed to a certain class of nouns only, those denoting the names
of parts of the body, or of family relationships, with certain exceptions,
or of things in close relationship to the possessor, a man's name, his
speech, etc. They are not used of a man's weapons or house or
hand bag. Where they cannot be employed the ordinary personal
pronouns are used instead.

The plural forms in the second column denote a restriction in the
number of the persons concerned. Words like maraa- “ lone, unaided,
of one's own accord ’ and sio- “ after, according to '’ which have
the above set of pronouns suffixed, maraana “ by myself ”, rono
siona ivarana “ hear and do his word ”, are evidently nouns, though
they have no independent use apart from the suffixed pronoun.

5. Possessives

There are three possessives, ‘a, na, a, all of them nouns : —

(1) The first possessive ‘a is used of things to eat and drink,
the pronouns being always suffixed. In the 1st and 2nd pers.
sing, ‘a is added to the suffixed pronoun, and this ‘a is replaced by
‘i when several things are in view for a person to eat.

Sing. 1. ‘aku‘a. ‘aku‘i. Plur. 1. inch ‘aka.

1. excl. ‘amami.

2. ‘amu‘a, ‘amu‘i. 2. ‘amiu.

3. at. 3. ‘ata.

596

W. G. IVENS

Dual. 1. incl. ‘akara, ‘akarua.

1. excl. ‘mnerua.

2. ‘amarua.

3. ‘atarua.

Trial. 1. incl. ‘akauru.

1. excl. 'ameru.

2. ‘amauru.

3. ‘ataiiru.

Examples : wari niu ‘aku‘a “ a coconut for me to eat totora
'akauru “ take for us to eat ma'i niu ai “ a piece of coconut for him
to eat ”. WTien the sense relates to food in general and not to a
particular meal the ordinary personal pronouns are used : ke'e ora
huni hana eru “ there is nothing for us to eat ".

(2) The second possessive na also has the pronouns suffi.xed
according to the above list. The meaning is “ for ’’ : mo ora namu'i
“ (many) things for you ”, ne'ia ka nahu naku'a “ he spoke for me ' ,
toi namu'a “ work for you ”.

(3) The third possessive a denotes “ belonging to ”, “ with ”,
“ at ”, and has the above set of pronouns suffixed, but is used without
the final ‘a and ‘i in the 1st and 2nd pers. sing. The 3rd pers. sing,
is ana as well as ai, and in the 3rd pers. plur. ani replaces
ata when the reference is to things and not persons : noko na‘i sai
paina ani “ I think much of them ”, kahi amu “ have you a knife
(about you) 1 ”, ^l'airu ana nioi nima (ivairuai moi nima) “ on top
of the houses ”, a taa e rapusia ai “ what did he hit him with ? ”,
i kerekere ana tara “ by the side of the path ”, e rua ne ata “ two of
them ”. These forms of the possessive serve as the objects of verbs
to which the pronoun is not suffixed : nau ke'e hiiivaraimori ana
" I do not believe him ” ; or as objects when an adverb intervenes
between the verb and its object, kera horo tata'ara aku " they beat
me unmercifully ” ; or to show differences of meaning, a taa ne iri ana
" what was he talking about ? ”

6 . Demonstrative Pronouns

The demonstratives are ne, ni. nene, neni " this, these ” ; na.
nena, ivouna " that, those

Examples: a ora ne “this thing”, i reJiu ni “here”, ivari niu
nene oko potaria ka u ' please crack this coconut ”, ora atei neni
whose is this thing ? , a porona “ So-and-so ”, a manena " that
person , ora nena that thing . mane ivouna “ that person there
mu'u na, in address, “ vou (bov) ! ”

Aa is also used after the negative : mau na " no ”, mau nena
" not so ”.

A STUDY OF THE OROHA LANGUAGE

597

7. Interrogative Pronouns

The interrogatives are tei “ who ? ", taa " what ? ” The personal
article a makes atei “ who ’’ singular, kiraatei plural. Atei means
“ what is the name ? ”, atei arua raa mai " who came with you ? ”,
kiraatei aurii *' who are all you people ? ” The demonstrative
article a is used with taa : a taa ne iri ana “ what was he talking
about ? ”

8. Indefinite Pronouns

The words used are eta and ne ; of these eta is the cardinal numeral
eta “ one ” and ne is a noun like He in Ulawa with a similar use.

Examples : eta moi inoni “ certain, some, people ”, eta moi ne
“ some ”, e rua ne ata ” two (persons) of them ”. As in Sa‘a ta‘eta‘ena
means “ every ” : ta‘eta‘ena ora every thing ”. Ta‘eta‘ena is a
form of the numeral meaning ‘ one ' with na demonstrative added.
The numeral taa‘i is used as meaning “ diSerent ” : rihu kira taa‘i
“ they have other (different) ways ”.

9. Relative Pronouns

There are no relative pronouns. Their place is supplied by the
suffixed pronoun, demonstratives being added : a ora ne noko
usunainia maani‘o this is the thing which I remove from you ”,
ine'ia a poroyia kira ka iria “ he is the person whom they are talking
about ”.

10. Verbs

Words may he used as verbs by prefixing the verbal particles,
hut words which are the names of actions are naturally verbs.
Certain verbs have special prefixes or terminations which further
mark them as verbs. The verbal particles precede the verb and at
least one of them ka'i has a temporal force.

(1) The verbal particles are Co, koi, ka, ke, ka‘i. The first two
particles ko and koi are joined in speech to the governing pronouns,
the rest of the particles are separated in speech.

(a) Ko is used only with the shortened forms no, ‘o of the
1st and 2nd pers. sing, of the personal pronoun : mau noko raa “ as
for me I am going ”, ‘oko rono ta'a, mu‘una “ you are making a row,
you ! ”. The time is more or less present. The illatives may replace
ko : nau fui kera hura “ I have just arrived ”.

The vowel i may be added to ko : nokoi raa “ I am going ”,
nokoi usuna‘inia‘ato “ I take it away ". This i may be the short
form of the genitive which is used to denote purpose.

598

W. G. IVEXS

(6) Ka is used with all the pronouns which are the subject of the
verb. The time is the historic present. The subject need not be
expressed.

(c) Ke expresses a certain amount of futurity or of condition in
the action : ama ke toi siona warakii, ania ka mauri ai “ if you two
do according to my word, you two are living thereby, i.e. will live ;
‘ai nena arua ke ania, ama ka mae ai “ you two will eat that tree,
you two die thereby

(d) Ka‘i denotes a definite future: ka‘i haro mono ka‘u “ it will
end in time

(2) Times and Moods. — A subjunctive is formed by ana “ if
when used with ka or ka‘i : ‘oko ma‘ohia ana ka‘i raa mai‘ohe “ do
you wait for him in case he should be coming ". An imperative
is conveyed by the u.se of the particle ke, or by ko, used with ‘o “ thou ".
Conditional affirmation is expressed by }ia‘araa : ke suui iria }ia‘araa
sent “ if you were to say it, it would be best ”.

The illatives are pi, pui, fui, the latter being a dialectical
peculiarity of Tawa ni ‘ahi‘a. The meanings are “ then, thereupon,
in that ease, for the first time ”, the particles ko, ka, need not necessarily
precede them : God pi toia saso “ God then made the sun

The particle ka‘u follows the verb and (o) denotes a preterite,
i‘amu ‘amu raaraa ka‘u “ you indeed went ” ; (h) mitigates the
harshness or the directness of a request or a command.

The adverb ‘ato denotes a preterite and follows the verb. The
demonstrative na denotes completion, xcarita saro man na “ anciently
the heaven was not

(3) Negative Particles. — The foregoing particles are not used in
negative sentences. The negative particles are ke‘e and suui, the
latter is a dehortative and is also used of future time : ‘oke suui iria,
manena “ see that you do not say it, you ! ”, suui hai seni ‘ato ro‘u
“ it will not be any good again The ordinary negative mau “ no,
not ” is also used as a negative particle, ine‘ia mau mane paina “ he
is not a chief

A negative imperative is indicated by mane “ lest ”, mane ‘o iria
“ do not say it ”.

The genitives ni, i, are used to denote purpose : ka na‘i sae ni
asumia “ he thinks about making it ”, noko raa i kaesi tarua “ I am
going to play a trick on them

(4) Suffixes to Verbs. (1) There are certain terminations which
when added to neuter verbs, i.e. to verbs to which the pronoun of

A STUDY OF THE OROHA LAXGUAGE

599

the object cannot be attached, make them definitely transitive.
These suffixes are of two forms : —

(a) The vowel i by itself or a consonant with i : i. hi, mi, ni,
ri, si.

(b) The termination a‘i which is suffixed by itself to nouns to
convert them into transitive verbs sasu, sasua'i : pa‘ura i sitna ka
sasua‘ia maaku “ the smoke has got into nw eyes

The consonants h, m, r, t, may be prefixed to the termination a' i
forming participles : oro “ to stoop oroma‘i, oroha'i “ stooping,
squatting ” ; ta‘era‘i “ risen ” ; rapuia‘i “ fallen headlong

To the terminations Aab’, ma‘i, na‘i, raU, ta‘i, the genitive ni
is suffixed and the whole forms a compound transitive suffix :
kaneha‘ini, onoma'ini, hiina‘ini, tahera‘ini, raput(t‘ini.

The syllabic suffix ha'ini is used with certain verbs as meaning
“ with ” : oroka'ini “ to swim with a thing ”, haneha‘ini “ to climb
holding a thing

(5) Prefixes to Verbs. — These are causative and reciprocal. The
causative is ha'a ; it may be prefixed to nouns, verbs, adjectives,
numerals, and is used with verbs which have a transitive suffix.

(6) The reciprocal is hai. With the addition of the adverb ro"u
“ again ” hai denotes a change or an addition : ke‘e hai sietii ro‘u
“ it will never be any good again

(7) Passive. — The passive is expressed by the use of the personal
pronoun 3rd pers. plur. kira as subject with the verb, the adverb
‘ato “ already ” being added ; kira is also used impersonally.

(8) The third possessive is used to form a gerundive, the suffix i
being added to the verb ; horoiana ‘ato “ the killing of him ".

(9) Reflexive Verbs. — The noun maraa- with suffixed pronouns
added denotes reflexive action ; ka horaia maraana “he killed himself " .

(10) Reduplication. — Verbs are reduplicated in three ways, and
there is no difference in the use of the reduplicated forms beyond
an intensification of meaning.

(а) By repetition of the first syllable : suri, susuri.

(б) By’ repetition of the whole word : horo, horohoro.

11. Adjectives

The adjective follows the noun.

(1) Certain words have a form which is only used of adjectives :
this form may be either a termination or a prefix ; —

600

W. G. IVEXS —

(a) Adjectival terminations are ‘a, ta‘a.

‘a : sane “ white ant ”, sane‘a “ infected with white ants ” ;
seni “ good ”, ses€ni‘a “ very good ” ; pa‘uraisuna “ smoke of fire ’ ,
pa'uraisuna‘a “ smoky ”.

ta‘a : osi “ to cut, to score ”, osiosita'a “ scored ”.

(h) Adjectival prefixes are ma, ta‘i, taka, tara, tala : —

o‘i “ to break ”, mao'i “ broken ” ; marokeroke “ roaring ”,
ta‘inaru “ simultaneous ”, ta‘ihikukihu “ tangled ”, takaruha “ im-
loosed, undone ”, tarakmi “ gathered together, in harmony ”,
tatakehukehu “ headlong ”.

The prefix taka denotes spontaneity ; ‘a is prefixed to verbs and
forms participles ; hari “ to break off a branch ”, ‘ahari “ broken off ” ;
Msu “ to pluck ”, ‘ahisu “ plucked ”.

(2) Comparison. — Degrees of comparison are shown by the use of
prepositions or adverbs, or by a simple positive statement. The preposi-
tions used are maani ‘ from ’, which always has the pronoun suffixed,
and rvulaa “ beyond, in excess ”, which is followed by the third
possessive : poo e paina maania asuhe “ a pig is larger than a rat ”,
mane sieni nena maania “ he is a better man than he ”, ikira ne kira
iu'era riutaa ata “ these are more numerous than those The
adverbs used are kera “a little ”, hiito‘o “very much

A positive statement carries comparison by implication : mane
sieni nena, mane taa nena “ this man is good, that man is bad

12. Adverbs

(1) Adverbs of Condition. — Mora “ only, merely, without any
reason ”, sieni mora “ good enough ”, heeta “ only, solely ”, ‘ohe
“ perhaps, possibly ” ; ‘‘ato “ finality, emphasis ”, mano "ato “ finished,
done with ”, ‘ato ‘o‘o “ for good and all ” ; ka‘u of preterite, softening
down a statement, etc.

(2) Adverbs of Manner. — ‘f/a “how?”, ua “yet, still”, uitaa
“ how ? ”, ka tau uitaa “ spoke how, i.e. what did he say ? ”, una
“ thus, like that, assent ”, uri, urini “ in this way, so ”, urikana
“ like, in the same way as ”, tarei “ for no reason, merely,
wantonly ” ; precedes the verb.

(3) Adverbs of Time.— Mano “finished, past”, ‘ato mora, ‘ato
morana “ immediately, right now ”, si‘iri, si‘irini “ to-day ”, naponi
“ yesterday ”, tvarita “ past or future time, three days hence ”. The
locative i may be prefixed to the last four of these. Poe ruana “ two
days hence ”, poe roosi, poe ni oluna “ three days hence ”, i na‘o,
‘ato ina‘o “ formerly ”, rau na‘o “ do for the first time ”.

A STUDY OF THE OROHA LANGUAGE

601

(4) Adverbs of Place. — Ihei “where ? ”, i rehu, i rehuni “ here ”,
ai “ there, therein, thereby ”, mai “ here, hither ”, ivou “ there ”,
karai, karaini “ nearly, near Affirmation iau, negation mau,
question ne.

13. Prepositions
(1) Simple Prepositions

Locative

Causation

haahi.

Motion to

tare - ; takoi - ; suri ; isuri.

Motion from

maani-.

Dative

huni.

Instrumental

ana, ani, ai, ainia.

Relation

ana, ani, ai ; haani-, ha‘ini - ; honosi-
sio- : keke-.

Genitive

ni, i, ri.

Position

ahui-.

With the exception of the locative, the instrumental, the first
three prepositions of relation, and the genitive, all the foregoing are
used with a suffixed pronoun.

According to Melanesian idiom the locative i is used of place
whence, and of direction, i hei “ at what place ? ”, raa i Jiei “ go to
where ? ” ; of the instrumental prepositions ana is the ordinary one
in use denoting “ with ”. MTien the noun denoting the instrument
is not preceded by an article, or when the noun is used in a general
sense, ani replaces ana : u'ia ani noma “ hit him with spear ”,
ani taa “ with what ? ” When the instrumental comes at the end
of a sentence ai is used : a taa kera rapusia ai “ what did they hit
him with ? ”, ka na‘i sae ai “ thinks about it ” ; ainia means “ because,
with what ? ” ; ana also means because ”. In relation ana is used to
denote “ of ” : i kerekere ana tara “ by the side of the path ”, ivairu
(icau iru) ana. nima “ on the top of the house ”, i ivairu ai “ on top
of it” ; (an idiom is a taa fie iri ana “ what is he talking about ? ”),
arua ka mauri ai “ you two will live thereby ”, ka asumia ai hori
nana “ makes it to sell for himself ” ; ani is used as plural of ana,
nan ke‘e hana ua ani “ I have never eaten any of it ”. I have no
knowledge of the form aie quoted by von der Gabelentz.

Ani is used in the composition of nouns : supi ani ‘ai “ a wooden
club ”. Haani, ha‘ini both denote “ with, along with, accom-
panying ” ; Tionosi- means “ in the way of, to meet " ; keke is used
as Sa‘a saa-, Ulawa sie-, “ at the house of, to visit ” ; nau papahe

602

W. G. IVEN’S

kekemu “ I came to see you ’’ ; sio- denotes “ after, according to ;
kira ke‘e rono siona iramna “ they did not hear his word

Ahui- means “ round about, concerning

(2) Compound Prepositions. — These are nouns with the locative ;
the pronoun is suffixed as the actual object or as an anticipatory
object when a noun follows : i haho “ above ", i oroha- “ below ",
i rao-. i raoi within ". Of these ioroha-, i rao-, are never used without
a suffixed pronoun ; the addition of the vowel i in the form i raoi
is worthy of notice, unless, perchance, the form is i rao'i neuter
plmral.

As in Sa‘a some prepositions are constructed from the verbal
nouns to which the suffixed pronoun is always added : ori “ to change ",
oritaku “ in my place

Certain verbs are used as prepositions : roosi “ to await ", Co roosia
“ wait for him " (poe roosia “ third day hence ”), karaini “ near to ",
ha’atauri “ far from ", the pronouns being suffixed.

14. Conjunctions

Copulative, ma. Disjunctive, moi.

Adversative, ta‘a. Conditional, ana.

Connective, 'ato. Illative, pi, pui,fui.

A mark of quotation is uri. “ Or not ” is expressed by moi
followed by ke‘e, or moi mau. “ Until ’’ is hura ana. Haro shows
consecutiveness of action. The preposition haani- “ with " is used
as a conjunction ; mane haania keni “ men and women ”.

15. Numerals

The numeral system is decimal, all numbers above the ten are
expressed in tens.

(1) Cardinals : —

1 eta, taa''i. 6 e ono.

2 e rua. 7 e hiu.

3 e oru. 8 e %caru.

4 e hai. 9 e shea.

5 e rima. 10 tanahuru, awara.

In numbers other than eta the initial e is omitted in quick counting.
The prefix to‘o forms distributives : to‘otaa‘i ora mora “ only a few " ;
eta is used as meaning another, different, eta mane rou niarai.
V/aru “ eight ’’ is used as an indefinite number. Tanahuru is the
tenth of a series ; aivara is the tally of ten.

To express units over ten mana is employed ; awara mana eta

eleven . An incomplete tally is expressed by taatara : awara
taatara “ some over ten ".

A STUDY OF THE OROHA LANGUAGE

603

Special words are used for the tens of different objects : a‘uru i niu
“ 10 coconuts ", kika ni i'a ‘‘ 10 large garfish ", icaro " 10 smoked
coconuts (20 halves) strung for sale ", aitari ni i'a “ 10 parrot fish
Two coconuts strung together is dona "a pair".

Tanarau is 100 : tanarau ni i'a " 100 porpoise teeth strung as
a unit ". Numbers above the hundred are expressed bv mana :
tanarau rua aicara mana kai " 124 ",

Special words are used for hundreds of various objects ; aro ni hui
“ 100 taro ", nao “ 100 yams or 100 hana ", totora ni kui “ 400 dogs’
teeth strung as a unit ".

Sinora is 1.000 ; this is used correctly of yams or hana or taro ;
'pera “ 1,000 coconuts ", mora “ 1.000 of men ", mora ni hi‘ona
“ innumerable ghosts ’’ : the reduplicated form moramora is used
indefinitely as meaning “ many ",

(2) Ordinals. — The cardinals with a substantival termination na
form the ordinals.

First etana. Fourth haina. Seventh hiuna.

Second ruana. Fifth rimana. Eighth waruna.

Third oruna. Sixth onona. Ninth siwana.

Ordinals precede the noun : rwana wiawe “ the second man Tenth
is expressed by tanahuru ana.

Enita, nita “ how many ”, is used with the substantival termination
na : enitana “ what number (is it) ? ”

(3) Multiplicatives are formed with the causative ha‘a : ha'arua
“ twice ”, ha‘atanarau “ a hundred times ". ha‘anita “ how often ? ”
In hautaaH “ once ", the kau probably is hau “ fruit ’’ ; cf. Articles (3).

The word ta‘e “ to embark ” is used as a kind of descriptive prefix
along with the cardinals taa'i, olu. hai. and with enita. where the
holding capacity of a canoe is in question : ta‘e oru “ a three man
canoe

Texts

1. E raa mai (i) Kohimarama. ka raa i Oroha ka raa

1. We came here (to) Kohimarama, (we) go to Oroha (we) go

(f) nima, Ara‘ana ka reesin nununa i'a. ka to'ia pua
(into) house, Ara'ana sees it figure its fish, hangs it areca nut

ka to‘ia mai i kekena hiona maa'i. ka iria. " Noko
hangs it here at alongside it ghost sacred, says it, “ I

604

W. 6. IVENS —

ha^aoho ahuiau ana nau raa ha‘afau Mane

make offering protecting myself because I went far off (A) man

Jca asumia 'ai ka konia fauna amana, fauna

carves it piece of wood puts it bead his father his, head his

asina, icarina, ka koni(a) ra(o)na la, ka iria :

brother his, mother's brother his, puts it inside it fish says :

“ Hi‘ona ikoru nena, ka rauhikoru nena Sasana i‘a mora,

“ Ghost our that, abides with us that Xame its fish merely,

ki'ona ne‘ia iraoi. Pa‘ewa ki‘ona ro\i, tnaa hi‘ona ro‘u, kuasa
ghost he inside. Shark ghost also, snake ghost also, crocodile

hi‘ona ro‘u, furufuru i Oru marau ka to‘o ana mane, ka rnae,
ghost also, firefly at Oru marau hits against person, (he) dies,

ka iria ki‘otia. Hiiasa ka i‘o i asi, ka lo i hanua ; ta‘e
considers it (a) ghost. Crocodile lives in sea, lives on land ; one

ivaarowaaro rua mme oru foo rua kui ka ani‘i ‘ato. Ka

month two men three pigs two dogs eats them completely. (He)

reesia mane ka araia, ka fora haania ra(p)na asi. Huasa ka raa
sees man bites him, jumps with him into it sea. Crocodile goes

i hanua, ka rairahi ai, katora n{i)ui, ka rairaki afota; taa‘{
on land, lays (eggs) there, builds nest, lays eggs; one

huasa moramora afota, rua airara, afotana ka urihana goose;
crocodile countless eggs, two ten, eggs its like goose eggs ;

huasa ka i‘o oroha‘i kekeni, ke‘e afa haahia urihana
crocodile sits crouching beside them, not squat on it like

kua ; mane ka reesia, kira ka fania huasa, ka naa
a hen ; a person sees it, they drive it away crocodile, eats
fotaria afota ni huasa.
breaks it eggs of crocodile.

2. Eru ka iria una ; “ Kira ka raohia, kira ka na‘isae

2. A\e speak it thus: ‘"They think about it, they reflect

‘ohia. kira ka nahu mini:'’ Waraimori nena, rua mane, reesia
about it, they speak thus. ’ True that, two men, see it

hanua ai a hanua nena, reesia ka‘u, kira katoia haka, kia
(the) land there the land that, see it please, they build ships, we

ke e no saia, rihu kira taa‘i kira katoia

not see know it, custom their another (different), they make it

A STUDY OF THE OROHA LANGUAGE

605

ivai, kia ke'e rio saia, kira ka toia suna, pana,

water (medicine), we not see know it, they make it fire, sails,

kia ke‘e manata‘ inia .
we not know it.

3. Mane uru ka pu{u) {i) ta{a)tara, ke'e saia ire, mane

3. Man blind treads on path, not know it precipice, man

sieni ka to‘o i kaikaina, ka iria : “ Ire nena ‘oko hit :

good takes hold on hand his, says it : “ Precipice that you fall " ;

ine'ia ka nahu : “ ‘Oko nahu ruuiau ainia ta ? iSoko
he says ; “ You speak forbidding me for what ? I

raa niora.” Mane marai ka iria : “ Suui

am going just (as I please). ’ Man another says it : “ Don t

roronoa xcarana, mane kakaekae nena, ire mau ai, ‘oko

listen to it word his, man deceiving that, precipice not there, you

ra ” : mane uru ka iria : “ Mane sieni nena, ke‘e nahu

go”: man blind says it : “Man good that, not speak

ruuiau, ke‘e urihana mane wouna.” Mane uru ke‘e no

forbidding me, not like man over there.” Man blind not see

saia mane ka kaesia nena, mane ka ha'amaesia, mane uru

know him man deceive him that, man kills him, man blind

ka raa, ka raa, ka hu, ka mae.
goes, goes, falls, dies.

4. Noko peria poo i‘oe, noko hiria huni‘o ana

4. I steal it pig yours, I pay a fine for it to you with

}ia‘a, i‘a, ka i'o tarakoni ro‘u. Mane

shell money, porpoise teeth, live collected together again. Man

ka raa mai ka peria keni inau, noko raa noko Jioroia, ka toto
comes here steals her wife my, I go I kill him. make it up

huniau, ha‘a i‘a, ka i'o tarakoni ro‘u.

to me, shell money, porpoise teeth, live collected together again.

5. Nemo paina, mane ka ma‘uma‘u uki ine‘ia ka ta‘a, ka iria

5. Rain great, man fears yams his are spoilt, says

huni mane saia: "‘Noko waai'o ana ha‘a,

to man (that) knows : I reward you with shell money.

606

W. 6. IVENS

poo. oko ha‘asaso ro'u.’’ Mane saia ka ina : “ Siena,

pigs, von make sun again. " Man (that) knows says : “ GooO,

ne‘ia ka‘ii. ka saso ro'u."
wait awhile, fine (weather) again."

A Vocabulary of Oroha Language

n = noun ; v.i. = intransitive verb. i.e. a verb to which the
pronoun of the object cannot be attached ; v.t. = transitive verb,
i.e. a verb to which the pronoun of the object can be attached ;
partic. = participle : (kii) written after a noun denotes that the
possessive pronoun can be attached, a hyphen at the end of such nouns
denotes that they are only used with the pronoun attached.

aharota n., kinsman.
akune-{ku), a man's sister, a
woman's brother.

‘ai. tree.

ama-(ku), father.

'ani v.t., to eat.
apa v.i., to squat, to crouch.
aporoa n., commoners, the people
belonging to a chief.
apota {na, ni), egg.
ara v.i., to bite ; rnaa ara,
poisonous snake.
arai v.t. to bite a person.
araka, a chief.

arahu partic., come out of its
socket.

fl.?a v.i., to be difficult.

asai v.t., to be too difficult for
a person.
asi, sea.

asi-{ku), a man's brother, a
woman's sister.

ASM v.i., to work with an adze,
to carve.
asumi v.t.

ata rumu, large frog, Rana
Guppyii.

•ere, Vrecre (na, ni) n., tip, top
shoots of branches.
eri v.t., to dig.

ka‘a, shell money.
ha‘aaraha v.t., to conduct the
ceremonies for the son or the
daughter of a chief ; to
ennoble.

ha‘atnaesi v.t., to kill.
ha‘amauri v.t., to restore to
health ; to save.

ha‘aoho v.i., to make an offering
of areca nuts or money to a
family ghost on returning
from a voyage.

ha‘asa.so v.i ., to make fine weather.
ha‘asiena, ha'asieni v.t., to put
right, rectify.
ka‘aiau v.i., to be far off.

ha atauri v.t. to be far off a
place or thing or person.

A STUDY OF THE OROHA LANGUAGE

607

haharisi, grass.

hana v.i.. to shoot with an arrow.

kanasi v.t.
hana 2 v.i., to eat.

hanaraa n., food.
hane v.i., to climb.

hanena‘ini v.t., to climb, hold-
ing something.
hanua, land, island, people.
haoru, new.
hara ’.-.i., to attempt.
hii v.i., to feel, perceive.

hiina'ini v.t.
hi'ona, a ghost.
hiri v.t., to pay a fine for.
kooiva, morning, between 8 a.m.
and 10 a.m. ; i hooiva, to-
morrow morning.
horaa v.i., to be calm.
hori v.t., to buy, to pay.
haro. horohoro v.i., to kill, to hit.

horoi v.t.
horoa, a day.
hu v.i., to fall.

hua. ground, the earth, as oppo.sed
to saro. the sky.
hu"a. woman, wife.
hui. taro.

hmw-(ku), father-in-law, .son-in-
law, mother-in-law, daughter-
in-law.

hu'a v.i., to be born.

i‘a, fish, porpoise tooth.
iha-ikn), brothers-in-law, sisters-
in-law.

ikiiki, a land frog.
inoni, a human being.
inu v.t., to drink.
inuhi v.t.

f‘o v.t., to sit, to stay.
iora, canoe.
ira, a stone axe-head.
ire, a precipice.

iri, iriiri v.t., to say, to consider.
iru, above, on top of.
iicera, all.

kae v.i.. to deceive.
kaesi v.t.

kaikai{kii), hand, arm.
kare{kii), child.
keni, woman, female, wife.
kera, slightly, a little, just now.
ki‘iki‘i{ki(), finger.
koe, a frog.

koni v.t., to put, to place.
kua, fowl.
kiii, dog.

maa(ku), eye.

maa, snake ; maa ara, poisonous
snake.

ma‘ahu v.i., to sleep.
maa‘i. sacred, holy.
mae v.i., to die, to be ill.
maena, death.
maeraa. sickness.

?naesi v.t., to die of, to be ill of.
maeta{kii). death feast.
maimai, little, small.
mamana. a few.

manata'ini v.t., to know, to
perceive by intuition.
marie 1. man, male.
mane 2, lest.

mano, finished, completely.
mara, like, as.
marai, other, different.

608

W. G. IVEXS

marau, island ; Oru marau, Three
Sisters islands ; warumarau,
the world.
masike, small, little.
mato, earth, dirt.
matora-(ku), middle.
ma‘u, ma‘uma‘u v.i., to fear.

ma‘uni v.t.
ma'usu, hush, forest.
mera, child ; meramera, children.
mora 1, only, merely.
mora 2, 1,000 of men ; moramora,
countless, numerous.
mu‘u, person, fellow, man.

naa v.i., to eat.
nahu v.i., to speak, to say.
naH v.i., to put ; na'i sae, to
think.

naponi, yesterday.

nari, canarium nut.

ne‘i v.t. to put, put down ;

ne‘ia ka‘u, wait-a-while.
nemo n., rain ; v.i., to rain.
nima, dwelling-house.
niu, a coconut-tree ; ivari niu,
a coconut.

niui, a nest ; tora niui, to make
a nest.

nunu(ku), figure, shape.

oha, canoe house.

‘ohi v.t., to fetch, go for.
ono v.i., to swallow.

onoma‘ini v.t.
opa(ku), belly, mind, heart.

ora, thing ; a ora, So-and-so.
oro, orooro v.i., to swim.

oroha'ini v.t., to swim with a
thing.

oroha-{ku), underneath.
oro v.i., to lean over.

oroka‘i partic., crouching.
oroma‘i partic., slanting.
oto, otooto, straight.

paapaa{ku), grandmother, grand-
child.

'pa‘eu'a, shark.
paina, paipaina, big.
pani v.t., to drive away.
papaJie v.i., to walk about, to
visit.

pau[ku), head.

pa‘u v.i., to smoke, of fire.

pa'ura i siina, smoke of fire.
peri, periperi v.t., to steal.
pii, piipii v.i., to boil with hot
stones.

poe, a day ; poe ni oruna, etc.,
cf. Ulawa poe danita'i, next
morning.
poni, night.
poo, pig.
po‘o, a part.
pora v.i., to jump.
pota v.i., to break, crack ; pota
niu, to crack coconuts.
potari v.t.
pua, areca nut.

puri(ku), behind a person : i puri,
at the rear.
purupuru, firefly.

A STCDV OF THE OROHA LANGUAGE

609

raa, raaraa 1. v.i.. to go ; raa mai.
to come here ; raa icon.
go there.

raa 2, v.i.. to .shine, of sun.

raani v.t., to shine upon.
rahi, rairahi v.i., to lay eggs.
rani, i rani, .sky, heaven.
rao-(]cH), inside : i raoi. the inside.

? i rao‘i, inside them.
ranki v.t., to think upon,
meditate.

rapu v.i., to strike, to hit.
rapusi v.t.

raraiva v.i., to be slothful, to be
lazy, to be unwilling.
rarawasi v.t., to neglect through
laziness,
rate, a reed.

rauna‘o v.i., to do for the first time.
rauki v.t,, to abide with a person,
of spiritual influence.
reesi v.t., to see.
rereho v.i., to speak, to say.
rihu, custom, manner.
rio v.i,, to see.

rono, rorono v.t., to hear ; rono sai,
to understand upon hearing.
roona‘mi v.t., to meditate upon.
roosi, to await.
roto 1, v.i., to be dark.
roto 2, piece, part.
ruha v.i., to loose.
ruJiasi v.t.

ruhata‘i partic., loosed.
ruui v.t., to forbid ; nahu ruui.

sae{ku), heart, mind ; na‘i sae,
to think.

sai v.t.. to know, to have know-
ledge of : rio sai v.t., to
perceive.

saihiini v.i.. to be concealed,
hidden.

sanite. a hand of bananas.
sa]je(ku). body ; i'o i sapena,
to be along with a person.
saro. cloud, sky.
saruhe. centipede.
sasa(kii). name.
saso, sun, fine weather.

sasoa‘i v.t.. to shine upon, of
the sun.

sasu v.i., to smoke.

sasua‘i v.t.
seni, seseni, good.

senina n., goodness.
siho v.i., to go down.
siena, sieni, as seni.
siHri, siUrint, to-day ; ; si'iri,
i si‘irini.

sinehi, outside ; i sinehi.
suri, susuri v.t., to follow, go
after.

ta v.i., to give, to take ; ta mai,
give it here !
ta‘a, tata‘ara, bad.
ta‘e v.i., to go on board, to go up.
taera‘i partic., risen.
ta'eri v.t., to go on board a
canoe.

take, to ascend.
tahi v.i., to flee.

tahisi v.t., to flee from.
tani, wind.

tanuma-{ku), middle, waist.
tara, taatara, path.

VOL. IV. P.IET III

610

A STUDY OF THE OEOHA LANGUAGE

tara v.i., to be lost at sea, to drift.
tnrahuri. place ; i tarahuri ana,
in its place.

tarakoni. gathered together ; i‘o
tarakoni, to be at peace.
tarei, merely, wantonly, precedes
the verb.

tail v.t., to do ; v.i. to say ;

ka tau iiitaa, says what ?
iaitna, to desire.
tautaunire, echo.
teifei, vocative, mother !
lo‘o v.i., to hit; u.sed with
possessive 3.

toi v.t., to do, to make, to act.

to‘i v.t., to hang up.

tora v.i., to carry.

toto v.t., to pay a fine for, atone.

tooru v.i., to sit.

uhi, yam.

u‘i v.t., to aim at and hit, to
hammer.

npu v.i., to swell.
ura 1, v.i., to stand ; iirai hei,
whence ?

ura-{kn), 2. ortho-cousins, children
of two brothers or two .sisters ;
rua maurana.

urouro v.i.. to howl, to yell.
uru. uruuru v.i., to be blind.
iiruha, kindred; uruha ni inom.

n'aa‘i v.t., to reward, to give
payment to.
waarotvaaro, moon.
u'ai, water.
u'ara{ku) 1, word.

team 2, v.i., to speak.
icaraimori v.i., to be true.
u'ari{ku), mother’s brother, sister’s
son.

tvarita, three days ago, time past
or future.

warumarau, the world ; waru,
eight.

ivate v.t., to apportion the food
at a feast ; v.i., to make a
speech at a feast.
u'amva(ku), grandfather, grand-
child.

wen v.t., to split with the nails.

SOME READINGS OF JANAKIHARANA XVI
By S. K. De

rpHE text of J dnaki-harana xvi, published by Dr. L. D. Barnett
in BSOS., vol. iv, pt. ii, pp. 285 f., from an old Malayalam MS.,
gives me an opportunity of furnishing readings of the same text from
another MS. recently acquired by the Madras Government Oriental
Manuscripts Library, of which a certified transcript exists in the
Dacca University Library. The acquisition of this MS. by the Madras
Library was reported in their Report of the Working of the Peripatetic
Party, during the Triennium 1916-17-18-19. I had an opportunity
of examining it during my visit to Madras in 1924. It contains twenty
cantos ; but I was disappointed to find that it is only a transcript from
an original, which, I was informed, was discovered somewhere on the
Malabar Coast. As such, the value of its readings may not be superior
to those given by Dr. Barnett ; but Dr. Barnett's text, based that
it is on a single MS., is admittedly unsatisfactory in some places.
On comparing it with the text, as given in the Madras MS., I find
that it happily fills up the lacunae in Dr. Barnett's text, and in
some cases gives, in my opinion, better readings. I propose to notice
these below. It is possible that the archetypes of the two MSS. were
not the same, as my MS. omits several verses given by Dr. Barnett’s
(the authenticity of which cannot be finally decided without the
help of a third MS.) ; and the sequence and arrangement of some
of the verses are not identical.

I notice, first of all, the discrepancies in the order of verses.
The figures refer to the numbering of verses in Dr. Barnett's text,
which for the sake of abbreviation, will be indicated by the letter B ;
while the Madras MS. will be referred to as M.

After B 11, M reads B 16-20, then 15. 13, 12, 14, and 21, after
which there is agreement. M omits altogether 44. Again, after 56,
M reads 62, 60, 64, 61, 70, 71, 58, 72, omitting altogether 57, 59, 63,
6-5-69. After 72, there is agreement up to the end of the canto.

With reference to the differences of readings, the following are
the more important : —

SI. 2. aruna-kara-drdhdvakrsta-rasmi-pranamita-kandhara^ (M).
Here °rasmi-pranamita-kandhara° is preferable to B's ° rasmi-vranam
iva kandhara°, for in the latter reading vranam iva is difficult to construe
and does not give good sense.

612

S. K. DE

SI. 3. avalupija (M). for anulipya ; preferable.

SI. 6. apasaratUi (M), for apasarataiti, would give better sense.

SI. 7. namita-capala-mastalca (M) ; samupahatd (M) better, for
.saiHupagatd.

SI. 9. ravir apacalito (M) for ravir atha calito.

SI. 19. For the lacuna in the second line, M. reads : atipatu-
jMtalam vipdtya visvam vivara-ga°.

SI. 20. nyadhatta (M), better for nvathaiva.

SI. 13. hrtah (M), ioi jitah. It avoids repetition oi jitah, alreadv
used (avajitah) in the first line.

SI. 12. atha mana (M), for adhamano, gives better sense.

SI. 21. It should be read thus ; —
gagana-sarasi candra-rupyakumbhe vyapasarati sma nipatite rajanya\
tadupahita-taranga-dhuta-mli-nikara ivdli-ghanas tamah-pravahah\\

SI. 25. °avakunthanena (M), for °avakunthaneva, seems pre-
ferable.

$1. 29. rdgah (M), better than rdgaih.

$1. 31. vasana-samuditdhga-sahgi° (M) for madana-samucitdiiga-
sahgi°.

i^l. 32. priyd-nirasta-sravana° (M), preferable to priyd nirasya
sravana° ; for in the latter reading priyd and nirasya are difficult to
construe.

SI. 34. tvdrn (M) for tvarn, and priyd hi hope (M) for priydtikope,
seem better readings. In the next line, M reads parama-nigraha-
prasdde as one compound word.

SI. 35. nimicasi (M) better, for nisincati.

SI. 36. tirayasi (M) better, for tirayati.

SI. 38. °parimantharah (M) better, for °paripanthikah.

SI. 40. sakhi-gird nirdse (M) better, for sakhibhir dnirdse.
Similarly, I think, we should read phala-cyutd nirdse in the second
line of SI. 28.

SI. 42. bhdga (M) better, for °bhdva°. We should read, with M,
vidarsi, and not °vidarsita°, which is contrary to metre.

SI. 43. dastavdn (M) certainly better than drstavdn, which gives
no sense.

SI. 45. For the lacuna, M reads : svayam akhilam mama.

SI. 50. The last line is read as follows in M : tava capala nirupitd
navddyat-pravirala-romiii kathamcid uttardsthe.

SI. 51. nayana-sravo si jdtah (M) seems preferable to sravo pi
jdtah ; for api has no force here.

SOME REAUIXOS OF JAXAKIHARANA XVI

613

SI. 53. initra-krtye (II) for sadhu-krtye. Supply eva (M) for the
lacuna.

SI. 54. k.^atam (M) for krtam.

SI. 55. madhu papuh (M) certainly better than madhuvapuh.
Also M reads ^kuntalopamuktam for °kimtaIopaij}iktam.

Si. 64. ^jarjarh'a (51) is certainly preferable to ^jarjaraiva, for
the figure appears to be utprek.^d and requires ica. M also reads
paribhogavatsu for pnripltnvatsu.

SI. 61. °Iohlnlb}tir (M) for ° vdhimbhir .

»'?/. 71. parikrta° (M) for anugata°.

SI. 72. anartagat (M) for ahar^agal.

§1. 74. ^fdkrtih (1\I) for °sltkrtaJt ; and prigabhih (M) for samdbhih.

SI. 77. ‘dMtii-vibhlmnah (M) for ^dhdtu-vibhilxitaJi.

3l. 79. We should read, with M, vgaktam (=“ clearly ”) for
rgastam, and saniastah for tamastah. The word sasitali in the first
line must be construed as iasl + itaJi { — gatah) ; while the last line
■should be read a.s sdrasan taut rasantain {= rasantani tani sdrasam).

SI. 80. We should read, with M, udaka-hrasa-veluni for ndaka.
hrdsa-celdm both for the sake of the gamaka and the sense. The
word virdmdh must be construed as vi + rdmdh (“ wives of birds ”) ;
while netan should be taken as na dam {= gatam). In the last
line the reading vigata-kiranodbhasam of M (for vigala-carandlldsam)
seems to be better.

SI. 81. vihita° (M) for pihita°, and para-bhalam (M) for vara-
bhatali.

SI. 82. The last line is somewhat obscure ; for asriitapurd is
irregular, if construed with segam, while dkrosdgitd is unintelligible.
The reatling of M asrutavardkosdgikd sdgikd is equally puzzling, and
does not throw any light on the question.

Si. 83. Naktam is apparently a noun (and not an adverb here),
in apposition to nakrddluvdsam.

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

The Satapatha Brahmaxa in the KanvIya Recension. Edited
by Dr. \V. Caland, Professor of Sanskrit at the University of
Utrecht, ^'ol. i (containing full Introduction and part of the
Text), iv + 4 + 120 + 96 pp. Lahore ; Moti Lai Banarsi
Das, 1926.

Students of Vedic literature know already the importance of the
Kanva text of the Qatapatha Brahmana from the use made of the
portions available to him by Professor Eggeling in his translation
of that text. It was his intention to publish the Kanva recension,
but with his usual critical acumen he came eventually to the con-
clusion — fully justified by the facts — that the manuscript material
available to him was inadequate to permit of a scholarly edition,
and accordingly he transferred the extracts which he had made to
Professor Caland, in the hope that the latter might be able to secure
the necessary additional material to permit of an edition. Through
the instrumentality of Dr. F. W. Thomas, fresh manuscripts were
ultimately procured, and the first seven books of the text have been
prepared for press by Professor Caland. For the rest of the work
it has proved sufficient to draw up a statement of the differences of
reading between the two texts, so that, when the printing is complete,
we shall have available in effect all that we can desire to know of the
Kanva recension. One regret only is possible, that the work has not
had the advantage of the admirable typography of the Harvard
Oriental Series. Despite the endeavours of the author and Pandit
Bhagavaddatta, there are regrettably many misprints, of which
only a modest selection is dealt with in the Corrigenda. But in
view of the difficulty of securing the publication in Europe of really
solid and valuable work, it would be ungrateful not to appreciate
the enterprise of the pubhsher in undertaking the production of the
text. The present instalment contains the introduction and the
Brahmana up to II, 2, 4, 16 ; the early completion of the work is
greatly to be desired.

Though the manuscript tradition is far from satisfactory, Professor
Caland’s long familiarity with the Brahmana and Sutra texts, his
profound knowledge of the intricacies of the ritual, and his sound
judgment have enabled him to prepare a text which is a remarkably

616

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

creditable acbievement. There are, inevitably, points of reading
on which divergence of view is possible, but they are comparatively
negligible and the only prospect of any substantial improvement
of the text becoming possible is through the discovery of additional
manuscript material. Xor in any case are minutiae of this kind of
sufficient general interest to deserve inclusion in a review.

The introduction also is masterly ; it makes available a wealth
of precise information regarding the Kanva recension, and, if it is
possible to question certain of the results of the author, that is mainly
due to his candour in presenting the facts in full detail, and without
attempt to suppress or pass over what makes against his own theories.
As the questions raised arc of general interest, they may here be
briefly considered. Professor Caland starts, from the supposition
(p. 87) that the Sarahitas of the White Yajurveda are prior to the
Brahmanas which presuppose them, though he hazards the suggestion
that parts of the Sariihitas did not pass through their final redaction
until after the Brahmanas. But in the case of the White Yajurveda
everything points to the simultaneous redaction of Sarhhita and
Brahmana, in conscious opposition to the texts of the Black Yajurveda
in which the Mantras and the Brahmanas were handed down in
confusion. As regards the Madhyandina, books I-V and VI-IX and
the corresponding Adhyayas I-XVIII of the Sarhhita, show so marked
an adaptation to each other that one cannot well suppose that there
elapsed any time between the redaction of the Sarhhita and that of
the Brahma iia. But we can carry the matter further than that.
Both in the Madhyandina and in the Kaiiva recensions a portion of
the Brahmaria (II, 6, 2, 17 ; III, 6, 1) has found its way into the
Sarhhita. It is impossible to suppose that such a curious accident
could happen independently in the case of both Sarhhitas after the
redaction of their Brahmanas as suggested by the author ; the error
must have been made in the original Vajasanei/i Brahmana and
Samhitd whence it was taken over by both recensions. This considera-
tion disposes of the only ground adduced for suggesting any difference
in time between the redaction of the two portions of the Madhyandina
text, and, however we explain the original error, it does not support
the production of the Brahmana after the text of the Sarhhita had
been settled upon. Nor is there the slightest doubt as to the existence
for a prolonged period of the original Brahmana, quite distinct from
either of our recensions. That is proved by the citations from a
Vajasaneyaka by Baudhayana, Apastamba, and other writers, which

SATAPATHA BRAHMAXA IX THE KAXVIYA RECEXSIOX

617

are not found in the text of the Qatapatha in either recension, and by
the absence from it of the rules of ritual usage among the Vajasaneyins
which are recorded by Apastamba. Professor Caland indeed (p. 108)
seems to suggest that the proper inference to be drawn is that the
Brahma nas in the two extant recensions do not represent their original
forms, but the view taken here seems infinitely simpler and far more
probable.

There is in fact no evidence that the Madhyandina recension, as
we have it, is a worked over version as far as concerns its essential
parts (I-IX). The evidence, on the contrary, suggests strongly that
it was a text which came gradually into being, under conditions
which prevented the working over of the earlier part. It is admitted
that the kern of the work is made up of two sections, the non-Qandilya
books, I~\'', and the Qandilya books, VI-IX, which were brought
together in one whole. Professor Caland’s arguments that books I-V
have been worked over appear to me to prove the reverse. They are
as follows : — (1) The discussion of the Adabhya cup is not given in
these books but in XI, 5, 9, which is a manifest borrowing from the
Kanva text, V, 8, 2. (2) The text omits rules for the use of two
formulae which are supposed in XII, 4, 2, 8, to have been given above.
(3) There is lack of uniformity in grammar and style. But, surely,
the omission of the account of the Adabhya cup is a striking proof
that the text had become so fixed that it was not possible to take the
obvious course of inserting it at its proper place. Moreover, the author
himself points out the source of the version in XI, 5, 9 : it is un-
questionably borrowed from the Kanva school ; and he also himself
gives the true explanation of the reference in XII, 4, 2, 8. It is
clearly a reference to the formulae given in the Kanva text. III,
1, 3, 2, 3, and, like XI, 5, 9, is a borrowing from the Kanva. \Vhether
we agree with the author that books XI-XIII were originally Kanva
pure and simple, and then were taken over by the Madhyandina,
or whether more prudently we content ourselves with saying that they
were strongly influenced by the Kanva, is of no consequence ; there
is no doubt that Dr. Caland has shown at least that Kapva influence
is strong. But that influence was unable to interpolate the original
five books. The arguments from grammar and styde as regards these
five books are in no way suSicient to suggest working over. On the
contrary the five books present a marked individuality as opposed
to VI-IX, and the variations in them are certainly no greater than are
found in homogeneous passages of other Brahmana texts, e.g. in the

618

REVIEWS OP BOOKS

Taittirvja Samhitn, or the Brahmanas of the Rgveda. It must be
remembered that a Brahmana is nevmr the work of an individual
stylist ; it is the redaction of floating doctrines, and phrases of older
origin are worked in without cautious adaptation.

As regards Madhyandina VI-IX there is also no evidence of working
over. The corresponding Kanva books VIII-XI are clearly unoriginal
and do not contain a doctrine which in Madhyandina VIII, 5, 3, 8, is
plainly indicated as held by the Kanvas. Books I-VII of the Kanva
version are more independent, but the discrepancies between them
and the Kanva Sarnhita have been definitely shown to be derived
from use of the Madhyandina, though there remains a substantial
body of distinction between the two texts.

Mith books A I-IX Dr. Caland classes Book X (Kanva VIII-XI
and XII). Xow it is true that Book X, the Agnirahasya, is closely
bound up in subject matter with the preceding books, as it develops
mystical speculations on the fire cult and advances to a position
reminiscent of the \ panisads. But that is no ground for assuming
contemporaneity of production, and two facts tell seriously against
it. In the first place, there is the testimony of the Madras manuscript
of the Brahmana which expressly places the Agnirahasya after the
A^vamedha and before the Aranyaka, instead of after the group of
^andilya books. Dr. Caland suggests that the Pravargya may be
meant by Agnirahasya, but this is obviously implausible, for the
Pravargya is essentially the Aranyaka as opposed to the Upanisad ;
the author himself rightly insists that this is the relation of the two
texts. Secondly, a Varttika on Panini IV, 2, 60, has the terms Sasti-
patha and ^atapatha, and these terms suit precisely the hundred
chapters of the (^atafotha Brahmana and the sixty of the first nine
books. It is really impossible to ignore the significance of this fact ;
nothing can be made out of the Kanva for the number 60 ; it is true
that the first seven books make up 40 chapters, but the total is 104,
and there is no plausible way of reducing it to 100, apart from the fact
that the books after the first seven are admittedly a congeries. The
fact that there are 104 chapters is merely one more proof of the late
character of the Kanva recension. We may, therefore, confidently
accept Eggeling’s view that book X is an early addition to the text.
Books XI-XIII may, though this is unhkely, have been originally
proper to the Kanva ; in any case they are essentially supplementary
to the main text. There can be little doubt that these three books
were early recognized as a distinct whole, for the second bears the

SATAPATHA BRAHMANA ]X THE KAXVIYA RECEXSIOX

619

term Maclhyama and the same feature is to be seen in the case of
Kanva XIII-XV. Distinct again is Book XIV (XVI) which contains
the Pravargya and the Upanisad, the latter being doubtless of composite
character. Whether, as Dr. Caland suggests, this is due to confusion
of IMadhyandina and Kanva versions is uncertain, but it is noteworthy
that the Parashira Grliijnsutra, which normally follows the Madhvan-
dina Brahmana. in one passage (I, 11, 6) refers to the Kanva Upanisad
(XVI, 8, 4, 12).

On one other point it is doubtful if Dr. Caland’s tentative view
should be adopted. He is inclined to place the Baudhdijana Sfitra
in its older parts before the Brahmana on the .strength of a few passages
in which the Brahmana refers to usages of the Carakas which are only
recorded in Baudhayana. But this conclusion is clearly invalid ;
to be cogent we should have to be in a position to say that we had
all the Brahmana literature of the Black Yajurveda before us, and
obviously this is not the ca.se. ^ There seems, therefore, no reason to
doubt that Baudhayana is, like Apastamba, later than the Brahmanas,
as is suggested by much other evidence adduced by Dr. Caland, and
as he admits (p. 98) is prima facie probable. The conjecture that we
are to hold that the original Baudhayana was a Kanva who abandoned
his school and went over to the Black Yajurveda may safely be dis-
missed as wholly unproved. It has no sanction of any kind in the
^rautasutra and the fact that late passages in the Grhyasutra and
the Dharmasutra call him Kanva or Kanva do nothing to render
it plausible. Xor is this act of renegation at all necessary to explain
the hostility of the White Yajurveda to a Kanva ; the Atkarvaveda
(II, 25, 3) and the Kdthaka Samhitd (XXVIII, 4) are alike unsym-
pathetic, and no question of a renegade arises in their case.

Certain difficulties present themselves as to the relationship
between the Qatapatha and the Jaiminvja Brahmanas, as conceived
by Dr. Caland.® He holds (p. 101) that the authors of the oldest part of
the Qatapatha must have known the Jaiminlija, because both texts
(III, 3, 4, 19 ; IV, 3, 4, 13) adopt the attitude of the Jaiminlya (II,
79, 80) on the subject of the Subrahmanya formula as against the
Kauthuma-Banayaniya doctrine. But there is no such correspondence
in form or substance as to suggest actual borrowing from out Jaiminlya,

1 Sec Dr. Caland’s own proof from the Vdfihrda Sutra in Aria Orientnlia, ii. 145.

I doubt if his view of that Sutra as prior to Baudhayana can be maintained ; it
seems later.

2 See also his Over en uit het Jaiminlya-hrdhmaua^ pp. 36 ff.

620

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

which alone would establish this doctrine. It is admitted (p. 102)
that JaiminTija I, 51-65, is borrowed from the Qatajxitka (XII, 4. 1 :
XIV, 7, 1), and the admission is necessary, because the passages exactly
correspond and borrowing must be assumed, while the source is
sufficiently indicated by the fact that there is a polemic in the usual
manner of the ^atapatha against the Carakas, which would be out of
place in the Jaimirfvja. This conclusion is confirmed by the fact that
in Jairninlya II, 228, there is quoted verbatim an explanation of a
verse in the form in which it is given in the Madhyandina II, 5, 1, and
it is ascribed to Vajasaneya. There is nothing to suggest anywhere
in the two texts that the Jaiminlija is other than a borrower from the
Madhyandina, not merely from the source of that text. In the case
of the Kanva, however, we have a clear piece of evidence showing
that it had the Jaiminhja before it ; in II, 5, 2, which corresponds
with Madhyandina I, 5. 4, and Jaiminlfia II, 291, 292, we find an
addition of a paragraph which is palpably taken from the Jniminlua ;
the question is one of a dialogue between the gods and the Asuras
in the Jaiminlya, while Indra is the interlocutor in both (^atapalha
texts, until the Kanva at the end inserts a reference to the gods.
We may, of course, resort to the view that the Kapva is interpolated,
but there is really no ground for refusing the prima facie conclusion
that it used the Jairninlya ; if so, however, it must be noted that we
have an argument against the theory of Dr. Caland that XI-XIII
of the Madhyandina are derived from the Kanva, a conclusion in
itself not very probable, influence being far more plausible. Dr. Caland^
is inclined to suggest that the episode of Bhrgu as told in the Jairninlya
is more natural than as recounted in the (fatapatha. The two versions
seem to me clearly to be ultimately derived from a common source,
but to be independent of each other. That the Kanva is later than the
Jairninlya, though probably at no great difference in time, is suggested
also by the tendency of the text to use the narrative perfect ; it is a
feature of the Jairninlya that it sins in this regard, and this fact seems
to me far to outweigh the view of Dr. Caland ^ which would put the
Jairninlya before the Pahcavirica on the strength of other, but, in my
view, much less significant grammatical facts, and of the omission
in the latter of mention of repulsive rites known from the
former.

‘ Ibid., p. 28.

^ Ibid., pp. 20 S. The Jairninlya (ii, 112) quotes Tandya, and there is strong
similarity with Paheavihga, xx, 3, 2. It need not have known the Paheavinga, but
certainly it knew an allied text.

SATAPATHA BRAHMAXA IX THE KAXVIYA RECEXSIOX

621

The vexed question of the mode of denotation of the accent of the
Qatapatha has been reconsidered (pp. 7-11) by the author ; he has
succeeded, not indeed, in proving that Weber's interpretation is the
correct view, but in rehabilitating its plausibility, and his discussion
must be carefully considered in any investigation of the Sanskrit accent.
Valuable also are the contributions made to Vedic grammar, syntax,
and lexicology. Here and there a different view may be taken ;
the quaint yadij enam nidrasyat seems clearly ^ a slip for nidrdyat
in the Madhyandina, and it in turn seems best taken not as animpersonal
verb but as nidrd dydt. The suggestion that the crux ddityanimdni
qukldni yajuhsi Vdjasaneyena Y djdavalhjendkhydyante (XIV, 9, 4, 33)
should be rendered “ these formulae ... are named after Yajnavalkya"
is hardly plausible ; the two passages cited as parallel have dcaks as
the verb, which is hy no means the same thing, and in each the sense
of the instrumental is natural ; the traditional rendering which makes
Yajnavalkya proclaim the formulae is far more probable. The
instrumental in HI, 2, 10, 10 : etena ha s)na vai tad Arunir dha is
hardly inexplicable ; it may rather be deemed one of the signs of the
posteriority of the Kanva version, for which also its neglect (p. 59)
of the strict placing of the enclitic pronoun is characteristic. Another
significant fact in the same direction is the obvious increase in the
frequency of the use of the narrative perfect ; of all the criteria of
age in the Brahma nas this has proved itself the most satisfactory,
contrasting strongly with the use of the ai form of the genitive. The
Kanva rejects this usage, but it is clear, as Dr. Caland in a valuable
note ^ on the subject in Acta Orientalia (v, 49 ff.) admits, that it is not
possible, as formerly he was inclined to do, to hold that the use of
as is a sign of superior age. The use of ai was clearly a stylistic
peculiarity, which is not helpful as regards dating. The dative tasrnai
followed by a yad clause is already discussed in Riy-Veda Brdhmaims,
p. 82. In II, 6, 1, 26 : samiddhahoma u hy eva samrddha dhutindm
is perhaps not so much a case of the encroachment of the genitive
on the dative — which is still in the main, when not specially motived,
alien to the Brahmana, but is comparable with the Catapatha use of
purna with the genitive. Xor can one well explain the phrase prajdbhyah
a^i/isayaf in the Madhyandina, as opposed to prajdndm in the Kanva,
as a case of carrying into the plural (p. 65) the use of the ablative form,

1 An optative of the s aorist in the active, suggested by Dr. Caland, would be
unique form, and is out of the question.

2 The reading nitriya in TS. vi, I. 3, 2, is plainly a mere MS. blunder.

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REVIEWS OF BOOKS

for it is much easier to take the dative (not ablative) as a d<itivus
commodi, or even to recognize another instance of attraction ; the
Kanva itself uses attraction regularly in such cases as d tisrbhffo
dogdhoh, where the Madhyandina has the regular tisrndm. The
genitives in V, 4, 4, 12 : ned asya hatasya niraxtasya pratyujKihvayai
and kith tasya na pratiju pahvayeta are odd, but perhaps not inexplicable ;
the first may be taken as genitive absolute, the second explained
through the presence of kith as a motived transition totheusurpation of
the functions of the dative by the genitive. In I, 3, 1. 2 ; visrjyante
i/athdrthdndm is indeed a crux ; conceivably it may go back to a
correction of yathdrthdn to the normal yathdrthaw. There are, as usual,
a few cases ^ of imperfects for aorists, but I doubt if the Madhyandina
passage I, 6, 2, 2, is really to be regarded in this light. It .seems as
if there a definite nuance justifies the use of perfect and imperfect
in lieu of aorist. The deplorable form samdpiiivisata one would like
to excuse the Kanva, but is supported by the monstrous apiuvix-
ydmahe of both recensions elsewhere. The attempt to differentiate
the imperfect, when used in co-ordination with the perfect, as suggesting
a plusquam perfect (p. 71) is not, I think, supported by the instances
cited, and in other texts also it is dubious if any real distinction can
normally be discovered ; an occasional nuance is unquestionably
present, but it is a distinctive feature of the development of Sanskrit
style that the sense of distinction died out. Dr. Caland is inclined to
hold (p. 46) that the form ntsdkse in II, 3, 2, 13, supports the sdkxe
of the Atharvareda (II, 27, 5) but this is not probable ; the evidence
for the confusion in MSS. of ks and ksy is overwhelming,^ and isolated
forms in texts, admittedly badly handed down, cannot be permitted
to prevail over grammar and constant usage. Similarly adarimna
in Y, 1. 5, 4, is a most dubious form, and it is doubtful whether it is
wise to restore by conjecture in VII, 5, 1, 6, such a formas samdrdh-
ayistdm. A curious double use of vd is seen (p. 78) in IV, 1, 1, 4 :
atha yeyam prallcJ sarpdndm vaisd diy yatra vd devdh prdnca uddk-
ramahs tad dhaisdJilyata hind vodlcl maniisydndm ; Dr. Caland seems
to take the vd as the ordinary disjunctive, but that is out of the question,
for there is no disjimction present ; we are merely told of the southern
quarter (atha yeyaih daksiyd sd pdf«aw«),thenof the western, then of the
northern. We must in fact recognize here the use of vd as a particle

* In Madhj’andina iii, ‘2, ,'i, 1, the perfect is doubtless a mere blunder of the MS.
hi lew of the re|ietition of a long passage in identic terms.

* See my Aitateya Aratiynka, p. 254. n. 1>.

OVER HET VAIKHAXASASUTRA

623

of assertion much in the sense of vai ; there are elsewhere also indubit-
able cases (Rig-Veda Brdhmanas, p. 89) ; the Madhyandina III, 6, 2,
20, cited as parallel, is totally different, va being there plainly disjunc-
tive and being merely repeated with the main clause, thus, as was
inevitable, appearing immediately after the relative clause preceding
{tarn agnir vabhidahed go vdijam devas . . . sa vd hainam ahhimangeta).
The cases of ca ... ca are again quite different, they fall under the
type of gad n ca or gac ca. The use in the Madhvandina III, 1, 1, 11
of gad aha . . . tad aha is doubted by Hr. Caland (p. 80). It appears
that in the Kanva the reading is gad aha . . . tad u ha ; the original
Brahma na clearly must have had one or other of these readings, and
on the whole the double aha seems the more probable ; it is easier
to explain u ha being substituted for aha than the reverse. In Madh-
yandina I, 2, 4, 3, we have na vd iha mad angad annam asti gam vd
agam nddgdt, for which the Kanva offers merely the aid of omitting
the mad, a decidedly inferior reading. Dr. Caland suggests (p. 82)
that the relative clause should be regarded as an attracted clause
of fear {gad vd mdgam nddgdt), “ quern hie (vereor) ne devoret ”,
but this is perhaps rather strained. Eggeling's version “ whom,
surely, he would not eat ”, though not quite satisfactory in sense,
suggests that nddgdt should simply be rendered “ whom may he not
devour ”, the ordinary optative of wish, without any irregularity of
construction whatever and e.xcellent sense. But these must suffice
to indicate the many points of interest raised by the new text, edited
with a skill and learning worthy of such predecessors as Weber and
Eggeling.

A. B. K.

Over hex Vaikhanasasutra. By W. C.vland. Mededeelingen der
Koninklikje Akademie van AVetenschappen, Afdeeling Letter-
kunde, Deel 61, Serie A. Xo. 8. Amsterdam, 1926.

This short paper by Dr. Caland is of special interest because he
first brings evidence which clearly shows that the Vaihhdnasa Grhga-
siitra was written by an author who was saturated with the idiom
of a Dravidian language, and, secondly, he seeks to prove that the
current dating of the Mdnava Dharmacdstra may be too early. In this
suggestion two points are involved, the knowledge of the Vaikhdnasa
in the Mdnava, and the date of the Vaikhdnasa. Xow the Mdnava
(III, 21, 37, 38) has a list of forms of marriage which runs as regards
its first four members brahma, daiva, drsa, and prdjdpatga, and the

624

KEVIEWS OF BOOKS

number of ancestors and descendants, who are purified by marriage
in these several forms, is given as 20, 14. 6 and 12 respectively, to whom
must be added the individual married. There is no doubt that this
is a curious order as regards the last two forms, the break in the rule
of descending order of eSectiveness being prima facie odd. Now in the
VaiJchanasa (III, 1) we find the order brahma, daiva, prdjapalf/a
and drsa, with the proper numbers in descending order. In Afva-
layana, Gautama, and Yisnu the numbers definitely differ, .so that
it may be argued that the Vaikhdnasa is the source of Manu, who may
possibly have borrowed his order from Gautama or Visnu. It seems
to me that this is quite inconclusive, and that it is natural to suppose
that the bonowing was the other way. It is true that Manu knows
(VI, 21) the Yaikhanasamata, but there is no reason to suppose that
this is a reference to our late text ; Baudhayana and Gautama clearly
knew a Vaikhdnasaqdslra, which no one imagines to be our te.xt.
Moreover, there appears to be no ground for laying any stress on the
order of Manu as irregular. Gautama has the order arm and daiva,
and the numbers for the two are three and ten. It seems to me,
therefore, much more probable that the borrowing is from Manu,
with which accords well the very local character of the Vaikhdnasa
text. In these circumstances it is hardly necessary to investigate the
date of the Vaikhdnasa. The references to the Greek order of the
planets and the use of tdmbula are held by Dr. Caland to place the
text not before the fourth century a.d. It may fairly be doubted
if they can be pressed to this extent, but at any rate it seems to me
that we need not feel that any ground exists to bring Manu down beyond
A.D. 200. The Vaikhdnasa itself, of course, must be left uncertain
as regards the lower limit, until some allusion to the present work
actually is formd in a text earlier than the late commentaries in which
it is known. Of special interest is the reference it contains to the
curious Totenhochzeit, which is recorded of the Nambudri Brahmins.

A. B. K.

A CoKSTEUCTIVE SUEVEY OF UPANISHADIC PHILOSOPHY. Bv R. D.

Ranade, M.A., Director, Academy of Philosophy and Religion.

31 + 439 pp. Poona : Oriental Book Agency, 1926.

The Academy of Philosophy and Religion has imdertaken the
pubhcation of an Encyclopaedic History of Indian Philosophy, and
vol. II of the History affords an interesting sample of what may be
expected from this great effort, to which contributions have been

UPAXISHADIC PHILOSOPHY

625

promised from most of the leading writers in India on philosophical
topics. Indian philosophy is to be enabled to exercise its due influence
on the west by its presentation in modern form, and bv the comparison
of its doctrines with those of European thinkers of the past and present
alike. In such attempts there are patent advantages ; the Western
philosopher may well be induced to .study Indian thought more closely
when he is reminded of Plato, Aristotle. Kant. Bradley and Bosanquet.
On the other hand there is the disadvantage that in discovering
similarities we may be led to ignore what is characteristically Indian
or specifically individual. Doubtless all philosophies are directed to
one end, and their results have frequently a remarkable similaritv ;
what, however, is reallv important is their methods, and nothing can
be less like Berkeley than the mere assertions of the Aitareya U panimd
(III. 3) regarding the primacy of the intellect, for we can hardly accept
the author's doctrine (p. 118) that we have in that Upanisad (III, 2)
a serious classification of mental states. Still less convincing is the
suggestion (p, 275) that the doctrine of Yajhavalkya that the self
alone is its light is equivalent to the " theoria " of Aristotle. Oldenberg
was right in his insistence on the essential affinity of the thought of
the Upanisads with that of mystics like Plotinus.

The same tendency to obliterate distinctions appears in Mr. Ranade's
treatment of matters purely Indian. If he will not believe in the
different character of Greek, Egyptian, and Indian views of trans-
migration, so also he will not permit any suggestion of borrowing from
the aborigines even of the elements of the idea, but claims it as Aryan
and clearly present in germ in the Rgveda (pp. 145 ff.). But he adduces
no fresh evidence, and we are left, as before, with mere possibilities.
WTiat is certain is that in certain Upanisads we find a quite clear and
definite doctrine of transmigration and that what really counts in
philosophy is the distinct formulation of any doctrine, not the fact
that it is a natmal deduction from early ideas.

Apart, however, from these tendencies there is much of interest
in the work, which represents the synthetic side of a study of the
Upanisads, which in its analytic aspect is to appear as a separate
volume. Thismode of treatment is justified by the author who compares
(p. 19) Gomperz’s analytical survey of Plato with Zeller's synthetic-
presentation. There is here an obvious flaw m the comparison, for,
though Plato's mind passed through more than one stage, his thought
presents a whole quite incomparable with that of the many authors
of the Upanisads. But, admitting the legitimacy of the plan, the work

626

RE\aEWS OF BOOKS

is of value as an attempt to establish a constructive view of the world,
based on the Upanisads but reinterpreted in the light of western
philosophy. The author ingeniously completes his scheme by pointing
out that in the Bhagavadgltd we find the doctrine of duty for its own
sake, which is necessary to supplement the deficiencies of the ethical
doctrines of the Upanisads themselves. Not the least interesting
section of his work is Chap. IV in which he explains his views of the
development of later philosophies from the Upanisads ; the case made
out for Qankara's doctrine as a legitimate development is moderate
and reasonable. Mr. Ranade rejects (p. 201) the identification of the
Krsna of the Upanisad and him of the epic, declines (p. 187) to believe
in the historical reality of the Kapila of the (^'veta^vatara Vpam^ad,
and recognizes (pp. 101-5) that not borrowing but parallelism is the
true view of the similarities between early Greek and Indian
thought.

On matters in the sphere of philology the author is an unsafe guide.
His description of the close of the Taittirvja Vpanimd as of “un-
surpassed grandeur ” is as untenable as two passages in his rendering
of it (pp. 352, 353). The argument regarding the Aitareya Aranj/aka,-
(p. 15) is wholly misconceived ; no doubt can exist as to the existence
of different strata in the Aitareya Aranyaka, and it is significant
that in what are clearly the older passages, as other grounds show,
transmigration is not mentioned. Nor is it the case that in the Upanisad
(IT, 4) there is a clear statement of the doctrine of transmigration in the
principle of the three births of man. On the contrary, the third
birth is best taken as birth into the world of death, a conception which
does not carry us beyond the ideas of the Brahmanas. The order
of the Upani.sads accepted (p. 16) is not based on any cogent reasoning,
and disagrees with the praise given (p. 433) to Wecker’s researches,
which, though that author fully recognized that they rested on far
too limited a base to be in any way conclusive, point strongly to placing
the Kena and the Igd after the Attareya, Taittiriya, Katha, and
Kausliaki, But the adduction after each chapter of the sources relied
on is a convenience, and the book forms a distinctly useful addition
to the already large literature on the Upanisads.

A. B. K.

LA THEOKIE DE LA CONNAISSAXCE

627

La Theoeie de la Coxxaissaxce et la Logique chez les
Bouddhistes tardies. By Th. Stcherbatsky. Translated by
Mme I. DE Maxziaely and Paul JIassox-Oursel. pp. xi -f
2.55. Paris : Paul Geuthner, 1926. 50 fr.

The originality and acumen of Professor Stcherbatsky’s thought
have somewhat tardily brought his introduction to his Russian
translation of the N ydi/abindu the merited honour of renderings into
German (Munich, 1924) and into French. The new translation, we
learn, was ready in 1914, but some consolation for the delay is afforded
by the fact that the author has revised in certain details his treatise
and that it thus presents his mature views. The accuracy of the trans-
lation, which is due mainly to Mme I. de Manziarly, is assured by the
supervision of M. P. Masson-Oursel, whose Esquisse d'nne Histoire
de la Philosophie Indienne (1923) attests his competence as an inter-
preter of the obscure fields of Indian philosophy.

It is interesting to note that Professor Stcherbatsky has not
changed in any essential point the views which he has so long pro-
pounded, and we may readily concede with 51. Masson-Oursel that his
work proves that India in the seventh century a.d. possessed “ une
logique aussi puissante que celle d’Aristote et une epistemologie assez
originale pour faire penser au kantisme “. Without stressing the
parallelism with European thought, it is clear that the most valuable
contribution of Buddhism to Indian philosophy is presented by the
school of thought which is best represented by Dharmakirti, and which
the author traces (pp. 160 ff) to a combination of the Yogacara and
Sautrantika schools. It is more cbfficult to be certain of the precise
character of the view held by Dharmakirti regarding the real element
in perception. An interesting attempt has been made by Professor
Dasgupta {Indian Philosophy, i, 409 f.) to claim for Dharmakirti the
position that in perception we have as the element of validity “ the
pure sensation of the moment presenting the specific features of the
object ", as opposed to Professor Stcherbatsky's view that the reality
is the incognizable foundation of our knowledge, a thing-in-itself
which is utterly imknowable. Either view can be made consistent
with the expressions of the Nydyabindu, but the latter . explanation
may be preferred on the score that, on the whole, it better fits in
with the trend of the doctrine of Dharmakirti. But the divergence
of view on the part of two competent interpreters is a significant
reminder of the obscurities of Indian logical texts and the difficulty
of transferring the ideas of their authors into modern terminology'

628

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

without altering their meaning by recalling associations in reality
alien to the Sanskrit terms.

Special attention is due to the light often thrown on other philoso-
phical systems Professor Stcherbatsky's discussions ; the \ edanta
of ^’ahkara gains in clearness when considered in the light of the
Madhyamika and of Dharmakirti and it is impossible to refus<‘
validity to his arguments (e.g. pp. 88, 183 f.) in favour of the great debt
of the Nyaya and Yaicesika schools to Buddhist logicians. His effort
to connect Dharmakirti's view of reality with the fundamental doctrine
of Avidya in early Buddhist thought (p. 163) is ingeniousand attractive.
Moreover, his work has the great merit of clear statement of the vdews
which he holds, though it is probable that in seeking for definiteness
he sometimes gives to Indian theory a precision and completeness
foreign to the schools. It would perhaps have added to the authority
of the work, had the author in his revision definitely replied to some
of the criticisms directed against his theories, and there seems no good
reason for insisting on placing not only Dignaga but Vasubandhu
in the fifth century a.d.

A. Berriedale Keith.

Asoka. By James M. Macphail, M.A., M.D. Second edition.
(The Heritage of India.) PJmo ; pp. 97 ; 1 plate. Calcutta :
Mysore printed, 1926.

Harsha. By Kadhakumud Mookerji, M.A., Ph.D. (Calcutta
University Readership Lectures, 1925.) 12mo ; pp. 203, 3
plates. London, Oxford : (University Press) printed, 1926.

Dr. Macphail’s monograph on the great Maurya appears here in a
second edition. It deserves this success, for although it does not present
the fruit of original researches or the solution of any problem, it is
a well composed summary of the main facts known to us concerning
Asoka set forth in a style calculated to interest the general reader
without sacrificing truth to to ijSJ. In a popular book of this kind
there are almost inevitably some minor points to which the professional
historian or philologist will take exception ; and in this connexion
we may remark that “ Amitraghatta ” (p. 16) should be

Amitraghata ”, that the name Rdhula does not really mean “ bond "
(p. 32 f.), that Gautama is not the name of the clan but is a patronymic
taken by a Sakya Ksatriya from a Brahman Purdhita (p. 32), that the
description of the Buddha’s teaching given on p. 34 f. is really inade-
quate, that the cr 3 q)to-Buddhism that still survives in Orissa is very

ASOKA ; HARSHA

629

imperfectly described on p. 66, and that “ Omar Khaliff ” (p. 85) is
grammatically and phonetically incorrect. It may be added that the
chronology of Asoka is even more uncertain than Dr. Macphail seems
prepared to admit. But these after all are minor details. On the whole
the book is a really good and well-documented estimate of the character
of Asoka as a man and a seeker after righteousness. As such he was
great. But of religion, as a relation of the human soul to God, he cmdd
have little, for he was a Buddhist. The Dhamma which he strove in
all earnestness to realize was not merely moral righteousness and
legal rule, but also and pre-eminently the Law of ^fature and the
preaching of Gotama Buddha in which that law was believed to be
revealed. Early Buddhism contained a cold doctrine of psychology
and nature, some warmth of sympathy for living beings, and a big
Weltschnerz ; but religion was not in it.

The amazing career of Harsavardhana of Kanauj is one of the most
intriguing riddles of history, and will remain so even after Professor
Mookerji’s thoughtful and careful monograph. The author here studies
the life of Harsa and his historical setting in seven chapters, with
plates depicting the coins ascribed to him, the Banskhera inscription
which seems to reproduce his handwriting, and a map of India as
it was divided in his reign. It is a piece of good and scholarly work-
manship, in which nearly all the relevant facts of historical and
cultural interest are carefully presented. I say “ nearly all for owing
to no fault of Professor Mookerji he has not been able to make use
of IVIr. Aravamuthan’s recent monograph on the Maukharis or the
Vappaghosavata grant of the Maharajadhiraja Jayanaga of Karna-
suvarna, published by me in Ep. Ind. XVIII, p. 60 f. The book,
however, brings no solution to the puzzle : how did Harsa do it,
and when ? We know that he was born about a.d. 590 ; we know
the vague account given by Bana of the circumstances of his early
years and the equally vague references to his victories given by the
Chinese sources. But what we long to know is : what was the real
political position of our hero at the beginning of his career as regards
his paternal kingdom and that of the Maukharis ? Did he start as king
or as kumdra after Rajyavardhana’s death ? By what methods was
he able to create in a few years an empire which comprised almost
the whole of Northern India ? And what is the chronology of this
chapter of marvels ? To these questions Professor Mookerji brings
no certain answer.

From his view on a part at least of the last question I venture to

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REVIEWS OF BOOKS

dissent. Hiuen T‘siing tells us that Harsa “ waged incessant warfare
until in six years he had brought the Five Indias under allegiance ■ :
and we know he came to the throne about 605-6. Accordingly
Professor Mookerji writes (p. 36) ” we may assume that all his conquests
were over bv about .\.n. 612 ". In other words, Harsa had built up
a colossal empire, strong enough to last for over thirty years and to
survive the disaster of Pulakesi's victory, before he was more than
twenty-two vears of age ! This would be a miracle, if true. But the
hypothesis is gratuitous : it is quite needless to suppose that Hiuen
T‘sang's “ six years ” began in 606 and ended in 612.

A few minor points m.ay be mentioned. The coins figured on
the frontispiece are ascribed by Profe.s.sor Mookerji to Harsa, but they
are almost certainly not his. They bear the name Slladiti/a, and may be
assigned to an earlier king of that ilk. possibly Slladitya of Malwa.
It is stated (p. 61) that Bhandi is a Hunic rather than a Sanskrit name ;
but no evidence is given for this assertion, which is contrary to what we
know of Indian onomatology. The statement on p. 136 that the
Chinese Pei-na represents probably Sanskrit Beda or Veda is incorrect,
and the alleged Sanskrit words .seem to be voces nihili. On p. 172 a
generalization of Hiuen T'sang is made the basis of an assertion that
in the days of Harsa “ there were no intercaste marriages ". which is
far too sweeping. Finally, we may remark that the transcription of
names is sometimes inconsistent, and in a few cases incorrect. On
the whole, however, the work is careful and accurate, and will be really
helpful for the study of a most interesting person and his age.

L. D. B.

MJvgha's Sisupalavadiia. Xach den Kommentaren cles \Alla-
bhadeva und des Mallinathasuri ins Deutsche iibertragen von
E. Hultzsch. pp. vii -f 249. Leipzig, 1926. 8vo.

The fact that Magha's poetry is heavily clogged with punditry
has always rendered him a darling of the learned, and led manv of
them to prefer him to the less sophisticated Kalidasa. He had consider-
able poetical feeling for some themes, and — what is more important
in India — an amazing skill for versifying erudition, which peculiarly
fits his stanzas for quotation in the schools. Possibly, too, he ma}-
have other qualities less obvious : one suspects in him a vein of irony,
since he gravely says that “ men of nobler sort are naturally brief of
speech {II, 13), and then continues his poem for twenty canto.s.

ASCARYACUDAMANI

631

But however we may estimate his merits, his importance in Sanskrit
literature is very great, and Professor Hultzsch deserves the thanks of
teachers and students for this scholarly translation, in which are also
included notes and a critical appendix giving the textual readings
in which Vallabhadeva's recension differs from that of ilallinatha.
As Vallabhadeva wrote his commentary early in the tenth century,
about three hundred years only from Magha's date, the critical value
of the text preserved by him is obviously much greater than that of
Mallinatha, who is comparatively modern.

L. D. B.

AsrARYACUDAMANi. A Drama by Saktibhaura. . . . With an
Introduction by S. Koppi'swami Sastri, M.A.. I.E.S. (Sri
Balamanorama Series, No. 9.) 8vo : pp. 28 -f- 238 + hi-
Mylapore (Madras), 1926.

This drama has a special interest for the Bulletin, as it furnished
Mr. Rama Pisharoti with a strong argument for his thesis in his
important paper on the Bhasa-problem published in this journal,
Vol. Ill, p. 111. The publication of it was begun, but apparently was
never completed, in the Kerala-grantha-mala , a literary magazine
printed at Kottakal which began its career in 1906. The enterprise
of the Balamanorama Press has now given us a well-printed edition
of the text with a commentary by an anonymous scholar of much
learning, though of somewhat late date.

The play is of fairly high antiquity (according to tradition, its
author was a disciple of the great Saiikara), and of considerable merit ;
indeed, Mr. Kuppuswami Sastri, whose learning and critical acumen
place him in the foremost rank of Indian scholars, suggests that “ it
is the best of the Rama plays, perhaps barring Bhavabhuti's Uttara-
ramacarita in certain respects ”. As I have already noticed some of
its features in the JRAS. of 1927, p. 352, I may be pardoned for
abstaining from repetition ; but I would call attention to the weighty
evidence that is borne by this play against the Bhasa-hypothesis,
as Mr. Kuppuswami Sastri effectively shows in his introduction.
In fact, it kills “ Bhasa

L. D. B.

^ How deadly its evidence and the statement of the case by Mr. Kuppuswami
Sastri are ma}' be seen from the review in the Madras Journal of Oriental liesearchy
I, i, p. 103.

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Gaekwad s Okiental Series. Edited under the supervision of the

Curator of State Libraries, Baroda. 8vo. Central Library :

Baroda ; Baroda and Bombay printed, 1916, etc.

This series having now passed its tenth anniversary, it is a fitting
time to survey its output.

Its first volume (1916) was Rajasekhara’s Kavija-mlmdmsa, on
the art of poetry and the j)oet’s craft, a very v'aluable and interesting
work (pp. xxix, vi, 112, 27, 3, xiv). Xo. 2 (1916) was Vastupala’s
^ ara-ndrdyanananda, a poem of sixteen cantos on the sports of Xrsna
and Arjuna on Girnar and the rape of Subhadra, with a Jain hymn
by the same vvwiter, etc. (pp. x, i, 92, xii) ; Xo. 3 (1917) was Ananda-
jfiana s TarJca-sanifjraha, criticising and refuting the Vaisesika system
(pp. 6, xxii, 142, xvii, viii) ; Xo. 4 (1917) was Prahladana's Pdrtha-
pardkrama, a play in one act on an epic theme (pp. viii, 29) ; and No. 5
(also 1917) was Rudra s Rdstmiidha-vamsa-niahd-kdvi/a, a poem of
twenty cantos on the history of the Bagula dynasty of Mayura-giri
(pp. xxiv, 118, iv, 1). In 1918 appeared Xo. 6, Vamana's Lingdnu-
sdsana with his own commentary (pp. ix, 21, ii) ; No. 7, Balacandra’s
Vasanta-vildsa, a poem of fourteen cantos containing a life of the
famous Vastupala, minister of Viradhavala of Dholka (pp. xvi, 114,
vi) ; No. 8, six dramas by Vatsaraja, a minister of Paramardi of
Kalanjara (pp. x, ii, 191) ; and No. 9, Yasahpala's Moha-rdja-pardjaya,
a drama on the conversion to Jainism of the Caulukya king Kumara-
pala (pp, xiv, xvii, 135, xviii, ii). In 1920 appeared No. 10, Jaya-
simha’s Hammlra-mada-rmrdana, an historical drama on the repulse
of a Moslem army by Viradhavala of Dholka and his ministers Tejah-
pala and Lavanyasirnha, with some panegyrical poems (pp. viii, 90,
viii) , No. 11, Soddhala s Udayasunduri-kathd, a romance in prose
and verse (pp. viii, ii, 158) ; No. 12, Mahadeva Vadindra’s Mahd-
vidya-vidambana, on the rmhu-vidyd syllogism, with commentaries
(pp. xhv, 189, viii) ; No. 13, part 1 of Prdcma-gurjara-kdvya-samyraha,
a collection of old Gujarati poems and prose extracts on Jain legend
and doctrine (pp. 2, 132, 30) ; No. 14, Somaprabha’s Kurmrapdla-
fratibodka, sermons on Jainism purporting to have been given bv
Hemacandra to Kumarapala and an account of the latter’s conversion
and practice of Jainism, in San.skrit and Prakrit (pp. xv, xvi, 39, ii
478, vii) ; No. 15, Bhasarvajna’s Gana-kdrikd, eight verses s’umniariz’ing
the doctrines of Pasupata Yogis, with the commentary Ratna-tlkd,
etc. (pp. X, 57) ; and No. 16, the Samgita-rmkaranda, a manual of
music, ascribed to the mythical Narada (pp. xi, iv, 64). In 1921 were

FURTHER DIALOGUES OF THE BUDDHA

633

issued No. 17, the Catalogue of the Library of Kavindracarya Saras vatl,
written about a.d. 1650 (pp. xv, 3, 2, 34). and No. 18, the Varaha-
grliya-sutra (pp. v, 24). In 1923 appeared No. 20, Dhanapala's Bhavi-
saijatta-katha , a Jain legend in Apabhranisa verse (pp. 69, 148, 174) ;
No. 21, Mr. C. D. Dalai's Catalogue of Manuscripts in the Jain Bhandars
at Jesalmere (pp. 70, 101) ; Nos. 22 and 23, the Parasu-rama-kalpa-
sutra, on the Sri-vidya system, with commentary of Eamesvara, etc. :
and No. 24, the introductory part of Ramanujacarya's Tantra-rahasya,
a commentary on the Purva-mlniainsa (pp. 15, 84). The first volume
of Samardiigana-sutradhara, a copious treatise on the rules of building
and statuary, appeared as No. 25 in 1924 ; the second part. No. 32,
was issued in 1925. In 1925 also were published No. 19, the Lekha-
paddkati, a collection of model documents and letters for use in
Government offices (pp. xi, 130) ; No. 26, vol. i of the Sadhana-mald,
a collection of formulae of Buddhist worship (pp. xxiii, 342) ; No. 27,
vol. i of a Descriptive Catalogue of Manuscripts in the Central Library,
Baroda, by G. K. Shrigondekar and K. S. Ramaswami Shastri (pp. 28.
264) ; andNo. 28, vol. i of the Mdnasolldsa or Abhilasitdrtha-cintamani
ascribed to Somesvara III, an important work on polity and economics
(pp. xviii, 146). The present year has produced as No. 29 Raraa-
candra’s Nala-vildsa, a drama on the epic tale of Nala (pp. xl, 91).

The record of the Series is, as is patent to all, an extremely creditable
one. Nearly all the texts issued in it were hitherto unpublished ;
some are of outstanding value, and none are without merit or interest.
As is to be expected, a considerable number of them are concerned
with the history and literature of Gujarat and the West, which lends
an attractive touch of local colour to the collection. But almost every
branch of Sanskrit literature is here represented, and congratulations
are due to the editors (the first of whom, unfortunately, is no more)
and to the enlightened Government of Baroda for the services that
they have rendered to the classical literature of India.

L. D. Barnett.

Further Dialogues of the Buddha. Translated from the Pali of
the Majjhima Nikaya. By Lord Chalmers, G.C.B. Sometime
Governor of Ceylon. In two volumes. Vol. ii. (Printed for the
Pali Text Society.) Oxford University Press, 1927.

Of this long-needed work, and its many excellencies I have already
written an appreeiation in a previous number of this Journal. The
second and concluding volume is now in our hands ; for it all that

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REVIEWS OF BOOKS

was said of the first holds good. Of the doctrinal contents long known
to the very little world of Pali readers — how many Buddhists are
conv'ersant with the Pali scriptures ? — it is not here the occasion to
speak. But English readers of the Dialogues " can now for the
first time compare a complete translation of the second group (Xikaya)
of Suttas with that of the first group. They will need to be reminded
that each Group is the final derivative and outcome of a .special and
di.stinct school of repeaters : — “ Digha-repeaters " and Majjhima-
repeaters ' {-bhanakd) — appointed, it is alleged, at the first Council at
Rajagaha, to concentrate .separately on the recensions of the oral
sayings which had been as yet collected and juit into standard verbal
(not .scriptural) form. As might be expected, they will find, with much
mutual agreement, interesting diflerenees in doctrinal selections
and emphasis. And they may also note, in the present volume,
the emergence of the Sutta, here and there, in uddesa, rendered
summary ’ , e.g. iso. c.xxxvii, and niddesa, or detailed exposition.
It is not a fat fetch of imagination to see, in the former, the brief
argument ” as written on a metal plate, long before the adv'ent
of the date-palm leaves made the writing of the whole record a much
easier matter.

Eiqually important perhaps are the le.ssons subsequent translators
from the Pali should learn from this notable essay in their craft.
Lord Chalmers has raised so fine a standard here of English style
as to rjueer the pitch for any more of the .somewhat poor .specimens
of it that have found publishers’ suffrages in translations from the
Pah, not only by Europeans and Asiatics, but also by Englishmen
and Americans. I spoke of this before. But translators can also
learn what to avoid. And that is, (i) not to place, by never so slight
a twist of language, ideas in the mouth of these olden time speakers
which they never intended to say. And (ii) secondly, not to give
them words, the equivalents of which did not exist in the speaker’s
tongue. For all its high level of excellence I cannot give to either
volume, in this respect, a clean bill of health. Time and space are
both very limited. I can only sample.

(i) If the reader will turn to Sutta viii (vol. i), p. 29, he will find
the translator making the founder of Buddhism say, what, to the best
of my knowledge, is not to be paralleled in an other canonical passage
treating of the same subject. Eow, in that the Buddhist Order adopted
a standardized wording to an extent that impairs most Suttas as
literature, such a unique rendering looks at once fishy. Here it is

FURTHER DIALOGUES OF THE BUDDHA

635

“ The way to get quit ... of those false views ... is by seeing with
right comprehension that there is no ‘ mine no ‘ this is I no ‘ this
is 7111 ) self’."'

I have yet to find anjdhing quite so wild as this universal
negative attributed to the Sakyamuni. Had the Pali meant to say
this, the wording would have been natthi hind mamati, natthi koci
aham asnuti, natthi koci me attati. But the text runs thus : — Ya
imd . . . ditthiyo loke vppajjanti . . . tatn : n'etam mama, n'eso 'ham
asmi, na tn'eso attd ti evani etani . . . passato, etc. That is : — “ The
opinions which arise in the world . . to one who sees with true wisdom
that saying : it is not mine, it is not what ' I ’ am, it is not the
■ man ' in me — those opinions are got rid of.”

The early Buddhists liked to quote the Sankhya academic wordings,
of which this is one. But the Sankhya was emphatic that the man
{purusa) exists, only he must not be identified with either body or
mind in any of its phases. Is it likehj that, aware of these implications,
they would have used a formula in which the.se were involved, if they
held “ there is no " this is I ’ ? " But Buddhists, and European
writers, not discerning what Buddhism started withal, as different
from what it grew to be, all too glibly maintain that the denial of
the ‘ I ’ was perpetrated from the beginning. It is more likely that,
if the Founder had taught that denial, he would have been considered,
not a wise teacher but an idiot !

However that may be, my point is, that the Pali here cannot rightly
be rendered by a categorical negation. They who do not hold, as I
do, that Pali literature can be shown to betray a history in this doctrine
of “ no-self ", they who overlook the ambiguity in the word dtman
(attan), and its uses, they who do not see that a side-issue of early
Buddhism was a protest against the self-in-man, that is, the man-as-
God, of inner brah min teaching, a side-issue which degenerated
into a nihilistic view on the very man, or self — these will not see in
this misrendering any distortion of historical fact. To me it is a
buttressing of error, which European Buddhists will bring forward
to support that nihilistic view ; it is a set-back to that historical
grasp which better knowledge will yet one day make general. I only
wish that these lines of criticism were likely to have any fraction of the
influence which the rendering in the translation will have. I gladly
add, that the care bestowed in general in the renderings reveals so
far no other slip so breeding bane.

(ii) Translators, especially of an ancient tongue, have two special

636

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

difficulties to cope withal : words the tongue had, but their own has
not, and words which their own tongue can supply better than the
ancient tongue of their text. In either case, their rendering will be
misleading if special care, special training, and the history of their
subject be not ever mounting guard. For the most part the present
work is a model of care in these respects. For instance, it improves
on the Dialogues in not calling hhikkhave “ brethren ". Xo man
deserves that name of honour who is not a brother to all men. The
monks were brothers more or less to each other. Thev' did not look
upon the laity as their brothers ; nor did thev ever speak of men,
lay or religious, as brothers. It was a mistake on our part so to call
them. The word was there if the leiU had arisen. The monk was to
consider women as “sisters’". This was the limit of his progrcs.s.
Lord Chalmers (and I) cho.se “ almsmen ", a literal rendering.

But in other terms he is le.ss literal : e.g. in Tathngata ’‘truth-finder ",
deva “gods”, dhamma “doctrine’", ririga " will, resolution"", tulann
cogitation . In the first three ice have no fit irord. The originals
should have been left in, with an explanatory footnote. " Truth-
finder ” looks forward ; Tathagata looks back ; so much in Buddhism
does. It smells of tradition : “ he who has thus come ”, namely,
by the ancient Buddha-way. Deva, devatn had ceased to mean
“ gods . Yes, they existed right enough, but any king was so
addres.sed : “ sire ”, and all inmates of other, happier worlds and those
too of earth, if unseen, were so called. We do not consider our fellow-
men, hosts in other worlds, as *’ gods "'. We have no word — as yet.
Deva should “ stand ”. Dhamttm does not mean just fixed teaching,
save in a quite secondary sense. It is what we try to express in what
ought, what may be, the better, the ideal. “ Xorm ” has points, but it
is rather “ good average ” ; not “ the better ”. We have no fit word.
Let it stand. So shall we do better .service to truth. India has some
words which we have not, which we ought to have.

But in “ will ” we have a word which India had not, has not.
Ours is the wealth, not the poverty. Yiriya is only effort, energizing,
a mode of using will. Will reaches-out-after, but it is self-directed,
it seeks this, not that. The very choosing, here implied, India cannot
word in a general way. Tuland : (scale-) “ weighing ”, is an effort
after .such a word, yet the translator, not wary psychologically,
renders it by cogitation ’ (ii, p. 99), in which is no need for choosing,
willing, acting, doing, or not doing.

A translation can throw much light on man’s growth or want of it.

SAMASLOKI GITA

637

in values, in will, in wording, if only it will not put in what is not in
the original. In the present work there is as a rule little of this
undeserved enrichment. In either case, we could have done with
more guidance in the steering that brief judicious footnotes give the
English reader.

C. A. F. Khys Davids.

SamaslokI Gita. By ilricuxuA Gaxesh Mir.ukar. pp. 205.

Poona City : Ganesh Printing Works, 1926.

A splendid contribution to Mar.athi literature in verse. The
Bhagawadgita enjoys universal popularity. It has been translated
into every modern language of the world. It contains a practical
philosophy of life. It has eighteen chapters each bearing a different
title according to the subject treated in it. Sanskrit commentarie.s
on it can be reckoned by .scores. In all the vernacular languages ot
India, there are translations, renderings, e.xpositions, dissertations,
lectures, theses, essays, vTitten on this wonderful book. It is
regarded as Smrti. The Bhagawadgita offers a great field to authors,
to orators, to preachers to exhibit their marvellous powers. The
original text has been committed to memory by millions of Hindus.
Thousands of individuals have taken a kind of vow of reciting the
Bhagawadgita in its entirety once in a day. Hardly two years pass
without something bemg published on the Bhagawadgita. And still
there is scope for every talented man to wTite on it. The material
of it is inexhau.stible. The pre.sent rendering of the Gita is in verse
and in the same metre — samasluki — as the original. It has a fine
Marathi tone. If we compare this work with that of Waman Pandit,
the latter has the greater charm. There is nothing amiss in the present
work, however, but Waman's rendering has something that catches
life, that fascinates the mind. The present attempt, however, is
quite successful. Some of the verses, the sixteenth chapter for example,
will serve as a fine specimen of e.xcellent Marathi. The book will
repay perusal.

S. G. K.AXHEEE.

Bihari Katx.vkak. By .Iagaxxath D.as Ratxakar. 9.1 7 ;

32 + 296 + 46 pp. Lucknow ; Ganga Pustak Mala, 1926.
Rs. 5.

The author s reappearance in the field of literature is most welcome.
For vears the pressure of business prevented him from devoting

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attention to the subjects which he loves, and it was feared that he
was lost to literature. Happily, this fear is not to be realized. He
has long been a student of Biharl's Satsai, and has specially taken
up the question of the true text and correct sequence of verses.

This volume gives the result of his investigations. The body
of the work contains the text of the Satsai, dohd by doha, with transla-
tion and commentary. The meaning of difficult words is inserted
in brackets. In an animated introduction he tells of his search for
MSS. and the difficulties which had to be overcome. There is a
description of six MSS. dating from the seventeenth and early
eighteenth centuries, including one erroneoush" thought by some to he
in Biharl's handwiting. These have all been carefully compared
and collated. WTien the author was unable to get access to a 3IS.
he had a special cop)' made. A remarkable fact emerged from the
comparison. It was found that all the MSS. followed either wholly
or almost wholly the same order, and Jagannath Das concludes that
this is undoubtedly the order preferred by Biharl himself, exhibiting
in fact the authentic sequence of the couplets.

The author accepts 713 dohds as genuine, but he adds in an
appendix without commentary 143 more which are found in other
editions of the Satsai. Another appendix gives in alphabetical order
the first lines of all the dokas here accepted, with a table showing
their position not only in this but in seven other recensions. There
are four full-page illustrations, three of which are coloured.

Altogether, it is a fine piece of work, a worthy testimony to the
good taste and industry of this scholar and poet.

T. G. B.

Jar.vsadh Vadh Mahakavya. Pt. i. By Giridhar D.ls, edited by
Vraj Ratn Das. 7| x 5 ; 24 + 174 pp. Benares : Kamalmani
Granth Mala, 1926. Re. 1/4.

Vraj Ratn Das is already well known for his w'ork on Hindi
literature. To speak only of recent publications, he brought out not
long ago an excellent edition of the Prem Sugar, followed by one of
Bhdsd Bhusan, and now we have this edition of a fine poem hardly
ever heard of. It contains the text with numerous footnotes and two
introductions, one on the poet and one on the poem.

Gopal Candr, better known by his iipandm of Giridhar Das, the
father of Bharatendu Haris Candr, was the author of many works,
perhaps forty in all, hardly any of which are obtainable. He died

AKBAR AND THE JESUITS

639

sixty-seven years ago at the early age of 26. Poetical works
corresponding to the strict Sanskrit conception of mahakavya are
rare in Hindi, though if one strips the idea of purely arbitrary con-
comitants, there are many. The poem before us has a right to the
name even in its narrowest sense.

The editor, in introducing to us this epic written by a man (I
almost said a boy) who ranks among the foremost Hindi poets, and
vet is almost unknown, has done a great service to the cause of the
literature of his country.

T. Grahame Bailey.

Akbar and the Jesuits. An Account of the Jesuit Missions to the
Court of Akbar. By Father Pierre Du Jarric, S.J. Translated
with Introduction and Notes by C. H. Payne. (The Broadway
Travellers. Edited by Sir E. Denison Ross and Eileen Power.)
xlviii -f 288 pp., 8 plates. London : Routledge, 1926.

Mr. C. H. Payne has translated from Du Jarric’s Histoire des cJioses
phis memorahles advenues . . . aux hides Orientales the chapters relating
to the three Jesuit missions sent from Goa (in 1580, 1590, and 1594)
to Akbar's court at Lahore. Du Jarric, as his editor points out,
cannot rank as an original authority, but his work has a high value,
first, as a convenient summary of all available published material,
and, secondly, as preserving for us the contents of documents either
no longer in existence or otherwise inacce.ssible. His narrative is
clear and extremely readable, and he seems to have made a very
conscientious use of his authorities. They, and not he, are responsible
for the curious ignorance of Moslem religion and local customs —
as hlr. Payne says, “ these alien creeds were. " to the Jesuit Fathers,
•• things to be uprooted rather than studied " — shown, inter alia, in the
use of the term alcoran for a minaret, and the assertion (p. 60) that
unmarried women who wish to make the Mecca pilgrimage " all get
married beforehand so as not to break the law. After their return
they are free to part from their husbands if they have a mind to do so ".
The character of Akbar is not unsympathetically described, though
a quite natural bias leads the writer to take the most pessimistic
view of his ultimate destiny and to account for the misfortunes which
befel him in 1596 and 1597 as judgments on him for his ’• foolish,
worship of the sun ".

The translation reads so ea,sily that it must have involved no
ordinarv amount of care and labour, and furnishes a good illustration

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REVIEWS <>E BOOKS

of ars est cel are artem. One may be permitted to wonder, however,
why the translator should invariably have written “ Noel '' for
“ Christmas ” ; “ emersed ” on p. 206 is probably a printer's error —
the only one noticed, with the exception of the perplexing reversal
of two notes to Chapter IX, on page 251, where 12 should have beeji
numbered 13 and vice versa. The typography is otherwise unexception-
able, and the general appearance of the volume on a par with the rest
of this most attractive series. It is illustrated with eight reproduc-
tions of Persian paintings, including Manohar's portrait of Akbar
from the group picture in the Wantage Collection.

V. W.

Le Kou-wen Chinois. Recueil de textes avec introduction et notes.
Par Georges Margoulies, Docteur es-lettres, etc. pp. c.xxvii
464. Paris : Paul Geuthner, 1926.

Le “ Fou ” DANS LE Wen-.siuan. Etude et textes. Par Georges
Margoulies. pp. 138. Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1926.

M. Georges Margoulies makes an efiective entrance into the sino-
logical world with the simultaneous publication of these two volumes.
The first contains 120 pieces of Jcu-icen (the exact significance of which
term will be found carefully explained in the introduction) ; the
second, three typical specimens of the fu, a prose-poem of a kind that
is peculiar to Chinese literature. The mere bulk of the work, and the
great labour of translation that it must have involved, cannot but
compel our admiration. It is true that the great majority of the
pieces selected have already been translated either by Professor H. A.
Giles in his “ Gems of Chinese Literature ” or by Pere Zottoli into
dog-Latin ; a few have also been done by Grube in his “ Geschichte
der Chinesischen Litteratur ” ; but it is evident that M. Margoulies
has struck out an independent line, and is little indebted to the
renderings of his predecessors. He is too much obsessed with the ideal
of absolute and literal fidelity to his text : in his opinion, it would be
waste of time to attempt to present the artistic side of Chinese literary
productions to a public that is not yet capable of appreciating
it; and therefore, rather than “glide over difficulties and offer
a Frenchified imitation of Chinese authors ”, he has preferred to make
“ an almost literal version ” which will at any rate convey the thought,
rhough doing scant justice to the elegance of the form. Here” he
would seem to be the victim of an illusion which is not uncommon
among translators ; for, indeed, the possibility of thus separating

LE KOU-WEN CHINOIS

641

the thought from the form, the matter from the manner, is more than
questionable.

Most of the essays, prefaces, notices, dissertations, and what
not that come under the general head of ku-icen, are delicate blooms
which will hardly bear transplantation into another language ; only
the most sympathetic handling enables them to retain a little of their
original perfume. Now. to judge from his long and well-written
introduction, M. Margoulies has a nice appreciation of Chinese literary
composition which is remarkable in a foreigner ; he can savour the
fine points of style that distinguish authors of different djmasties and
different schools ; yet apparently he cannot see that a rigidly literal
translation of these same authors must almost necessarily obliterate
the style which is of their very essence, and reduce them all to a dead
level devoid of inspiration. Let us see how he treats Liu Ling’s
sparkling little eulogy of wine : — ‘‘ II y a un maitre, homrae superieur,
qiu considere le ciel et la terre [I'eternite] comme un moment, le soleil
et la lune comme des fenetres, les huit cotes du monde comme sa
cour et ses avenues. II marche sans ornieres ni traces, il reste sans
demeure ni chaumiere, il fait sa tente du ciel et sa natte de la terre.
il va la oil le mene sa volonte. Quand il s’arrete, il prend une
bouteille, il tient ime coupe. Quand il est en mouvement, il porte
une cruche et il a une pot a boire avec lui. Il n’y a que le vin dont
il s’occupe, comment connaitrait-il le reste ?

“ Il y a un jeune noble et un lettre notable qui ont entendu ma
reputation et qui ont critique ce qui en est. Ils agitent leurs manches.
ils arrachent leurs cols, leurs yeux sont furieux et leurs dents grincent.
Ils font des exposes des rites et des lois, le bien et le mal se leve
[confusement] comme un essaim d'abeilles [dans leurs discours]."

This is certainly more literal, but is it not a hundred times further
from the spirit of the Chinese than the version in “ Gems ? — " An
old gentleman, a friend of mine {sc. himself), regards eternity as but
a single day, and whole centuries as but an instant of time. The sun
and moon are the windows of his house ; the cardinal points are the
boundaries of his domain. He wanders unrestrained and free ; he
dwells within no walls. The canopy of Heaven is his roof ; his resting-
place is the lap of earth. He follows his fancy in all things. He
is never for a moment without a wine-flask in one hand, a goblet in
the other. His only thought is wine : he knows of naught beyond.

“ Two respectable philanthropists, hearing of my friend's weakness,
proceeded to tax him on the subject : and with many gestures of

VOI.. IV. PART III. 42

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(lisapprobiition, fierce scowls, anrl gnashin" of teeth, preached him
quite a sennoii on the rules of propriety, and .sent his faults buzzing
round his head like a swarm of bees."

The piece ends with a humorous simile, the point of which ha.s
been entirely missed by il. ilargoulies : ” Quand il econte avec calme,
il n'entend pas le bruit du tonnerre. quand il regarde attcutivement
il ne remarque pas Faspect du T'ai-chan. Il ne sent ni le froid ni
le chaud qui touchent son corps, ni les troubles do la joie et du de.sir.
Baisse, il contemple le tunuilte tie.s di.\ inille choses qni lui sent comme
des algues qni flottent sur le Kiang ou la Han, et le.s deux heros a ses
cotes lui sont comme des abeilles ou des parasites de nnirier."

There is a serious mi.stran.slation here which ought to have been
avoided, seeing that a correct rendering is given in “ Gems " : —

“ His ears were beyond the reach of thunder ; he could not have
seen a mountain. Heat and cold exi.sted for him no more. He knew
not even the workings of his own mind. To him, the affair." of this
world appeared but as so much duckweed on a river ; while the two
philanthropi.st.s at his side looked like two wasps trving to convert
a caterpillar (into a wasp, as the Chinese believe is done)."

The la.st clau.se runs thus in the original : zi # ffllj M
iXi M ■ The French translator wrongly takes

^ as a conjunction, and ignores the seemingly unimportant character
^ which really gives the key to the meaning : “ like was]>s as.sociating
with a caterpillar." The sphex or solitary wasp is in the habit of
keeping caterpillars in its nest as food for its young, a fact of natural
history which is noted in one of the Odes (see Shih Ching, II, 5, ii, 2).
This gave rise to the legend that caterpillars were reared by wasps,
and in time actually became wasps themselves. In the present
passage, of course, the caterpillar stands for the old gentleman
who is sufiering from the attentions of the philanthropic
“ wasps ”.

In justice to M. Margoulies as a translator, it must be added
that such mistakes do not often occur in his work. His general
familiarity with Chinese idiom is not to be denied, but he fails in the
art of expression. It is a pity, because good French prose, with its
grace, flexibility and lightness of touch, is precisely the medium
which would appear best suited for the rendering of kn-wen. As it is,
we have glimpses of what he may yet be capable of in a few pieces
such as the touching appeal to the Throne made by the sister of the
great general Pan Ch‘ao (here translated for the first time), or the sober

NATURAL MAN

643

and well-reasoned dissertations of Han Yii. where less demand is made
on the translator's imaginative facultv.

A feature of both these volumes that will bring' joy to the heart
of the serious student is the provision of exhaustive geographical
and historical indexes giving all proper names in Chinese.

Lionel Giles.

Natural Man : A Eecord from Borneo. By Charles Hose.
With a Preface by 6 . Elliot Smith, pp. xvd -f 284. 126 illustra-
tions. and 1 map. Macmillan & Co., Ltd., 1926. 30,9.

Havdng read every ivord of this very interesting and readable
book, I feel that my first duty is to thank its author for the pleasure
he has given me. The work, as regards about nine-tenths of it, is
a delightfully written piece of descriptive ethnography which it
would be hard to excel. It is true that it is largely, and perhaps
mainly, a revised abridgement of Hose and McDougall’s The Pagan
Tribes of Borneo, which was issued in 1912 by the same publishers.
Many passages are textually identical, and a number of others are
paraphrases based on the earlier work. Without a collation of the
tM’o books, page by page, for ■which I cannot spare the time, it is not
possible for me to make a more precise statement on the matter.
At anv rate, the -svork under revieM'. thoush not entireh’ new either
in substance or in form, contains a very vivid account of the life and
habits, arts and crafts, customs and beliefs, and general mentality
of the Bornean tribes, with which its author has been intimately
acquainted for a great number of years. His earlier work set him
in the front rank of descriptive ethnographers, and the present one,
if it does nothing else, will confirm that position, and make it more
widely known among the general public.

M}' oivn view, -nhich I give for whatever it may be worth, is that
descriptive ethnography should be entirely dissociated from all
speculations and disquisitions regarding the causes and origins of
its subject matter and should confine itself to a statement of facts.
I conceive that there is a distinct danger that an ethnographer's
mind may be unconsciously warped, and his descriptions more or less
distorted, by the influence of theories. A great part of the present
work is taken up ’udth an important section of the population of
Borneo known as Kayan. I have already expressed elsewhere
{JRAS. (1926), p. 745-6) my disbelief in the theory that the Kayans
are identical Muth, or at all closely related to, the Karens (or alterna-

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tively, the Chins or the Kachins) of Burma. There are serious
difficulties in the way of accepting it, and not many cogent arguments
in its support. Such general agreement as e.xists between the customs
of Kayans and Karens is by no means confined to them but extends
to many other uncivilized tribes of Indonesia on the one hand, and
Indo-China on the other. Whether such cases of agreement are to be
attributed to the coincidence of adaptation, on more or les.s parallel
lines, of entirely unconnected tribes to more or less similar environ-
ments ; or to direct diffu.«ion through some geographically inter-
mediate link, which is now lost or has yet to be discovered ; or to
former close contact between some of the ancestors of the one tribe
and some of the ancestors of the other ; or to a genuine racial descent
from one common stock, are matters which will long be debated by
anthropologists. The various schools will continue to arrive at th(‘
several conclusions which best fit in with their individual theories.
But, to my mind, it will be a long time before anything approaching
to certainty will be attained.

So far as I am able to judge from the descriptions given, the
Kayans are as typically Indonesian as need be, and fit quite well
into the general framework of Bornean ethnography. There is not
the slightest need to drag in, on their behalf, any hypothesis of a
comparatively recent emigration from Indo-China. That at some
remote age the coasts of Eastern and Southern Indo-China were
in part at least occupied by Indonesians, is a very generally accepted
and highly probable view. But it is altogether another matter to
suggest that the Kayans have come from there, and particularly
from the Irawadi valley, in the last millennium or so. The history
and general conditions of Indo-China during that period are fairly
well known ; and it may safely be said that within that time there
is no trace of Indonesians in the Karen country.

I cannot help thinking that a slight similarity between the various
tribal names has (perhaps subconsciously) contributed to the forma-
tion of this theory ; and my opinion is shared by a recent writer on
the Karens, who has expressed his view of the matter in the following
terms : “ It seems fairly clear that if this accidental similarity of name
did not exi.st, the Ka\ ans would not have been considered closer
than the Dyaks in kinship to the Karen ” (H. I. Marshall, •• The Karen
People of Burma” in The OkioStateUniversity Bulletin (1922), vol. xxvi,
Xo. 13, p. 1,6). It should be remembered that as regards language
Kayans, Karens, and Chins (with Kachins) belong to three quite

NATURAL MAN

645

distinct groups. It seems to be characteristic of certain schools of
comparative ethnology to undervalue, or even neglect entirely, the
evidence of language, which is, after all, an important element to be
considered. While it can give us no certain evidence of racial con-
nexion or common descent, it can tell us a great deal about historical
contact in the past, whether recent or more remote. Moreover,
comparative philologists have by this time developed a fairly sound
method, while comparative ethnologists are still engaged in groping
for one and disputing among themselves over its technique.

Before any really satisfactor}’ and final grouping of the tribes of
Borneo can be made, a thorough classification of their languages
must be undertaken. In that respect Borneo is still, having regard
to its size, the most neglected area of Indonesia. As a rule it has been
represented, in works on Indonesian linguistics, solely by the Ngaju
dialect. As there are in S. H. Ray's “ The Languages of Borneo’’ (in The
Sarawak Museum Journal (1913), vol. i. No. 4) vocabularies of about
a hundred dialects and sub-dialects, often differing very much from
one another, it is obvious that to pick out the one that happens to be
the best documented as representative of the whole group is a quite
inadequate way of dealing with the languages of Borneo. I have not
the time, nor would this be the place, to go into the details of this
question at any length, but must confine myself to a somewhat super-
ficial test to illustrate my meaning. On the basis of the Bornean
numeral systems, Ray’s languages can be roughly divided into four
groups, of which one is anomalous. It consists of a single language
using peculiar words for 7, 8, and 9. Of the rest, a large majority,
much the biggest of the four groups, uses the words telii and tujoh
(or variants of them) for 3 and 7 respectively, and into this group
fall the Kayan dialects, which to that extent, therefore, are typically
Bornean. They also agree with about a dozen Kenyah and other
non-Kayan dialects in the numbers 8 and 9. Of the remaining two,
much smaller, groups one has the Common Indonesian telu and 'pitu
for 3 and 7, respectively. The other, which includes the Iban (or
Sea Dayak) dialects has tirja for 3 and variants of tujoh for 7.

This last point serves to support Dr. Hose’s view that the Iban
language is more closely related to Malay than the other Bornean
languages and dialects are. But it is quite impossible to regard Iban
.IS having been, or being, “ a tongue out of which Malay, as spoken
to-day, has been evolved under Arab influence ” (pp. 6-7). The
differences between the two are more deep-seated than that ; we

EEVIEWS OF BOOKS

64fi

have ample records of the Malay language going back continuously
for more than three centuries, and a few inscriptions even as far back
as the fourteenth century, which are quite inconsistent with such a
view. If, indeed, the Iban entered Borneo less than three hundred
years ago from Sumatra, it is pretty certain that they did not come
from any part of Sumatra where Malay was the language generally
spoken. But that theory, again, is quite unsupported by historical
evidence at present.

The first thirty pages of the book contain a sort of historical
introduction (taken over from The Pagan Tribes of Borneo without
much alteration) on which something must be said. Its arrangement
is not all that could be desired, e.g. pages 10-1.3 are substantially
a repetition of pp. 3-.5. I must leave it to geologists to decide
the probable date when the island of Borneo was last united with the
continent of Asia, and whether there is any likelihood that the
ancestors of any of the existing Bornean tribes had reached their
present homes before that somewhat doubtful and remote time
(pp. 3, 4, 10). To me it seems rather unlikely. For the rest, I can
only regret that this portion of the work, which is not essential to it,
was not subjected to some revision. The Indonesian alphabets are
not from the Tamil (p. 15) but from the Telugu-Canarese group.
To say that the exact locality of Champa (in the period of the Sung
dynasty of China) is doubtful (p. 17) is to ignore all that has been done
in the last twenty years or more by French scholars to determine
the extent and boundaries of Champa and the position of its successive
capitals, all of which matters are now pretty definitely ascertained.
For Mianzta (p. 18), a misprint that did not occur in the earlier
work, read Hiang-ta . There are no historical grounds for the
statement that Malacca was founded in the thirteenth century (p. 19) ;
at any rate there is no certain mention of its existence before the early
years of the fifteenth.

Majapahit, on the other hand, was founded about 1294 and during
a portion of the fourteenth century it certainly exercised a general
supremacy over the Archipelago, including a good part of the coast
of Borneo. The account given on p. 19, and based on Chinese sources,
of the repulse from Brunei ^ by Javanese forces of raiders (from 8ulu,
according to the Chinese chronicle), is worthy of credit. But it
happened during the reign of the Javanese king Hay am Wuruk,
not of the purely legendary Angka Wijaya. It i.s a great pity that!

1 Assuming that Brunei is meant by the P‘o-ni ^ of the Chinese sources.

BBITISH MALAYA

647

instead of continually citing Raffles's out-of-date Historij of Jam
about such matters, English readers do not refer to the reliable sources.
suchasthePararatonandthe Xagarakretagaina, which have now been
accessible for many years past.

Further the statement that a few years later the Brunei king paid
tribute to ilansur Shah of ilalacca is patently absurd, seeing that
the latter, so far from succeeding to the throne in 1374, was not even
born at that date and did not in fact succeed (as reported in the History
of the Mint) Dynasty) till 1459. The old erroneous Malacca chronology
was rectified thirty years ago, and it is unsatisfactory to find it restated
in a work published in 1926. To make matters worse, this impossible
statement has been taken over from The Pagan Tribes of Borneo
into the official report on the Census of British Malaya of 1921, p. 3.
Thus is histor}' made. The date given on p. 23 of the work under
review of the founding of Singapore by a purely legendary personage
is equally baseless. It is a pity that such a good book as this contains
such blemishes.

C. 0. B.

British Malaya, 1824-67. By L. A. Mills. (Journal of the Malayan
Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, vol. iii, pt. ii.) Singapore, 1925.

Tliis is a conscientiously documented and well-written history,
containing even more than its title foreshadows. Several of its
chapters considerably transcend the nominal limits of the work.
We get sections dealing with the English and Dutch in the East
(1579-1786), Penang (1786-1830), Singapore (1819-1826), the Civil
Servdce in the Straits Settlements (1786-1867), the Malacca Land
Problem (1825-1884), and the Malayan Policy of the East India
Company (1786-1867), which are very welcome, though they do not
confine themselves within the period specified in the title. For the
rest, the contents of the work can be best indicated by giving the
remaining chapter headings, viz. the Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1824,
the Naning M’ar (1831-32), Anglo-Siamese Relations (1824-1867).
Trade and Agriculture in British Malaya, the Chinese in British
Malaya, Piracy and the Straits Settlements, Rajah Brooke and the
Suppression of Piracy in Brunei, and the Transfer (of the Straits
Settlements from the India Office to the Colonial Office).

Manv of the above are matters of more than purely local interest,
and the author's treatment is characterized by sober judgment and
great fairness, though he is perhaps rather hard on the Dutch, whose

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policy in those days certainly lays them open to criticism. The
bibliography is very valuable, particularly as giving the unpublished
sources on which Dr. Mills has mainly relied. There are unfortunately
a good many misprints, due apparently to the fact that he was not
given an opportunity of finally revising the proofs of his work.

C. 0. Blagdex.

A Year Amongst the Persians. By Edward Granville Browne,
with a memoir by Sir E. Denison Ross. pp. xxii + 650.
Frontispiece and 1 map. Cambridge Univer.sity Press, 1926.

Few Europeans who, during the last forty or fifty years have taken
the trouble to travel extensively in Persia have spared the public a
recital of their experiences, their impressions, and their views, but
few indeed of their works merit a permanent place on our shelv^es.
From all such records of travel the late Professor E. G. Browne's
accoimt of a year spent by him among the Perisans stands apart, and
it will certainly, now that it has at length been presented to the public
as the Cambridge University Press can present a book, take its place,
as the author of the memoir hopes, amongst the great classics of
travel.

None who knev/ the author will be surprised at the excellence of his
work, for no European traveller in Persia has been so well equipped
as he was for the task which he undertook. Starting with a warm
enthusiasm for the people and the country, he sedulously prepared
himself, by conscientious and laborious study of the language, the
literature, the philosophy and the religion of the Persians, for his endea-
vour to portray them to his fellow-countrymen. Consequently his book
is distinguished from the ordinary record of travel by its great value
to all who would learn anything of Persia and the Persians. Such
a book, for instance, as Pierre Loti’s insufferable Vers Isfahan, with
its words stnmg together, like onions, for sale, conveys to the reader
little beyond the traveller’s impressions, which are of small importance
to any but the traveller himself ; but of Browne’s book the resident
in Persia, however long he may have lived there, however closelv
he may have studied the people and their literature, cannot afford
to skip a single pagf'.

The book is as attractive as it is instructive, and it is largely in
the author's generous enthusiasm that its attraction lies. His was,
indeed, the charity which thinketh no evil, and although those who
have lived long amongst the Persians may occasionally reflect that the

A YEAR AMONGST THE PERSIANS

649

charit}' which believeth all things and hopeth all things is not always
marked by discrimination, they will appreciate the author none the
less. Rather will they be grateful to him for encouragement in the
frecpient disappointments which beset them, and for reminding them
that though there may be something to deprecate there is also much to
love in the Persian.

Even in those in whom he found most to condenm, the oppressive
governor, the drunken libertine, the inquisitive, meddlesome, self-
conceited bore, he finds some good. The gracious manners and fine
library of the first, the readiness of the second to die for his faith,
are redeeming traits, and even the la.st seemed, during a second visit.

less disagreeable It may, however, be doubted whether Browne
saw the bore, who in later years was known as “ Hajji Excellence "•
from his habit of airing his French by addressing all and sundry bv
this honorific title, at his best. His mendacity, his garrulity, and his
conceit could transcend anjdhing recorded of him in this book. He
once informed the present writer that the late Queen Victoria had, during
his sojourn in Europe, offered him the Garter, and when asked why
he never wore the insignia he gravely replied that he had not
thought it politic to accept the Order. He was at this time the
nuisance which Browne found him. but he was also the cause of
much mirth.

The author is perhaps hardly fair to the Persian authorities in respect
of their treatment of the Babis, the sufferers among whom are all
“ martyrs ”. The persecution of this sect was, of course, revolting,
as all religious persecution mu.st be ; but the persecutors must not be
judged by the standards of modern Europe. The sectaries placed them-
selves in opposition to the established religion of the country, the
recognized punishment for apostasy from which is death, and ivere
undoubtedly implicated both in rebellion and in attempted assassina-
tion, punished in most lands with death. It is hardly reasonable to
expect an Oriental ruler to require absolute proof of the personal
participation of the founder and leader of such a sect in the crimes
of his followers. The sect as a whole was associated with rebellion
and assassination, and the removal of its leader would be regarded
in Persia as an ordinary measure of precaution. The persecution
was impolitic, as all persecutions are ; but it was not unnatural.

Xor do the sectaries appear to have merited the great interest
which Browne displayed in them. Babi “ martyrs '' are bewailed,
but the unedifying disputes between Shaykhis and Babis and Babis

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and Bahais, and the murderous feud between Bahais and Ezelis are
iusutficiently condemned.

A minor slip which grates on the ear is the repeated description
of the British Legation as the Engli.sh Embassy ”, but when the
book was written the habit of regarding the Treaty of Lnion as a
scrap of paper was more general than it is to-day.

All who have travelled much in Persia will endorse the author's
favourable estimate of the character of its mideteers, as a class.
The charvadar, exasperating at times, i.s always interesting, and can
be a most entertaining companion on the road. Even his “ grousing ",
if taken in the right spirit will be found to contain the element of
good humour which characterizes the same failing in the Briti.sh
soldier.

Most of those who have visited Qum and Kashan will envv the
author his pleasant recollections of those towns and will be inclined
to agree rather with the anonymous authors of the uncomplimentary
verses on their inhabitants than with him. The people of Qum are
usually surly and hostile, and those of Mahan are so accustomed
to the fleecing of pilgrims that they are prone to regard all visitors
as their prey, but Browne was evidently fortunate, as he was in his
experience of .servants who declined to accept vails. Such events
happen in Persia, but they are rare.

The enumeration of the bridges over the Z.ayanda Rud at Isfahan
is confu.sing. There are in fact five, not three only, but a traveller
may be pardoned for disregarding one of them, which is rather an
aqueduct than a bridge, though it is used by foot passengers. It is
in the names of the others that the confusion occurs. The bridge of
‘•thirty-three arches” is not given its usual name, AIM-Vardi,
and there is nothing to indicate that the Pul-i-Hasandhdd mentioned
on one page is identical with the Pid-i-Khaju (the more usual name),
as it is. The Chihil Sulun { ‘ Forty Columns) ” palace, again, is
not so called from the plane-trees in its garden, but from the twenty
columns supporting its portico, doubled in number by their reflection
in the water. The remarks on the virtues of the woodlouse are
interesting, but the author might have added the name by which it is
known in Kirman— gan-f-A-Awrfu. “ the ox of God,” which he must
have heard while there. The langar, which he compares to celery,
IS really a thistle, the stalks of which are eaten in the same manner
as chard, the stalks of the globe-artichoke. The word salt, in the
verses in the KashanI dialect, does not mean “ basket ”, but is a

A YEAR AMONGST THE PERSIANS

651

corruption of tlie word sail, “ a bucket just as hafr is the Kashi
corruption of barf. The " dismal spot mentioned on page 462,
in the description of which the present writer heartily concurs, should
be Shims, not Shemsh, and ashl-alnk. not el-cheJc, is the usual name of
the Persian pilniewinks. The tjTant Zahhak is imprisoned in a cavern
beneath Damavand, not on the summit of the mountain, and it is
hardly just to blame the grandees for the misery inflicted on the
wretched children employed in shawl-weaving, for those who were
responsible for the sufferings of these poor little drudges were their
parents, whom their toil supplied with opium.

Those who wish to learn something of Persia are often advdsed
to read Morier's delightful book, and much can be learned from it,
but it must never be forgotten that it is a satire. Xobody who wishes
to learn the whole truth should fail to read Browne's book. Hajji
Baba, which has been translated, has probably given oSence to many
Persians ; A Year amongst the Persians will be welcomed with gratitude
by all, and a good translation would be a signal service to Persia,
and also to Britain, for it would tend to promote a better understanding
between the two countries. Few who know the Persians will fail
to share the author's affection for them, though all will not share his
leniency to their failings. These, in his view, were due to one cause,
and to one cause alone, the corruption and oppression of the old
regime. The Constitution, when it came, was to heal all and to perfect
all. This was the view of many among the Persians, to whom
Mashruta was a blessed word of comfort. Most have since learned the
truth embodied in Goldsmith's, or rather Johnson’s, lines : —

“ How small, of all that human hearts endure.

That part which law.s or King.s can cause or cure ! "

There is reason to believe that Browne himself was disillusioned in
his later years, and one could wish for his sake that it had not been so.

His great services to Persia, and to Oriental scholarship generallv,
were recognized in more quarters than one, but the recognition which
he prized most came from Persia, in the form of a complimentarv
address with beautiful presents. Accompanying the address was an
ode by a modern poet who complained that the bird who sang so
sweetly was singing from a cage, in which he had been confined at
the instance of the great scholar's countrymen. Browne's compassion
was aroused, and his generous appeal was the cause of some embarrass-
ment to the British Legation, for the poet's offence had been his
membership of a “ Committee of Reprisals ", having for its object the

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assassination of British and Russian officials, and of those Persians
who had sympathized with the Allied cause during the war, and its
labours had not been entirely fruitless.

In honouring Browne Persia honoured herself, and did ranch to
justify the high opinion which he entertained of the Persian character.

W. H.

Tayyibat, the Odes of Shaikh Mu.slihu-'d-din Sa'dI Shik.^zi.
Translated by the late Sir Lucas White King, Kt., C.S.I.,
LL.D., with an Introduction bv Reynold A. Nicholson.
London : Luzac & Co., 1926.

This translation of the Tayi/ihat of Sa‘di is a worthy memorial
of the scholar who died before it could be publisheil. The translation
of the Odes, which contain many obscure pas.sages, is close and exact,
and the commentary on the terminology of the Sufis contained in the
notes will bo of much value to the student of Persian my.sticism.

Opinions will always differ on the exte.nt to which the works of
Persian poets classed as Sufis or mystics are to be interpreted
figuratively or literally. The learned translator of these odes was of
those who believe that Sa‘di, at least, was consistent, and that love
and wine, drunkenness and its effects, wherever they are mentioned,
are to be interpreted figuratively, and he has very successfullv applied
his learning to their interpretation in this sense. It was probably this
insistence on the esoteric signification of the poems that led him to
include in the text of his translation so much of his commentary, so
glosses and amplifications that might have been relegated to
footnotes, or even omitted, for their effect is needlessly to encumber
an otherwise excellent translation, and to offend a reader confident
of his own ability to supply comment so obvious. For instance, in the
lines :

I am like a harp with my head bent down ( =- bowed) in (abject)
submission and (fervent) love, so strike up any tune Thou pleasest
and play on me

it is difficult to justify the presence of the words in brackets which
might well have been supplied by the reader.

A defect which jars on the ear is the lack of consistency in the use
of the singular and the plural of the second personal pronoun. The
singular is so rare in modern English that the writer was probably
unequal to the strain of its sustained use and, as in the opening
couplet, of the beautiful ninety-fifth ode

TAYYIBAT

653

“ Thy fascinating movements are symmetrical and harmonious :
but the words you address to us are inconsiderate,”
unconsciously slips into the plural. In this matter close adherence to
the original should surely he the rule, especially in translating such
poems as these. In this ver.se, too, the point of the antithesis has been
missed. Its true sense is ” Thy graceful movements are for all, but it
is for us. Thy lovers, that Thou reservest Thy harsh words.”

E.xception may also be taken to the translation of the first couplet
of Ode 26. The poet describes his beloved's figure as a marvel as
great as the general Resurrection. This is not fitly translated by
“ a nine days' wonder — a contemptuous expression for a sight or
event which sets the mob gaping until some new wonder wipes it
from their minds.

No jiistification is apparent for the translation of the first couplet
of Ode 84 : “ We engaged in love, etc. ” for the verb is in the singular
in the original, and the plural would not scan.

I would also take exception to ” marsh-mallow " as a translation
of khatml, used as a simile for a beautiful face. It is true that Lane.
Freytag, Steingass, and Belot give “ marsh-mallow '' for khitml
or khatml, but surely no poet would compare a beautiful face to a
bright yellow flower. Marsh-mallow might describe Majnun's
face, but not Laila's. Gul-i-khatml means, in Persia, the hollyhock,
a flower, with its pink and white petals, far more likely than the
marsh-mallow to be in the mind of a poet describing his mistress's
face, and surely “ hollyhock ” is the correct translation here. In
note 4 on page 115 a variant of the Zahhak legend is given. According
to FirdawsI, and all versions of the legend which I have heard.
Damavand, not Alvand, is the mountain beneath which the tjTant
is confined. It is possible that the honour is locally claimed for Ah'and.
but this is not the generally accepted version of the story. It is a
mistake, too, to say that smoke sometimes rises from .41vand. Both
Damavand and Alvand are volcanoes, but they have long been extinct.

In a quotation from Hafiz in note I on page 97, the word taghlr
occurs. This is apparently intended for taghglr, but the reading in
five copies of Hafiz which I have consulted is tafslr, which is in everv
wav preferable. I have not found taghylr even as a variant.

There is no special interest, as stated in note 3 on page. 160, in
the fact that no chronological sequence can be observed in the arrange-
ment of the odes, for in no divan are the odes arranged in chronological
sequence. The principle of arrangement is the alphabetical order

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of the letters with which the verses conclude. It was probably owhiy
to Sir Lucas King's untimely and lamented death that the proofs
were not more carefully corrected and that the notes are disfigured
by typographical errors. Faquir iox faqlr, uuterah for mihrab, sahib-i-
nazar (which would not scan) for sahib naznr. Ka'abah for Ka'ha.
vindi o qaldshi for qalldshl va riiidl. Z'deihhah for Zulaikhd. iiaJu
muiikar for nahq-i-munkar, nimak for namak. majtiln for majmiT.
gashabe for gmha-iji, and Khizar (which would not scan) for Khizr.
are some examples. Sa'di's verse, as quoted in note 3 oji ]>age 175
does not scan, and the quotation from the Mathnnrl in note 1 on
page 161 is not intelligible.

The translation pretends to no grace.s of form, but is absolutely
literal. This method of treatment is undoubtedly the best in a first
translation of a Persian classic. Poets and litterateurs may embellish
as they will the master's thoughts when the scholar has rendered them
intelligible, though it is to be hoped that none will emulate the
impudence of the poetaster who declared that the be.st interpreter
of a Persian poet is he who knows no Persian. The other method of
rendering a Persian poet has been tried, and though Fitzgerald's
beautiful paraphrase has delighted all none can contemplate without
a shudder the “ appalling mass of literature " which it has produced.

Sir Lucas White King has laid students both of the language and
of the mysticism of the Persians under an obligation, and the minor
errors and imperfections in his work which have been noticed may be
easily amended in a later edition. It is for this purpose that they have
been enumerated.

W. H.

Dastur-i-‘Lshshaq : “ The Book of Lovers.” By Muhammad

Lahya ibx SIbak, known as Fattahl of Nishapur. Edited by
R. S. Greexshields. London : Luzac & Co., 1926.

The works of Muham.mad Yahya ibn Sibak, Fattahl. “ a man of
learning, acquainted with most branches of knowledge,'’ are not so
well known as they deserve to be, and even in his lifetime lacked the
publicity earned by the works of more courtly poets. It is well,
therefore, that this elaborate allegory should have been made
accessible to lovers of Persian poetry, for the onlv knowledge of it
which European scholars have hitherto possessed is contained in a
summary in rhymed prose, and this edition enables us for the first time
to study the poet's development of his theme. The poem is a good

THE ORTHODOX PATRIARCHATE OF JERUSALEM

655

example ol the more artificial school of Persian poctrv' in the age of
the Timurids, and, though less sophisticated than the Shabistdn-i-
Khii/c7l exhibits those peculiarities of Fattahl's stvle which Dawlatshah
has noticed.

The diligent student may read the whole poem from beginning
to end, but the cadence of the metre will pall on many after an hour
or two. and these will take it in smaller doses, for it must be confessed
that the interest even of the double allegory is hardly sufficient to
relieve the monotony of the rhythm. All students should, however,
read the poem, for it is an excellent e.xample of its class, and the
correspondence between the lovers is itself a fairly complete treatise
on Persian rhetoric.

The editing of a mathinvi poem of nearly 4,700 couplets is no light
task, but IMr. Greenshields has performed it admirablv. Of the very few
misprints one occurs in a heading on page 60, ami a misplaced hamza
in the first hemistich of verse 230 mars the rhythm of the couplet.
A very few of the verses halt, but the errors here are clearly due to the
copyist, and are such as must always occur in an edition from a single
MS. The wonder is that there are so few.

The book has an excellent preface by the editor.

WoLSELEY Haig.

The Orthodox Patriarchate of Jeru.salem. Report of the Com-
mission appointed by the Government of Palestine to impure
and report upon certain controversies between the Orthodox
Patriarchate of Jerusalem and the Arab Orthodox Communit}'.
By the Commissioners : Sir Anton Bertr.vm, Chief Justice of
Ceylon, sometime Puisne Judge of the Supreme Court of Cyprus ;
and J. \V. A. Young, sometime Financial Adviser to the Orthodox
Patriarchate of Jerusalemand previously Chief Inspector under the
Ministry of the Interior in Egypt, Milford, 1926. 12s. 6J. net.

This book is at once a practical illustration of the difficulties
attending the administration of the British mandate for Palestine,
and an illuminating study in the history of the Orthodox Church.

The Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem has been an anxiety
to the mandatory government from the beginning. To start with,
it had got itself so deeply into debt that a financial commission of
inquiry (the Bertram-Luke commission) had to be appointed — as a
result of whose report the finances of the Patriarchate were placed
under official control in 1921. Thereafter, the standing quarrel between

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the Orthodox Christian population of the country, who are Arab in
language and in national feeling, and the Patriarch and the Holy Synofl.
who are Greeks, came to such a pass that a second commission liad
to be appointed to inquire into this matter and suggest some solution.
The link between the two commissions was supplied bv Sir Anton
Bertram, who in both cases was the senior member. The Commissioners
— whose difficult task was evidently rendered still more difficult
by systematic obstruction on the part of the Patriarchate - are to
be congratulated on the tact with which they have conducted the
practical part of their duties and upon the learning and lucidity of
their historical research.

The present feud between the central ecclesiastical authorities
and the rank and file of the clergy and the laitv in the Jerinsalem
Patriarchate is a consequence of the policy inaugurated by the
Ottoman Sultan Mehmed Jl Fatih in regard to the Orthodox Church
in his dominions. Sultan Mehmed's conquest of Constantinople is
commonly regarded as having inflicted an almost mortal wound
upon the Greek people ; but the medieval Greeks had been steadily
losing ground to the Franks, the Muslims and the non-Greek peoples
of Orthodox Christendom for four centuries before 1453 ; and Mehmed s
organization of the Millet -i-Rum, after his conquest of Constantinople,
really laid the foundations of a Greek revival. As is well known,
Mehmed created the Oecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople Millet-
Bashy, not merely of the Orthodox Christians within the ecclesiastical
domain of the Patriarchate (which corresponded approximately to the
comparative!} modest frontiers of the Last Roman Empire as they
had stood in the eighth century), but of all Orthodox Christians
within the frontiers of the Ottoman Empire. In one sense, this was
a continuation of the Orthodox ecclesiastical tradition, in which the
Church was a department of State and every sovereign independent
State containing an Orthodox population had an autocephalous
church of its own whose ecclesiastical domain coincided wnth the
state territory. In another sense, however, Mehmed's organization
was an innovation in favour of the Greeks ; for the Oecumenical
Patriarchate at Constantinople wras intrinsically a Greek national
institution, and, thanks to Mehmed, it found its jurisdiction extended
over the Bulgars and Serbs and Rumans-important Orthodox
peoples which had only fallen fitfully under Byzantine rule and which
had therefore possessed churches of their owm independent of the
Constantinople Patriarchate. As the dominions of the Ottoman

THE ORTHODOX PATRIARCHATE OF JERUSALEM

657

Padishah continued to expand, the ecclesiastical domain of his servant
the millet-bashy of the Millet-i-Rum expanded with them, wherever
the conquered territories happened to contain Orthodox inhabitants ;
and the Ottoman conquest of Syria and Egypt in 1516-7 made the
Oecumenical Patriarch master — not as Patriarch but as millet-bashy —
of the Orthodox Christian flocks of the three older Patriarchates of
Antioch, Jerusalem and Alexandria. Now these three Patriarchates,
which had existed some centuries before the Oecumenical Patriarchate
had been created, had not only been independent of the Oecumenical
Patriarchate — as had been the Bulgarian Patriarchate, which had
come into existence later — but, during the eight and a half centuries
which had elapsed since the Arab conquest, Arabic had become the
national language of the people, and therefore (in accordance with
another Orthodox tradition) it had tended to become the ecclesiastical
language of those Churches, though in the Arab Orthodox commun-
ities, unlike the Slavonic Orthodox communities, Greek was never
ousted entirely. The political conquest of Syria and Egypt by the
Osmanlis involved, however (owing to Mehmed Fatih's ordinance),
an ecclesiastical conquest of the Orthodox Churches in these countries
by the Greeks. This conquest was consummated during the
Patriarchate of Germanos (1543-1579) — a Greek from the Morea —
and thenceforth not only the Patriarchal office itself but the synod,
organized into a fraternity, became an institution staffed Muth Greeks,
whose policy was directed from the Phanar in Stamboul. Thus the
Arab laity and parish clergy of the Jerusalem Patriarchate found
themselves excluded from the government of their local Church in
favour of Greeks, just as the Fallahin were excluded from the govern-
ment of the local Vilayets and Sanjaqs in favour of Osmanlis. Under-
neath, however, the Orthodox Arabs cherished their national con-
sciousness, symbolized in their national language, as pertinaciously
as the Bulgars, Serbs, Rumans and other non-Greeks over whom the
Greeks exercised ecclesiastical dominion by grace of the Osmanlis ;
and, as soon as the Ottoman Government reversed its ecclesiastical
policy, the Arabs of the Jerusalem Patriarchate raised their heads.
In 1870 the Porte created the Bulgarian Exarchate, and in 1872 a
synod at Constantinople excommunicated the exarchists for breaking
away from the Oecumenical Patriarchate. Cyril, the reigning Patriarch
of Jerusalem, “ who had intimate relations with the Russian Govern-
ment ", refused to join in this excommunication, and on this account
he was high-handedly deposed by the Fraternity, who were Greeks of

VOL. IV. I’AHT III. 43

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ii strongly nationalist complexion. Thereupon, the Arab flock of
the Jerusalem Patriarchate, who were conscious that the cause of the
Bulgarians was their own, rose in tumult, and there was something
like war in heaven, until the Ottoman authorities restored order.
Thus the battle was joined between Arab nationalism and Greek
imperialism in the Jerusalem Patriarchate. It is still being fought,
but all the omens indicate that nationalism will win the day.

Arnold J. Toynbee.

People of the Veil. Being an Account of the Habits. Organiza-
tion, and History of the Wandering Tuareg Tribes which inhabit
the Mountains of Air or Asben in the Central Sahara. By Fr.\ncis
Rennell Rodd. 10 X 7. pp. xvi J- 504. Macmillan, 1926.

We welcome any work on the Tuareg, as their mode of life attracts
us all, in the same way that the life of the Red Indian appealed to us
when we were younger. Mr. Rodd’s book is a scholarly and sympathetic
study of the Tuareg, with whom he came in contact in Air, and its
neighbourhood. It is strange that so little serious work on the manners
and customs of the Tuareg has been published. Barth is still the
great authority, although Ids journeys took place seventy years ago ;
we note that the author has visited one of Barth’s camps, which has
never been touched, for the Tuareg have not forgotten that Barth
came to them as a friend.

M e hope that a British official in Nigeria may let us have some more
information concerning the Tuareg, as so many are now under our
rule, and we feel sure that there is still plenty of room for some French
author, besides DuvejTier.

Mr. Rodd is particularly interested in the geography of the
district he visited, and also in the divisions and sub-divisions
of the Tuareg, most valuable work. We notice that the White People
are called Ahamellen, the usual Berber word for white is from a root
Midi, possibly the H is due to Arabic influence.

Mr. Rodd only touches on the origin of the Tuareg, and does not
tell us whether he agrees with the fascinating theory that he is Gro-
Magnon man in the fle.sh ; and, although we have some hints of the
Tuareg ability to go without food or water for long periods, we should
have liked to hear more. It was Barth, we believe, who met a Tuareg
who had forgotten " when he had eaten bust. We notice with much
pleasure the author's account of his stay with the Tuareg as their
guest, on pages 210 and 211 ; we wish more travellers did the same

FROM TRIBE TO EMPIRE

659

and in the same way, partieiilarIytho.se of us who agree witli Mr. Rodd's
remarks a page later. The author is very interested in the various
types of house ; we think that his " Type A " may be found also
amongst the Beni Mzab. where the Tizi-fri. or wea\ ing room, occupies
the same position as the inner room doe.s in houses of that type.

The Tuareg measure of length, the amitral, of 10 cubits, must be
16 feet, or thereabouts, this seems a long unit for a primitive people :
we wonder if amitral started life as metre and is considerably shorter.

Some intere.sting photographs, a bibliography, and a good and
(careful index all add to the value of the book.

P. P. H. Hasluck.

From Tribe to Empire. By A. Moret and G. Davy. Kegan Paul.

1926. 16s. net.

This interesting and suggestive volume aims at sketching the early
history of the Near East, Egypt, Asia Minor, and Mesopotamia.
However, it goes farther than this, for it also offers a theory of the
early development of eastern monarchy. About the first third of the
book deals with the totemic clans of Australia and North America,
seeking to trace thereby the steps by which pohtical powers emerged
in primitive societies. The theory put forth is that power, which at
first was diffused through the clan, was gradually individualized,
in part by the transfer of succession from the female into the male
line, in part by the identification of the tribal chief thus produced
with the old clan totem. This, it is suggested, is what perhaps took
place in prehistoric Egypt and formed the basis from which the
monarchy of the Pharoahs sprang. This theory conflicts with the
views of many, though not of all, Egyptologists on the one side and
anthropologists on the other. It is at all events a bold collocation :
and though no one can regard it as more than a highly interesting
speculation, there is a sufficient number of odd coincidences to make
it alike curious and stimulating.

H. D.

The Worship of Nature. By Sir James Georoe Frazer. Vol. i.

Macmillan, 1926. 25s.

In this volume Sir James Frazer publishes with manv additions
his GiSord Lectures delivered at Edinburgh in 1924-5. He deals with
the worships of the sky, the earth, and the sun — the last everywhere
but in Africa and America, which he reserves with the personification

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

and worship of other aspects of nature for his second volume. This
new work shows, as his earlier ones have done, the encyclopaedic
range of his knowledge and his command of a singularly attractive
prose-style ; and if here, as elsewhere, the general effect is somewhat
mistv and elusive, that is due to the nature of his subject, not to any
lack of vigour or cloudiness of conception in his own mind. The work
when completed will be a complete survey of the worship of natural
objects and phenomena, classified by subject and geographical distribu-
tion, and ranging from savage and primitive beliefs to the elaborate
ideas of the civilized peoples of the ancient and the eastern worlds.
From the point of view of general interest, perhaps, something is
sacrificed by the length at which Sir James Frazer dwells upon the
former, for the endless variations in detail to which no special signifi-
cance can be attached are fatiguing in themselves and destructive
of any general conceptions. But at the present time, when there is a
strong tendency at work unduly to simplify our ideas of anthropological
origins, this endless diversity undoubtedly deserves to be put forward
and emphasized. The professed Orientalist will find much of interest
in these pages. The chapters devoted to Eastern religious ideas are
necessarily secondhand, and do not carry with them much of the
author's special authority ; but the related chapters will be found
full of parallel illustrations of great suggestive interest and value.

H. D.

Thf, JIior.vtiox of .‘Symbols. By Dox.\ld A. Mackenzie. Kegan
Paul, 1926. 12s. fid. net.

In this interesting volume Mr. Mackenzie deals with the occurrence
of cert.iin widely spread symbols, such as the swastika and the spiral,
on the basis of the Diffusionist theory of a common origin, which seems
to him a far more plausible hypothesis than that of the “ psychic
unity of man ". He rejects the latter mainly, it seems, because we
do not know enough about the workings of the primitive mind to
jii-tify the assumption that different tribes and races will think alike
in like cireiinistances. His book is therefore mainlv a contribution
to the attractive but still very speculative theory that the Diffusionist
M'hool of anthropology has limit up. He regards the “ winged-disc "
of the Egyptians and the •• whirling-logs '• of the American Indians
as identical in origin, and would trace to a common source all the
variation- of the spiral ornament or symbol. This .seems to be going
far beyond what is warranted by our pre,sent state of knowledge.

RELIGION AND FOLK-LORE OF NORTHERN INDIA

661

But Mr. Mackenzie is on firmer ground when he argues that these
and other symbols were more probably magical than artistic in
origin and conception ; and that the migration of a symbol does
not necessarily imply the migration of the conceptions for which it
originally stood.

H. D.

Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India. By William
Crooke. O.xford University Press, 1926.

Ever since this work first appeared at Allahabad, ov'er thirtv vears
ago, it has been one of the classical manuals of North Indian Folklore ;
and a second edition was soon afterwards published in London in 1896.
The last years of Mr. Crooke's life were engaged in revising it for
what may be called a definitive edition : and though he was not spared
to see it through the press, that task has been carried out by
Mr. Enthoven, whose own labours in a cognate subject admirably fitted
him for the task. Since its first appearance the book has nearly doubled
in size, and has moreover been enriched by wide reading which had been
impossible during the author's official service in India far from the
libraries of Europe. It has long been, and we think it will long remain,
the standard exposition of popular religion in Northern and Central
India, invaluable alike to the student of folklore and to all engaged
in administrative work in that region.

H. Dodwell.

La Magie dans l'Egypte antique, de l'ancien empire jusqu'a
l'epoque copte. Tome I, Expose. Tome 11, Les Textes
Magiques. Tome III, Atlas. Par Ph. Dr. Francois Lexa,
Professeur a I'Universite Charles de Prague. I, 220 pp ; II, 235 ;
III, 71 plate.s. Paris : Geuthner, 1925.

Professor Lexa's first volume gives a valuable summary of beliefs
and practices connected with Egj’ptian magic, a subject which he
considers of particular intere.st in view of the attention bestowed,
in recent times, on all occult subjects. His point of view is neither
that of Brugsch : " la non-valeur de la magie pour l appreciation
de la culture nationale " : nor that of Budge, who thinks that every
Egyptian religious rite has a magical character. Under the heading
■■ Le but de la magie , he treats of magical practices designed (a)
to supply the wants of the present earthly life, (6) to provide for the

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

6t)2

needs of the life after death, (c) to facilitate communication with the
gods or the spirits of the dead. His second chapter deals with
“ nioyens magiques ", under which are included magical formulae
(spoken incantations) in all their v^arieties, magical remedies, amulets,
magical ritual and the corp.s subsidiaire ", a convenient designation
for ushabti (here spelt iresheht) and all similar symbolic figures, whether
painted or carved in relief or in the round.

Chapters iii and iv deal with the relations of magic to religion and
of magic to science, respectiveh'. In connexion with the former, one
might have expected a reference to the work of Dr. Marett, but perhaps
this lay outside the scope of the author's design. The references to
magical practices contained in the scanty remnants of ancient
Egyptian literature have furnished a short but interesting chapter
and led the author to the following conclusions : —

“1. Comme la plupart des motifs des contes demotiques de
sorciers se trouvent deja dans les contes du nouvel empire, il faut
vraisemblablement chercher dans une epoque plus reculee I’origine
des motifs que nous trouvons dans les contes demotiques et qui ne
nous sont pas attestes par les documents provenant des temps
anterieurs.

“ 2. Les buts et moyens des sorciers dans la litterature s'accordent
av'ec les buts et moyens que nous connaissons de la production
magique, tant laique que religieuse ; I'ancienne magie egyptienne
etait done la seule source ou ils ont pu puiser."

With the introduction of Christianity, during the second half
of the third century, the opposition between religion and mamc
which had hitherto been in alliance, began to show itself. At the
same time the Coptic documents (discussed in chapter vi) exhibit a
curious mixture of Christian and Pagan material—the same miraculous
performances being attributed to saints which, in the older legends,
had been given to sorcerers.

The second volume contains a selection of magical texts illustrating
the various divisions of the subject already enumerated, while the third
consists of seventy-one plates, mostly reproduced bv photographic
process, representing the various objects described in volume i. The last
of these depicts the common hieroglyphic signs (those for a man. a lion,
a crocodile, the horned viper, and other snakes, etc.) and below
the same signs used magically, to prevent the beings in question from
workmg mischief, i.e. the man is decapitated, the lion and the viper
cut in two, the crocodile has two arrows sticking in him-and so on

STUDIES IX INDIAN PAINTING

663

Such “ truncated signs " are common in the magical papyri. Tn
conne.Nion with pp. 95 et se<i. (" Les Amulettes Xouees "’) it is
interesting to remark that a very common form of amulet in the
neighbourhood of Mombasa is a black woollen coni (kiffice cha mafundo
saha), in which seven knots have been made by a who recited

the Sura Yd Shi over them.

A. Werner.

Studies in Indian P.vinting. A Survey of some new material
ranging from the commencement of the seventh centurv to c/rca
a.d. 1870. By N.\n.vl.\l Chamanl.vl Mehta, Indian Civil
Service. With 17 plates in colour and 44 half-tone plates.
Bombay : D. B. Tara pore vala. Sons & Co., 19’26.

This attractive volume is a noteworthy addition to the literature
on Indian painting, and, apart from the beauty of its setting, has the
merit of presenting much new and hitherto unpublished material.
Mr. Mehta has had access to the private collections of the Maharajas
of Datia and Tehri-Garhwal, and on the basis of the paintings he has
found there has been able to devote two interesting chapters to Bundela
art of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, and to the Pahari
painting of the same period. Equally new are the secular paintings
of Gujarat about the middle of the fifteenth century, and the portraiture
of the Jaipur school at the close of the eighteenth, together with some
Vaishnava pictures illustrating the story of Krishna, which were
probably produced by the same artists. The author's account of
the frescoes in the temple of Sittannavasal, though not entirely new,
will probably come as a revelation to most English readers : to these
frescoes, unlike most of those that have survived in India, a definite
date, the early part of the seventh century, can be assigned, and
Mr. Mehta gives ample reasons for his conclusion that they represent
the artistic side of the Shalvite reaction against the doctrines of
Jainism in Southern India during this period. Enough has been said
to show the freshness and the variety of the subject-matter of
Mr. Mehta's book, but his wide-flung net brings in still more treasures
of a later date, to all of which it is not possible here to make special
reference. A picture by Bichitr, representing the favourite subject
of a hunting scene by night, is of interest in this countrv, since so
many examples of this artist's work havm recently been acquired by
the Victoria and Albert Museum ; Mr. Mehta reckons him among
the so-called Rajput painters, but, judging from the manv times he

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painted the portrait of Jahangir, he must have been one of the court-
painters of that emperor, and he certainly followed the traditional
methods of the Mughal painters.

The fine picture by Abul Hasan, the favourite painter of Jahangir,
(Plate 27) deserves the special notice that Mr. Mehta devotes to it,
for paintings by this famous artist are very rare. Mr. Mehta mentions
two others ; a third, a portrait of Jahangir is in the collection of
Mr. Chester Beatty.

To many students of the work of Akbar's painters, Mr. Mehta's
judgment will appear rather severe and unsympathetic, when he writes,
“ Moghul painting under Akbar remained an art of servile imitation
and petty illustration ; and barring some portraits and animal studies
it cannot be considered as anything bej'ond the tentative beginning
of a great revival " (p. 77). It is possible that Mr. Mehta has not
seen the finest examples of the work of these painters, for Nadir Shah
appears to have carried o6 into Persia these treasures of the imperial
library in Delhi, and these gradually drifted to Europe in the early
part of the present century, particularly during the reign of Shah
Muzaffar ud-Dln. The work of Akbar's painters was certainly
unequal, but their illustrations of copies of the A'ln-i-Akbarl, Kalllah
wa Dimnah, and the Khamsah of Nizami, which they made for their
patron, are notable achievements in the history of pictorial art.

Herein lies one of the great obstacles in the way of the student
of Indian painting — that his materials are so scattered and often
difficult of access. Though many of these pictures have gone to
Europe or America, India has still retained a large number, and such
a work as Mr. Mehta’s is especially valuable as drawing attention to
such otherwise unknown treasures, and it is to be hoped that other
lovers of this art in India will follow his example. The present volume
is the finest book of the kind, in respect of paper, print, and illustra-
tions, that has hitherto been brought out by any Indian nress, and
reflects great credit on the publishing firm that has produced it.

T. W. Arnold.

Die Spr.4Chfamilien uxd Sprachenkreise der Erde. Yon P. W.
Schmidt, S.V.D. Mit einem Atlas von 14 Karten in
Lithographie. 8 x 5i, pp. xvi -f 596. Heidelberg : Carl
Winter's Universitiitsbuchhandlung, 1926.

It is difficult, for several reasons, to review this work, which is
really two books bound as one, besides the atlas. After a short

DIE SPRACHFAMILIEX VXD SPRACHEXKREISE DER ERDE

665

Preface and an Introduction dealing with language and linguistics
in general, as well as with certain special problems, the first part of
the work (to p. '267) con.sists of an encyclopa'dic account of the language
families of the world on the basis of genealogical classification. The
latest information is embodied, and the numerous bibliographical
references in the text give succinct histories of the study of the several
families and sub-groups. The most recent theories and speculations,
so far as they deserve special mention, are also critically reviewed.
But of course the extremelv comprehensive nature of the subject-
matter precludes the po.ssibility of devoting much space to details.
A full account of the special characteristics of individual languages
or families is not within the scope of the book. Students of the Indo-
European family of speech will no doubt be shocked to find only five
pages allotted to their particular subject (of which two are taken up
by a tabular classification of the .sub-groups and languages concerned),
while about the same amount of total space is given to the Austro-
asiatic family, a little more to the Austronesian, and rather more
than double to the Ural-.A.ltaic languages.

The whole of this part betrays extraordinarily wide reading and
a comprehensive grasp of the immense and varied mass of material
involved. A perusal of it leaves one amazed at the large number of
facts which have been assimilated and co-ordinated by the author ;
and it would require an almost equally encyclopaedic knowledge to
deal with it adequately in a review. A few points in this part are open
to criticism. In the table (p. 140) of Austroasiatic languages, Semang,
Bersisi (or rather Besisi) and Jakuii should have been styled mixed
languages (as certain other languages in that table are). Jakun has
a mere minimum of Austroasiatic in its composition. The Austro-
nesian table (p. 146) has gone wrong in its first section, Malagasy
appearing twice over and heading both the Northern and Southern
groups. This classification is mainly a geographical one, and it is
difficult to understand why Makasar, Bugis, and Balinese should be
thrown into the Western sub-group of the Southern group, while
Javanese and Dayak are put into the Eastern one. If this line of
demarcation is based (as I rather suspect) on the treatment of the RGH
sound the position of Balinese in the Western sub-group is to me
inexplicable. “ Tettun (for which read Tettum) and " Kupong ”
(read Kupang) are assigned to West Flores, but belong to Timor ;
and the languages of Ceram are not represented in the table at all.

The second part of the work is a bold effort to transcend

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the genealogical classification of languages and proceed to a higher
form of grouping based on the phenomena of phonetics, grammar,
and syntax. This is then made the basis for a still bolder attempt to
correlate these higher syntheses with culture areas. The idea is, I
believe, a novel one, and the treatment is exceedingly ingenious. While
full of admiration for the skill with which the author has pre.sented
his thesis, I cannot honestly say that I am convinced by it. There seem
to me to be formidable difficulties over which he has pa.ssed rather
lightly. Not feeling competent to sit in judgment on such deep matters,
I will confine myself to noting down a few points that strike me. An
abler advocatus diaboli is welcome to embody them in his brief if he
has any use for them.

In the first place, the cultural side of the question is still more or
less of a battlefield between different schools of anthropology, and it
seems to me to be premature at present to attempt to correlate it with
the linguistic data. Ev'en to speak of any actually living stage of culture
as an “ Urlcultur ", and to equate other existing types with some of the
palaeolithic cultures (p. 14) seems hardly safe. WTio can say with
certainty that whatwe findin existence is always a primary form, and not
a case of degeneration ? Both in this part of the discussion and in the
linguistic portion leading up to it, I venture to think that the author
makes rather too free play with hypotheses of diffusion, the deus ex
machina of some anthropologists and linguists. Save for interference
of this sort, he seems to consider both culture and language as being
almost static entities. DIv* own view is that both, but especiallv the
latter, are always in process of undergoing slow and subtle changes,
quite irrespective of any that are fairly attributable to outside
influences. Now and then the author has a shrewd knock at the theory
of evolution. From bis point of view that is quite natural, but I venture
to think that the theory has not yet said its last word ; it is still under-
going its mvn evolution, and is likely to survive the impact of many
such dialectic shocks. That question, however, is one which it would
be out of place to discuss here, and the evolutionists may well be left
to fight their own battles themselves.

My own concern is rather with the author’s linguistic statements,
which, according to my judgment, sometimes stand in need of some
modification. In the phonetic section of his argument he speaks of the
“ abnormal ” vowels 6 and ii and their distribution as if they were
always homogeneous phenomena. His definition of them (p. 275)
shows that he means what we call rounded front vowels (though he

DIE SPRACHFAMILIEX UXD SPRACHEXKREISE DER ERDE 667

would prefer with protruded lips ” to “ rounded "). But in dealing
with their distribution area he includes such sounds as the Japanese u,
which, like the corresponding sound in Siamese, is an unrounded back
vowel, and the Indonesian neutral vowel, which is an unrounded
vowel in a central or mid position. He is far too learned a phonetician
not to be aware of these very fundamental differences of formation,
and should not, in my opinion, have put such distinct sounds under
the same rubric. Nor do I see how he can be justified in imputing them
to any particular stage or area of cultural development ; for who can
say that some of them, at any rate, are not secondary and even fairly
late formations, as, in fact, the real o and il sounds in French and
German are known to be ? The same difficulty is, of course, involved
in all these deductions from linguistic data. Even when due weight has
been given to the necessarily hypothetical conclusions of comparative
philologists in reconstructing “ original mother-tongues ", we cannot
by means of the linguistic data be sure of getting back to the probably
very remote periods when the various more or less “ early cultures "
.severally began.

How, for example, can we feel certain that a system of final sounds
confined to vowels (p. 311 seq.), though not the most archaic system, is
a very old one, and specially associated with the totemistic and hunting
form of culture ? Apparently we are asked to believe that at the really
primitive stage of “ Urkultur ’’ there were final consonants, that they
disappeared in the totemistic culture, and reappeared in the
matrilineal one. But we know, for example, that in Malagasy and
Bugis (p. 297) the preference for vowel endings is a secondary
phenomenon, just as it is in Italian, and that in Malagasy it is an even
more recent one. Bugis has dropped nearly all its former final con-
sonants, Malagasy, on the other hand, has tacked on vowels after them.
The two processes are fundamentally contrary to each other. And can
either of them be really correlated with a tendency to revert to
totemism or hunting ? It would certainly be difficult to prove that the
agricultural, seafaring, and trading Bugis are more totemistic than
the Malays, any more than are the Italians as compared with their
Roman predecessors.

It is hard to believe that the contact of various languages which
put the genitive before the word qualified by it should give rise to the
reverse position (pp. 465, 536), as is alleged to have happened in
connexion with the matrilineal .stage of culture. To begin with, it
seems an improbable idea that men were commonly in the habit of

668

EEVIEWS OF BOOKS

marrying not merely outside their clan and dialectic group, but out-
side their own language group as well, and so had to learn a completely
foreign form of speech. Such a case can .scarcely have been the normal
one. But, in any event, if one fact in linguistics is more positively
ascertained than another, it is that people tend to speak a newly
acquired language after the manner of their own mother-tongue,
particularly as regards phonetics and syntax. As, therefore, ex
hypothesi, the languages and dialects of all these communities at first
put the genitive before the word it qualified, it seems most unlikely that
a man of one tribe learning the language of another would proceed
to talk it in a V’ay contrary to the received usage of both.

In regard to the whole question of the position of the genitive
and such other sjmtactic arrangements the author does not apparently
recognize the fundamental importance of the distinction between free
and fixed syntactical order. In inflected languages the order can be
free, and therefore I should be prepared to contend that the only
relevant evidence of order is to be found in bare collocation of words
and in word composition where no inflexions or particles (such as
prepositions and postpositions) come into play. It may be that in the
earliest Indo-European the genitive normally preceded the qualified
word. But as it was an inflected genitive, it could perfectly well have
its position reversed without altering the sense or gi\nng rise to any
ambiguity. In Latin, for example, the genitive occurs quite normally
after the word qualified (e.g. the archaic pater familias) as well as before
it, and such old-fashioned proper names as MaisonDieu and Port Vendres
{portus Veneris) illustrate the fact that colloquial Latin handed downthe
postfixed genitive to mediaeval French. The same argument, in inflected
languages, applies to the accusative as object of a verb, to the
nominative as subject, and to the attributive adjective ; when there is
no opening for ambiguity, sjmtactical order can afford to be free and
can be modified at the taste and fancy of the speaker for reasons of
emphasis, rhythm, euphony, prosody, etc. Even where there is no
inflection, as in Malay, the subject can follow an intransitive verb
without danger of ambiguity, for it cannot possibly be taken for the
object, inasmuch as such a verb cannot have a directobject. Theauthor
suggests (p. 471) that the position of the subject pronoun before the
\ erb in Batak, Malay, Dayak, and Javanese is to be connected with
their geographical position in relation to the lesser Sunda islands
(•‘ die Kleinen Molukken "), where there are languages which put the
genitive before the noun qualified. This seems highly improbable

DIE SPRACHFAMILIEX UXD SPRACHEXKREISE DER ERDE 669

when one considers that these Eastern islands are more than 1,500
geographical miles from the nearest extremity of Sumatra, that the
historic streams of culture have been going for at least two thousand
rears not from them to the westward but in the opposite direction,
and that the position of the genitive in the Western islands has
for a thousand years or more remained firmly fixed after the
qualified word.

There remain to be noticed a few misprints and errors of statement
occurring here and there in a work which (so far as I am able to judge)
is, on the whole, commendably free from them. For “ Intigierung ”
(p. 8) read Infigierung ;. “ for “ Lingustik " (p. 28), Linguistik ; for
“Hindu'" (p. 43), Hindi; for “ Bens wick (p. 80), Berwick; for
“ JTAS." (p. 137), JRAS. ; for “ Panlohi " (p. 143), Paulohi; for
“ Amandanesischen " (p. 283), Andamanesischen. It is not the case,
as stated on p. 284, that Burmese and Siamese have no voiced con-
sonants. Siamese has h and d, to which Burmese adds g (besides two
fricatives and an affricate). Surely the double initial consonants of
Austroasiatic languages are due, not to a striving to maintain an ideal
monosyllabism (p. 295), but to the stress accent persisting on the final
root syllable and so tending to break down, by a quite unconscious
process, the old system of prefixes and infixes (the growth of which in
itself can hardly be considered compatible with adhesion to strict
monosyllabism). The Senoi (or Sakai) should not haye been styled
pygmoids, and they do possess a word for “ three " (p. 363) ; for
“ austronesischen " (p. 374) read austroasiatischen. On pp. 397, 480,
482, there are some erroneous statements with regard to the position of
the accusative in certain languages : in Chinese it normally comes after
the verb, and that is also , e case in Siamese and Annamese, but in
Burmese and other Tibt > urman languages it precedes the verb.
On p. 432 there is a reference to p. 432, supra, which must, I think,
be corrected to 430.

The atlas accompanying the work is well designed, though some of
the maps are rather overloaded with detail. On the whole they are,
however, very helpful. It strikes one as a little grotesque to find (on
maps I and III) the Malay Peninsula south of lat. 7° X. divided about
equally between the Thai-Chinese and Austroasiatic families, seeing
that the native-born population is overwhelmingly of Austronesian
stock. Mon is given an extension to latitude 20° X., whereas it barely
reaches 17°. Khmer is similarly and wrongly extended to the mouths
of the Mekhong on the China Sea, \vhere Annamese has now been

670

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

predominant for about two hundred year^. Palaung is inilicated only
to the east of the Salween, but the Palaungs live largely to the west of
that river, and the one surviving Palaung state is in the latter region.
These points are, however, all of quite secondary importance, and do
not materiallv affect the general utility of the atlas.

The work as a whole will remain for many years a standard book of
reference on the subjects with which it deals.

C. O. Bl.w.dex.

The Phonetics of the Zuh: L,\Nor.\GE. By Cle.mf.nt M. Doke.
M.A., D.Litt. pp. 310. The University of the Witwatersrand
Press, 1926. 15 a‘. 6(7.

Dr. Doke’s careful and minute study of the sounds and tones of
Zulu and of the part which these play in the grammar of Zulu is a very
valuable contribution to the science of phonetics.

Dr. Doke has recorded his observations with the utmost precision
by using an extremely “ narrow ” phonetic transcription throughout ;
and there is some justification for the adoption of such a transcription
for the purpose of a detailed scientific analysis. He has described
precisely and recorded unambiguously each sound of Zulu ’ ; he has
dealt with the occurrence of primary and secondary stress, of length
and half-length ; he has analysed the tone of each individual syllable
of every Zulu word he has transcribed. He has left no aspect of the
subject untouched : everything is noted and clearly labelled. There
are excellent diagrams, photographs, palatograms and kvmograjih
tracings, all of which make for the clearer understanding of the
descriptions given. There are six phonetic texts of which, by the wav,
it would be very helpful to have gramopi^one record.s. The book is
full of important matter which generously runs over into a number
of interesting appendices.

It mai be argued that Dr. Doke has carried his enthusiasm for
precision too far. Is it really nece.ssary even for scientific accuracy to
add to an already long and difficult list of .sounds the bi-labial rcilled
plosives p and b, the glottal nasal fi, and vowels with epiglottal
friction— .rounds which are all interesting but so rare in Zulu that
to prove their existence the queerest examples of their use have been
hunted up 1 Dr. Doke's pa.ssion for inventing symbols leads him to

' The symbols are those of the Jiitcrnatioiial PhomTie
addition of several others deviled by Dr. Doke.

■Association with the

PHONETICS OF THE ZUI.C LAXOUAGE

671

provide for sounds which do occur frequently in certain positions,
but which are not worthy of special signs. Such are the labio-dental
plosives (p and * (excellent symbols) occurring in the groups iqq)f^ and
mq)v; t and d in the groups tj?. tjh, and d3 ; d and 4. which
Dr. Doke terms lateral vowels and which take the place of li
and lu in certain definito positions. Is there realh " a sharp
distinction ” between the Zulu nasal consonant transcribed p and the
French palatal nasal p ? In anv ca.se, the symbol p would represent
({uite adequately a sound articulated somewhat further forward. In
representing the clicks Dr. Doke uses, in addition to the symbols
p and c, a number of others of his own device, attractive enough in
outline, but calculated to daunt the bravest inquirer into the
formation of the sounds they represent.

This very minuteness is, however, in keeping with Dr. Doke's
aim, which is to provide a' scientific basis for all further research into
the comparative study of the phonetics of Bantu languages. Serious
.students who recognize that this aim has been well achieved will
forgive a certain over- precise ness in the process.

Dr. Doke’s analysis of many sounds reveals new facts about their
formation. The nature of the voiced bi-labial implosive sound 6 is
now determined, and much light is thrown on the nature and
mechanism of clicks in the e.vcellent chapter on that subject. The
chapter on Zulu Tone shows the complicated nature of tone in Zulu
and its extreme importance in the acquisition of the spoken language.
Dr. Doke’s careful investigations in this field and his recording of the
tone of each syllable may lead to the discovery of a rather simpler
tonal system than he describes.

This splendid book ought to be the forerunner of many practical
and reliable works on the phonetic structure of other African
languages.

Lilias E. Armstrong.

' Hr. Doke suggest.s in Appendix III new definitions for vowel and consonant
by which syllabic m, n, q, 1 are vowels. How would he define syllabic voiceless
sounds such as S, J, Q which according to his definitions are neither vowels nor
ronsonants ?

NOTES AND QUERIES

KERN INSTITUTE. LEIDEN

In April, 1925, a Research Institute for the study of Indian
archaeology was founded at the University of Leiden, Holland. The
aim of the Institute (which has been named after the great Dutch
orientalist. Dr. Kern) is to promote the study of Indian archaeology
in its widest sense, that is, the investigation of the antiquities, not only
of India proper, but of Further India, Indonesia, and Ceylon, and, in
fact, of all territories influenced by Indian civilization, as well as the
study of the ancient history of these countries, the history of their art,
their epigraphy, iconography, and numismatics.

The Kern Institute, which is now established in one of Leiden’s
historical buildings, is in possession of a library and of collections
of photographs, slides, casts of sculptures, rubbings of inscriptions,
and other materials connected with these studies. Students from
abroad who wish to avail themselves of the facilities thus offered will
be cordially welcomed.

The Institute has further taken in hand the publication of an
“■ Annual Bibliography of Indian Archseology ”, which will contain
the titles, systematically arranged, of all books and articles pertaining
to the field of studies outlined above. It is also proposed, in an
introductory note, to survey the chief archaeological discoveries made
in the course of the year, with the addition, if funds permit, of a few
good illustrations. The endeavour will be to render this annual
bibliography as complete as possible, especially with regard to archaeo-
logical publications appearing in India, which often, owing to their
being published in local periodicals, remain unnoticed by scholars in
Eirrope and America. Students of Indian archaeology and allied
subjects are particularly requested to supply the Kern Institute
with copies of their publications. It will be possible to send copies
of the proposed “ Bibliography ” to members of the Institute regularly.

Those who are in sympathy with the objects of the Kern Institute
are invited to give their support by becoming members. Applications
and inquiries should be sent to the Honorary Secretary, The Kern
Institute, Leiden, Holland. The annual subscription is 5 guilders
for ordinary members and 25 guilders for patrons. The payment

VOL. IV. P.IKT HI. 44

674

NOTES AND QUERIES

of 100 guilders (or 500 guilders for patrons) will entitle one to life-
membersliip.

The Committee :

J. Ph. Vogel, Ph.D., President.

N. J. Krom, Ph.D., Vice-President.

J. H. Kramers, LL.D., Hon. Secretary.

R. A. Kern, N.I.C.S. (ret.), Hon. Treasurer.

A. W. Byvanck, Ph.D.

J. P. B. De Josselin De .Tong, Ph.D.

M. W. De Visser, Ph.D.

We have been asked by the Secretary of the Indian Institute,
Oxford, to publish the following letter : —

XVIIth International Congress of Orientalists

Sir, — At the concluding meeting of the Sixteenth International
Congress of Orientalists, held in Athens in 1912, it was agreed that
the next Congress should be held in Oxford. Having obtained the
assent of the \’ice-Chancellor of Oxford University, and the approval
of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, and of the
leading Oriental Societies in France, Italy, Germany, Holland, and in
America, the members of the Oriental Faculty of Oxford University
are making arrangements for holding the Seventeenth Congress
here during the week beginning Monday, 27th August, 1928.

Coming after so long an interval, it is hoped that the Seventeenth
Congress may be notable not only for its truly international character,
and the number of its participants, but also for the importance and
originality of the communications made to it.

I am desired to say that the Oriental Faculty of Oxford University
would be grateful for an assurance of public support, and for any
publicity which your Society can give to the proposals now made.
A Circular Bulletin with fuller information as to membership, arrange-
ment of sections, and other matters is being prepared, and will shortly
be issued.

C. K. Seddon,

Secretary.

Indian Institute, Oxf^ird.

'Ust April,

OBITUAKY

Le Professeur Maurice Delafosse

Le 13 Novembre dernier, le Professeur Maurice Delafosse est
mort a Paris, apres une longue maladie, a I'age de 56 ans.

Savant ethnologue et linguiste distingue, il avait debute en 1895
dans les Services Civils de I'Afrique Occidentale frangaise, et termine
sa carriere administrative comme Gouverneur des Colonies. Depuis
1909 il etait professeur a I'Ecole des Langues Orientales Vdvantes et a
I’Ecole Coloniale, Membre dn Conseil Superieur des Colonies, Membre
efiectif de I'lnstitut Colonial International de Bruxelles, Membre de la
Commission de I'esclavage a Geneve, Vice-President de la Societe
de Linguistique de Paris.

On lui doit plusieurs travanx d’Ethnologie universellement
apprecies, notamment :

Essai sur le peuple et la langue Sara ;

Un etat negre, la Eepublique de Liberia ;

Les frontieres de la Cote d'Ivoire, de la Cote d'Or et du Soudan ;

Le peuple Siena on Senoufo.

Haut-Senegal-Niger (Le pays, les peuples, les langues, I'liistoire,
les civilisations, 3 volume.s) ;

Traditions historiques et legendaires du Soudan Occidental
(traduites d'un manuscrit arabe inedit) ;

Chronique du Fouta Senegalais.

Tarikb el Fettach on Chronique du Cliercheur traduite d'un
manuscrit arabe inedit en collaboration avec 0. Houdas.

On pent considerer ces quatre derniers ou\Tages comme particuliere-
ment importants pour I'histoire du Soudan Occidental, ils suSiraient
a eux seuls a assurer a leur auteur une notoriete de bon aloi.

Mais Maurice Delafosse ne s' est pas seulement attache a I'histoire,
aux mceurs, aux coutumes des indigenes, parmi lesquels il a long-
temps vecu, il s' est encore passionnement interesse aux idiomes
africains, et la partie la plus importante de son oeuvre est certaine-
ment celle qui touche a la lingiustique.

A peine diplome de I'Ecole des Langues Orientales Vivantes il
public en 1894 uu Manuel Dahomeen consacre a la langue des Fou.
Il emploie en suite tons les instants de liberte que lui laissent ses
fonctions administratives pour etudier les parlers des indigenes.

676

OBITUARY

et ses investigations dans ce domaine, encore si mal connu, lui
permettent bientot de reunir le resultat de ses enquetes dans une
premiere serie de li\Tes d’un grand interet :

Essai de Manuel de la langue agni (idiome parle par les agni-
asbanti de la Cote d’Ivoire),

Manuel de Langue Haoussa.

Essai de Manuel pratique de la Langue Mande.

Yocabulaires comparatifs de plus de 60 langues ou dialectes paries
a la Cote d’Ivoire et dans les contrees voisines.

Ce dernier ouvrage, public en 1901, renferme tons les reiiseigne-
ments recueillis par Maurice Delafosse aupres des indigenes pendant
neuf annees. II porte sm de nombreux parlers jusqu' alors iuconmis,
complete et coniirme des observations faites par d'autres savants, et
permet un premier groupement des families d'apres leur parente. Le
Professeur Delafosse devait travailler jusqu’a la finde sa vie k etablir
une classification rationelle des idiomes negro-africains qui
n'appartiennent pas uu rameau bantou.

Quelques annees plus tard, en 1912, il consacre une partie de son
livre sur le Haut-Senegal-Niger a I’exarnen des langues en usage
dans le Soudan, et apres les avoir groupes suivant leurs affinit^s,
en compare la pbonetique, la morphologie et la grammaire. II est
ainsi amene a modifier sou premier essai d(! classement. En meme
temps son attention est attiree par I'existences des classes uominales
en peul, wolof et serere d’une part, dans les parlers ewe etudies par le
Professeur D. Westermann d’autre part. II fait porter alors ses
recherches sur les langues voltaiques. La encore les classes nominales
sont manifestes partout mais tantot dies ne se revelent ulus que par
des suffixes de classes, qui semblent incorpores au radical sans accord
entre le substantif et I'adjectif sans pronoms speciaux : tantot
elles comportent des prefixes, tantot a la fois prefixe et suffixe, tantot
enfiu, il existe des pronoms distincts pour chaqiie classe, et I'indice
de classe s’accole a I’adjectif.

Affermi par ces constatations, Maurice Delafosse poursuit et
etend ses investigations pendant plusieurs annees. En 1924, il expose
dans un ouvrage ecrit en collaboration avec un groupe de linguistes,i
les conclusions auxquelles il est parvenu, et dont il ne dissimule pas
le caractde provisoire. Il propose de considerer les langues negro-
africaines comme formant un ensemble caracterise, dans lequel on

' Les laii^'ues dii moncle par uu groupe tie linguistes sous la direction de A. Meillet

LE PROFESSEUE MAURICE DELAFOSSE

677

peut distinguer la famille bantou de celle que forment les langiies
du Soudan et de la Guinee septentrionale et moyenne. II considere
que dans ce dernier ensemble seize groupes peuvent etre identifies,
et enumere les parlers de cbacun de ces groupes en analysant les
phenonienes linguistiques qu’ils ofEreut.

Ce n'est pas ici le lieu de discuter la theorie soiitenue par Maurice
Delafosse, mais on peut rendre hommage a la siinplicite et a la sincerite
avec lesquelles il expose son point de vue en insistant sur les difiicultes
de la tacbe assumee. Un pareil travail prouve I'erudition solide et
etendue de I’auteur, il apporte ime contribution precieuse pour la
solution d un probleme qui preoccupe a juste titre les linguistes,
et nous a deja vain les etudes approfondies de R. X. Custd du Professeur
D. Westermann,^ de F. W. H. Migeod,® du Professeur Meinhof, *
de A. Drexel.®

Les hautes qualites de Maurice Delafosse I'avaient fait choisir
recemment pour diriger avec le Professeur D. AVestfumann le nouvel
Institut International pour I’etude des langues et des civilisations
africaines. Sa disparition aSecte egalenient les milieux coloniaux et
les milieux proprenient scientifiques dans lesquels il laisse le souvenir
d’mi esprit Eminent, d’uu savant erudit et modeste, d'un homme
d'une grande bonte.

Hexri Labouret.

' A sketch of the modern languages of Afrka. J,ondres, 18S3.

^ Die Sudansprachen. Hambourg, 1911.

^ The languages of West Africa. Londres, 1911-191;i.

* An introduction to the study of African languages. Londres, 1915.

^ Gliederung der Afrikanischen 8prachen {.Anthropos, 1921-19:’2).

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Prof RAO SAHEB S KRISHNASWAMI
AIYANGAR, M a., Ph D.

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PAPERS COXTRIBUTED

XOTES OX JAPANESE LITEBATUBE
By S. Yoshitake

[In April, 1927, the School received from Mrs. H. de Watteville
a large collection, comprising over 400 volumes, of Japanese books,
mostly of the nineteenth century. This gift was made in memory of
her brother, Lieut. -Col. E. F. Calthrop, who had during his residence
as Military Attache at Tokyo formed this valuable collection. At
my request, Mr. Yoshitake has prepared the following description of
the books. — Editor.]

TN the history of Japanese literature the Heian epoch and the Yedo
■*“ period mark two golden ages with a comparatively dull and
decadent interval of about 400 years between them.

Literature in the Heian period was patronized entirely by the
upper classes of society who treated it merely as a means of beguiling
leisure hours, with the result that it is lacking in variety, having
developed scarcely beyond poems of thirty-one syllables and records
of court life rendered in the form of novels or diaries. The “ Kokinshu ”
(cf. A. Waley, Japanese Poetry), the “ Genji Monogatari ” (cf. A. Waley,
The Tale of Genji ; The Sacred Tree), and the “ Tosa Nikki ” (cf.
\V. Porter, The Tosa Diary) may be cited as representative master-
pieces of the age.

The Yedo period (a.d. 160J-1867), on the other hand, is indeed an
age of revival and innovation not only of literature, but also of art in

VOL. IV. PART IV. 45

680

S. YOSHITAKE —

general. People were inebriated with the joy of peace secured by the
Government of the Tokugawa Shogiinate, and while the classics, both
native and Chinese, were much studied in cultivated circles, the
indifferently-educated masses enjoyed such popular works of art as
Kyoka (a common and vulgar variety of thirty-one-syllable poems),
Haikai (a seventeen-syllable poem), Joruri (a sort of drama), and
Monogatari (tales or romances).

It was, however, not until the latter part of the seventeenth century
when the centre of literary culture had drifted from Kyoto to Osaka,
that the Joruri gained the popularity which it holds to this day.
While admitting that the Joruri owes so much to the great Chikamatsu
Monzaemon (1653-1724) that the two are almost inseparable, the names
of others who rendered valuable service to the same cause, such, for
instance, as Takeda Idzumo (1691-1756) and Ki-no-Kaion (1663-
1742), should on no account be forgotten.

We are now fortunately in a po.sition to appreciate certain of their
works which are contained in the donation, viz. ; —

(1) Chikamatsu Jidai-Joruri. Teikokubunko edition, dated 1905.
A selection of those of Chikamatsu's dramas whose plots are taken from
hi.storical events, comprising : —

Gaijin Yashima, Tortju Oguri-hanguan, Okara-mondo Aoba-no-fue,
Harami Tokiiva, Daishokhcan, Kokusenya Kassen* Kokusenyn
Gojitsu-no-kassen. Heike Nydgo-ga-shima. Karafunehamshi Ima-
kokusenya, Yukionna Gomai Hagoita* and twelve others. Those
marked with an asterisk are usually regarded as two of his three
masterpieces, the third being Goga Kwaikeizan (cf. A. Miyamori,
Masterpieces of Chikamatsu).

(2) Ki-no-Kaion Jorurishu. Teikokubunko edition, dated 1899.
A selection of Ki-no-Kaion's works, comprising ; —

Kamakura Sandaiki. Shiju Futatsu Haraobi. Yaoga Oshichi, and
twenty others, including his last composition entitled Keisei Mugen-
nn-Kane. Of these the first two are regarded as the most popular.

Some of these Jdruri were then staged both in Osaka and in Yedo ;
the Seuanwno, dramas of life and manners, in particular must
have pleased vulgar minds immensely.

The popularity of the Ukiyo-Sdshi, romances which depicted freely
the lower stratum of contemporary society, was but a natural trend of
the times . Ihara Saikaku, the founder of this variety of fiction, is
to the Ukiyo-Sdshi what Chikamatsu is to the Joruri.

The Ukiyo-Sdshi were followed first by the Hachimonjiya-bon of

NOTES OX JAPANESE LITERATURE

6S1

Yejinia Kiseki and Hachimonjiya Jisho. thence by the appearance in
Yedo of the Kusazashi. books dealing with strange incidents and brave
deeds, with numerous illustrations, with a view to increasing their
popularity with women and children. Indeed, the value of these books
is in the illustrations rather than in the writing it.self.

The Kusazdshi appeared in three distinct forms ; Akahon (lit. red
book), Kurohon (lit. black book), and Aohon (lit. blue (or green) book,
but was actually covered in yellowish green). The colour of the last
named was later changed to yellow, and was called Kibyoshi (lit. yellow
cover). This, with the Sharebon. another variety of Kusazdshi, formed
a new branch of fiction, i.e. the novelettes which openly exposed the
inner workings of human nature and which abound in humour and
sarcasm.

At the time when the Kusazohi were entertaining the populace of
Yedo, the Yomihon made its appearance in Kyoto and in Osaka. The
Yomihou. as the name suggests, is really a book to be read, and hence
does not contain so many illustrations as the Kusazdshi. In the earliest
stage of the Yomihon the authors copied the style of Chinese novels,
as may be seen in the preface to the Kokon Kidan Shiyeshige-Yawa,
in which the author, Tsuga Teisho (also known by the name of Kinro
Gyoja), one of the pioneer writers of the Yomihon, declares that his
idea has been taken from the Pai yiian mei ling (Q 5a H) and
the Tu shill niang (%t; 5(^).

(3) Kokon Kidan Shigeshige-Yaiva. published in 1766. A collection
of strange and wonderful tales, being a sequel to the Kokon Kidan
Hanabusa-zdshi. written by the .same author. Unfortunately the work
in our collection consists of five volumes only, the first volume of the
six. forming the complete work, being missing.

Later, with the activity of Santoan Kyoden (1761-1816) and
Takizawa Bakin (1767-1848). came the most prosperous age of the
Yomihon. Chinese novels, first introduced to the public of Japan by
Tsuga Teisho and a few others, provoked general admiration for the
novel ideas and extravagant language of the Chinese ; contemporary
scribblers able to read Chinese ventured to read and translate the
fictional works of the Celestial Empire extensively as a means of
profit. The two cited above, however, stand high above the
common run.

Indeed. Bakin, a man of rare talents and untiring energy, is said
to have wTitten altogether no fewer than 400 distinct stories in 1,400
volumes. The fluency of his style of writing and the extent of his

S. YOSHITAKE —

power of imagination may be seen in the two works of his which we
now possess.

(4) Shinhen Kimbeibai {Neio Chin P'ing Mei), ten chapters in

twenty volumes, complete with illustrations by Kuniyasu, Kunisada,
and Toyokuni, dated 1831-47. Although the general structure of the
story has been modelled after the Chinese novel known as the Chin
P'ing Mei (-^ ^ ;}§), the earlier chapters are Bakin's own

composition. Throughout the work, such characters and actions as
would induce morality are substituted for the lewd figures and
unseemly conduct of the original.

(5) Keisei Siiikoden (Shui huo chuan of Enchantresses), with
illustrations by Toyokuni ; dated 1825.

Bakin, again in this novel, has, for moral purposes, substituted 108
wise and brave women for the same number of bad characters of the
Chinese original, the Shui huo chuan (tJc -($), hence the title of
the story. Most unfortunately we possess only the first chapter.

These two works, along with the renownet Hakkenden, constitute
his three masterpieces composed when he was gradually losing the sight
of his eyes. In fact, the last two chapters of the Kimbeibai were
written down by a disciple to whom the story was dictated by the blind
novelist.

In addition to the above we are also in possession of the following
ghost story of his.

(6) Sesshoseki Gojitsu-no-Kicaidan, illustrated bv Eisen. Four
chapters in eight books, complete;, dated 1825-31.

Bakin also wrote some ” Kibyoshi , of which w'e have one, a story
of revenge, entitled : —

(7) Kataki-uchi Zakone-monogatari , with illustrations. Two
chapters, each in three books, complete ; dated 1806.

The wide spread of artistic culture compelled the w'riters of the
Yomihon, books for reading containing comparatively few illustrations,
to seek artistic pictures for their books in order to satisfy the trained
eyes of contemporary readers. Thus Bakin, the leading light of the then
literary world, joined hands with Katsushika Hokusai, a distinguished
painter of Ukiyoe, while Kyoden went into partnership with Utagawa
Toyokuni. The literary style of Bakin, a style haK-way between the
classical and the common with a well-balanced mixture of native and
Chinese vocables, may well be compared with Hokusai’s style of
painting, which reveals his introduction of the Ming and European
schools into Ukiyoe. The present donation includes

NOTES OX JAPANESE LITERATURE

683

(8) Hokusai Mangwa (miscellaneous sketches), dated 1819-34
Unfortunately our collection lacks the fifth and seventh of the complete
twelve volumes.

Of the contemporary literary works, we are in possession of the
following three stories by Santo Kyozan, the younger brother of
Kyoden.

(9) Ninjo-Kyokun Chiritsuka-moiogatari, illustrated by Toyokuni;
dated 1850. Our collection wants the first book of the first chapter of
the three contained in the complete work.

(10) Kikujudo Kasitmi-m-Sakadzuki, illustrated by Toyokuni;
dated 1850. The plot has been taken from the stories in the Shokyuki,
an account of the rebellion in the Shokyu period (1219-21). The
collection lacks the tenth and last chapter.

(11) Oshiyegusa N yobo-Katagi , illustrated by Toyokuni and
Kunisada. Twenty chapters ; dated 1860. A collection of stories
dealing with wise and brave women.

The humorous and satiric variety of the Kusazoski, i.e. the
Kibysohi and the Skarehon, were later brought out in two
bindings : one called Chuhon (lit. intermediate book), whose size lies
between those of the Skarebon and the Yomihon (the larger of the two),
and the other called Gokwan-mono (lit. those which are bomid together),
six books of five sheets each forming two chapters bound together.

The Chuhon, from the point of view of subject-matter, may be
divided into two classes : the first, the Kokkeibon, books of humour
represented by the Ddchu Hizakmige (a journey on shanks’ mare),
by Jippensha Ikku, or by the Ukiyofuro (The World's Bath-house),
by Shikitei Samba, and the next, the Nunjobon (lit. sentiment book),
which ventured to depict the world of dissipation without the least
show of modesty.

The stories by Samba contained in the present donation, however,
are of a difierent type, viz. : —

(12) Kataki-uchi Yadoroku-m-Hajimari, illustrated by Toyokuni.
Ten chapters in one volume, complete ; dated 1808. A story of
revenge modelled after the fable known by “ Kondodon-no-Meiken ”.

(13) Kyokaku Konjin-Chdgord Chuko-Banashi, illustrated by
Kunisada. Complete, three chapters in one book ; dated 1809 ?

But, on the other hand, the nature of the Kokkeibon may be found
in the following book by Akatsuki-no-Kanenari, one of the followers
of Kyoden.

(14) Akan Sanzai Zue. Six volumes, complete: dated 1821.

684

S. YOSHITAKE —

Akan (lit. imtired), Sanzai (lit. spending money for pleasure). Zm:
(lit. pictures), a book of humour and satire modelled after Tcrajima'.s
Wakan (lit. Japan and China) Sansai (lit. the three force.s) Zue (lit-
pictures), i.e. " Sino-Japanese encyclopaedia of univer.sal knowledge '.
which is an adaptation of the Chinese ISnn ts’ni t'u Ini i P -^)

by Wang Ch'i (J ^).

The Ninjobon attained the height of coar.sene.ss with the ajipearance
of Tamenaga Shunsui (1789-1842), whose be.st-known works mav be
found in our present collection.

(15) Umegoijomi ; Harutsuge-dori. with illustration.s. Teikoku-
bunko edition, dated 1906. Comprising : Shiumhoku Umegogonii.
Shunshoku Tatsumi-no-Sono, Shunshoku Eitaidango. Shunskoku Ume-
mibune, Harutsuge-dori, Shunshoku Magaki-no-ll me, Haru-no-Waka-
kusa. This almost exhausts Shunsui's popular works.

We are also in possession of the following of his minor works : —

(16) Ktvoto Shinwa Tamausagi, with illustrations. Complete in
four books.

(17) Wdgonsui Daijtn-Sakadzuki, illustrated by Kuniteru,
Kunisada, Kuniyoshi. and Yoshiiku. First seventeen chapters;
dated 1866. A biography of Kinokuniya Bunzaemon (1669-1734), a
man of specidative disposition, who is said to have made a large
fortune by first transporting the Kishu Ulikan (tangerines produced in
his native province, Kii-no-kuni) to Yedo.

(18) ZJ su-omokage Maboroshi ^ikki, illustrated by Kunisada.
Chapters i and ii only of thirty chapters ; dated 1864.

The Ookwan-mono , of which bamba is the founder, differ from the
Kibyoshi in that they are instructive and dramatic rather than
humorous and satirical like the Kibyoshi. Consequently, for the plot
historical events are preferred to domestic affair.s. The dramatic
touch with which the story was written made these contemporary
novels full of variety . Moreover, as might be expected from something
which was evolved from the Ezoshi (picture books), the Gdkivan-
mono are much more beautifully got-up than the Yomihon, and are
[ rovided with excellent illustrations. An easy but elaborate style of
writing was sought in order to make the book attractive for the women
of the time.

All these qualities are best exhibited by Ryutei Tanehiko (1783-
1842), the author of the famous Nisemurasaki Inaka-Genji, an
adaptation of the Genji Monogatari. We possess the following works of
his, the hrst being one of his masterpieces.

NOTES ON JAPANESE LITERATURE

685

(19) Kantan Shokohi Monogatari : dated 1849-57. An adapta-
tion of dramas, consisting of Onii-no-maki. Dewa-no-maki (in four
books), Yamato-no-maki (in six books), Harima-no-maki (in six
books), illustrated by Kunisada ; continued by Rittei Senkwa ; Ise-
rw-nuiki. Totomi-no-maki (in six books), illustrated by Toyokuni ;
Settsu-m-maki (in ten books), illustrated by Sadahide. A sequel to
the above in six books, illustrated by Kunisada.

(20) Midzuki-no-tnai Ogi-tm-Nekobotie, illustrated by Kunisada.
Two chapters complete in one volume; dated 1823. The plot is
taken from the “ Nekomata ”, one of the older Joruri ”.

(21) Fude-no-Vmi Shikoku-no-Kikigaki, illustrated by Kunisada.
Chapters i-x of the fifteen chapters forming the complete work ;
dated 1866. An adaptation of stories told by a party of pilgrims
who made a tour round the island of Shikoku.

(22) Wambe-Uta Mydmtjoguruma, illustrated by Kunisada.
Chapters i-xv of the thirty chapters forming the complete work ;
dated 1862. A book, written for young people, in which an endeavom
is made to expound the doctrine of the transmigration of the soul and
the certainty of retribution.

(23) Nedzurni-no-Hokora 2'suga-niomgratari , illustrated by
Kunisada. Chapters i-v of ten forming the whole ; dated 1874. An
adaptation of a strange tale told by a pilgrim.

We also have a collection of Tanehiko's short stories, entitled : —

(24) Tanehiko Tampen Kessaku-shu, Teikokubunko edition, dated
1902, comprising : —

“ Onna-Gappo Tsiijidangi,” Onna-Moyo Inadzuma-zome,”
*■ Ukiyogata Rokuniai-byobu,” and twenty-seven others.

It is well to note here that the publication of the Teikokubunko
edition has long since come to an end, hence even second-hand copies
are not available now without difficulty.

Tanehiko also took over a number of works started by other writers,
and brought some of them to completion, as will be seen from the
following we now possess.

(25) Musume-T eikin Kogane-w)-Niwatori, complete in five chapters,
of which chapters i-iii were written by Kyozan. chapter iv by Senkwa,
and chapter v by Tanehiko. The book is illustrated throughout by
Kunisada ; dated 1861. It is a story of a love affair between the only
son of a rich father and a geisha girl. Santo Kyozan wrote the first
chapter of this story when he was 88 and the third chapter at the
age of 91.

686

S. YOSHITAKE —

(26) Akegarasu Sumie-no-Uchikake', dated 1861-8. Chaptens i-iii
were written by Santei Shumba, and chapters iv-xii were written by
Tanehiko. The book is illustrated throughout by Kunisada. Owing to
the incompleteness of the work in our collection we cannot be certain
whether Tanehiko continued it further or not.

(27) Hamfuji Tsiibomi-no-Tamadzusa, complete. Chapters i-v
by Santei Shumba, chapters vi-x by Tanehiko. The book is illustrated
throughout by Kunisada; dated 1874.

As will be seen from the above, Tanehiko joined hands with
Utagawa Kunisada, a pupil of Toyokuni.

Of all the followers of Tanehiko the most illustrious figure is
unquestionably Rittei Senkwa, the originator of the Shiranui
Monogatari.

(28) Shiranui Monogatari. The work was first taken over by
Tanekazu and then by Tanehiko and others, and it was not until 1883
that the book, consisting of ninety chapters, was brought to completion.
The present donation contains chapters i-xxvii, xxx-part of xxxvd,
xxxviii-xlii, and xlix-li ; dated 1852-62. The illustrations are those
of Toyokuni, Kunisada, and Yoshiiku.

The plot has been taken from two historical events ; one the
Amakusa rising of the Catholic propagandists (1802-3), and the
other the strife of the Kuroda family.

(29) Makuragoto Yume-no-Kagoiji, illustrated by Sadahide. Three
chapters complete ; dated 1835. A moral story whose plot is taken
from the traditions of China and Japan.

(30) Imose-no-T sukigama Nanatsugumi Ireko-makura, illustrated
by Ichiyosai Kuniyoshi. First six chapters ; dated 1853. This is
a moral tale of love.

(31) SMonoya Bunsho Kokon Sdshiaioase, illustrated by Toyokuni,
Sadahide, Kuniteru, and Kunisada. First thirteen chapters ; dated
1856. The plot has been taken from the Bunsho, one of the tales
contained in the Otogisoshi (fairy tales).

Next come Ryukatei Tanekazu and Nisei Tamenaga Shunsui.
Of the former’s works we possess : —

(32) Kana~hdgo IkkgU'Soshiy illustrated by Kuniteru and
Kunisada. First twelve chapters only ; dated 1852-7. The excentric
®^pl*^ifs of fkkyu, a Zqh priest, told m the form of a romance.

(33) Sono-YukariHina-no-Orrwkage; dated 1851-5. Chapters i-vi,
written by Ippitsuan Shujin and illustrated by Toyokuni;

NOTES ON’ JAPANESE LITERATURE

687

chapters vii-xi, -ftTitten by Tanekazu; chapters xii-xiv, written by
Senkwa, illustrated by Kunisada. A moral tale.

Of the Nisei Shunsui’s works we have the following two : —

(34:) Skin-zoho Saikoku-Kidun, illustrated by Kunisada and
Yoshitora. Complete in twenty chapters ; dated 1867-75.

(35) Hokusetsu-Bidan Jidai-kagarni, illustrated by Kunisada.
First twenty-nine chapters ; dated 1863. A collection of moral tales
for women and children.

We also have in our collection several of the contemporary minor
works, viz. : —

(36) Koiguruma Yodo-no-Kawasemi, by Rytisuitei Tanekiyo,
illustrated by Kunisada and Kunitsuna. First six chapters ; dated
1861.

(37) Kanadehon C hushing um, by Santei Shumba, illustrated by
Kunisada. Complete in one book; dated 186’2.

(38) Takejo Ichidaiki {Kogane-no-Hana Sakuragi Sdshi), by
Gyokuransai Shujin, illustrated by Sadahide. Four chapters, each in
two books, complete ; dated 1848. A biography of a woman named
Take of the latter part of the sixteenth century, who was a devout
believer in Buddhism.

(39) Yumiharidzuki Haru-no-Yubae, byRakutei Seiba, illustrated
by Kuniteru and Yoshitora. Twenty-four chapters, complete ; dated
1847-67. An adaptation of Bakin’s Yumiharidzuki.

(40) Gosho-zakura Baishoroku, by Kwakutei Shuga, illustrated by
Kunisada and Yoshitora. First eleven chapters ; dated 1866. A
life of Sugawara Michizane, a loyalist and scholar of the ninth
century, told in the form of a romance.

(41) Kinkwa Shichi-henge, by Kwakutei Shuga, illustrated by
Kunisada and Toyokuni. First thirty-one chapters ; dated 1870.

It will be seen from the above that the present donation comprises
almost all varieties of the popular literature of the Yedo period.
Popular as their nature is, the books mentioned above are more or
less valuable in view of the fact that millions of such works of literature,
if not the original wood-blocks, were undoubtedly destroyed by the
recent earthquake.

Besides those quoted above, we also have some interesting pieces
of literature, of which we may mention the following : —

(4’2) Tsitredzwre-pMsa, with illustrations. Complete in two volumes;
dated 1703. The famous work of the hermit Yoshida Kenko
(1283-1350) ; a confession of his pessimistic \dew of life.

688

NOTES ON JAPANESE LITERATUBE

(43) Tsuredzure-gusa Bundatishd. by Kitaniura Kigin, revised by
Suzuki Kokyo. Complete in three volumes. A well-known com-
mentary on the Tsuredzure-gusa.

(44) Jokim Hyakunin-Isshu Kikan with Onna Daigaku and
Onna Imagaiva : dated 1844. These are three important book.s on
culture for women of the last century ; Hgakunin Isshu, “ 100 poems
by 100 poets.” said to have been selected by Fujiwara Teika (807-86) ;
Onna Daigaku, a book that teaches women manners and etiquette ;
and Onna Imagaiva, a composition prepared for practice in hand-
writing.

(45) Hgakunin Isshu with Onna Imagaiva and letter- writer for
women, dated 1850. A similar work to the above.

(46) Jozan Kidan, including Amago-na-Tonioskibi, by Yuasa
Jozan. Complete in thirty volumes. A collection of anecdotes of
warriors in the period of the civil wars (circa 1490-1600).

(47) Shikigusa, by Ise Teijo. Complete in seven volumes. A
description of the manners and ancient practices of the older
military families.

(48) Nihon Gwaishi, by Rai Sanyo. Complete in si.v volumes;
dated 1864. Sanyo's famous history of Japan, -written in Chinese.

(49) Shichisho Seigi, by Seki Shigehide. Complete in four volumes ;
dated 1842. Seven military works of China.

(50) Shogaku. Complete in two volumes ; dated 1881. The lesser
learning (/]-. ^).

I am indebted to Mr. H. J. Cant for his kind assistance in the
above investigation.

SOME MOXGOLIAX MAXIMS
By S. Yoshitake

O F all the literary languages of Asia, the one to which in this country
least attention has been paid is perhaps the language of the
INIongols. No grammar or dictionary of any importance has ever been
compiled in English ; the study of the Mongolian language has in
fact been almost monopolized by Russian and Scandinavian scholars,
although some valuable contributions to the same cause have been
made also by French, German, and Japanese scholars, published,
however, in their own languages.

This is to be greatly regretted, for the Mongolian literature which
dates from the fourteenth century is not only invaluable from the
philological point of view, but is also full of literary interest.

With a view to fostering the study of the Mongolian language in
this country I here give a translation and transliteration of the opening
chapter of the first volume of J. S. Kowalewski's Chrestomathy,^
with a brief explanation of the words contained in the text. In dealing
with the grammar, I have for the most part followed Schmidt ^ and
Kowalewski.^

§ 1 . Transcription’

We have as yet no accurate knowledge of the sounds of the letters
of the Mongol alphabet, and each scholar uses his own system of
transcription.

In the present paper I have followed mainly the transcription
adopted by Dr. Ramstedt,^ one of the foremost authorities on the
Altaic languages. It must, however, be remembered that Dr. Ram-
stedt is in no way responsible for any inaccuracy found in the phonetic
equivalents to the transcription which I give below as a provisional
guidance.

' 0. Kyii.i.ii H( idri ; Moiiiu.u.ci;aii x()bm>Marii£. To.ml 1. KaMiit, 1836

- T. J. 8 -hmidt, dramm itik der mjngolisrhen Sprache, .8t Petersburg, 1831

^ O. Ki)ua.reBeKin : KpaiKun rpaMMainK.'i Moiiic.aboKaro KHnacHaro asuKa Kasaub,
1835.

* G. J. Ramstedt, “Das Schriftmongolische und die Urgamundart,” § 18.
Journal de la Sxiete Fmno-ougrienne, xxi, 2. Helsingfors, 1902.

^ The relation between this system of transcription and the modern pronunciation
m the eastern Kh.alkha dialect will be found throughout his paper “ Das Schrift-
mongolische ”.

690

S. YO.SHITAKE—

a = vowel sound heard in cart, heart.
e = initial vowel sound heard in there, air.
i = initial vowel sound heard in queen, meat.

0 = vowel sound heard in all, hoard.

u = vowel sound heard in food, hoot ; but pronounced with less
rounding of lips.

d = sound of d in German, schon, Hohe.

11 = sound of ii in German, iiher, Bucher.
q = sound of c in cool, but with stronger aspiration,
g = North German pronunciation of g in Lage, Tage.
k = soimd of k in king, kid.
g = soimd of g in gift, give.
g = sound of ng in sing, long.

6 = sound of ch in cheap, charge.
j = sound of_^' m joy, jar.
y = sound of y in yet, young.
t = sound of t in table, talk.
d = sound of d in dark, door.
n = sound of n in nail, night.

1 = sound of I in loto, leak,
r = Scottish trilled r.

8 — sound of s in sit, sell.
b = sound of h in bargain, heat.
m = sound of m in men, mist.

In the present transliteration : —

(1) The final vowel a or e written separate from the main part of
a word is indicated by means of a dot placed before it.

(2) Particles are joined by means of a hyphen to the words whose
grammatical relations with other words they serve to show, as the
pronunciation of the former depends on Vowel Harmony ^ with the
latter.

1 In the Mongolian language words may be divided into two classes ; front-vocalic
words and back-vocalic words. To the latter belong the words which contain one at
least of the vowels, a, 0, and u, and to the former all the remaining words This is
equivalent to saying that the front vowels e, 0, and ii, never appear with the back
vowels a, O, and n, in the same word The consonants q and g are found only in the
back-vocalic words.

The accent -According to I J. .Schmidt the accent falls in general on the first
syUable of a word of two or three syllables (Gramv^atilc. §§ 26, 27), This theory has been
oposed by J, b Kowalewski (KpaiKaa qiairaaraKa, §§ 27. 28), A. Bobrovnikov
(A. liOopoBHnKOBT, : 1 paMMaiuKa MOHro.ibCKaro SBUKa, §S 20 , fripj
others (Ramstedt, Das Schnftmongolische, § 59), who maintain tha't it is usually the

SOME MOXGOLIAX MAXIMS

691

§ 2. Translation and Transliteration

1. ejen-ii jarlig-i bun daba.

Thou shalt not disobey the command of thy master.

2. ai jalagus buu iisii cayigsan otegiis-i eleglegtiin.

Do not, young people, ridicule white-haired old men.

3. qamug cag-tur jirgagulqu masi berge buyu.

Always to please a person is extremely difficult.

4. qagan-u sakiqu anu albatu irgen biiliige, albatu irgen-ii sakiqu

anu qagan-u cagaja biiliige.

The protector of the king was his taxed subject, while that
of the subject was the law granted by the king.

5. buyan kilince qoyar-un iiiles-iyer sayin magu torol-diir tbromiii.
Man is endowed with rebirth of bliss or of retribution according

to his actions, virtuous or sinful, in a previous life.

6. bber-i sayin kiimtin kemeju eremsigcin-liige buu nbkiice.

Refrain thou from associating with a conceited man who

pretends to self-righteousness.

7. busu yara mergen emci jasabasu anamni, magu iige-yin yara inn

ogta tilh bUtiimUi.

Injury inflicted by a slanderous tongue will never be completely
righted, while that sustained otherwise can be healed, if
treated by an able surgeon.

8. olan kiimun nigen oyon neyilelcebesii, knciin mekiis biigesii-ber

yeke kereg biitiigem.

Many men, though impotent as individuals, if brought to one
mind, can accomplish a thing of great importance.

9. uqagatai biiged surqui-dur duratai anu douratus-aca asaguqui-ban

icikii hgei.

A man who has thirst for knowledge and learning is not
ashamed to ask questions of his subordinates.

last syllable of the word that carries the accent. This offers us a very interesting
problem, particularly when we reflect upon Dr. Ramstedt’s remark that there is hardly
another language in which the first syllable is so strongly accented as present-day
Eastern Mongolian {Das Schriftmongolische, § 59). With him M. Rudnev is in entire
agreement (A. Jf- Py^HeBt : JleKuiii no rpairaaTaKt iionro.ibcKaro nncbMCHHaro
asHKa, uniaHHHa bt, 1903-M aKajeiiiiaecKOMT. rouy. BunycKi 1, crp. 23, CIIB.
1905 ; also A. Jf. PyjneBi, : Maiepia.iu no roBOpasn. BocxoHHofl iiOHro.iia, § 51,
cip. 197, CUB. 1911).

While the first syUable seems to hare always been accented as it is to-day, I would
reserve this question of the accent as open to further study.

692

S. YOSHITAKE —

10. keger*e-yin galagu nisjii iilii kiirkii gajar-tur kiiniiin ner-e ba

asig-un tula odomui.

For fame and profit one rushes to a land which even wild-geese
do not visit.

11. briisiyel bolsugai kemebesii bayan bolun iilii cidamui, bayan

bolsagai kemebesii briisiyel bolun iilii cidamui.

If one wishes to be compassionate, one cannot remain rich,
and if one desires to become wealthy, one cannot remain
sympathetic.

12. arilugsan ediir-e usu urusqu jubag niiken-i selbin jasaju,

qorjikinaju oroqu cag-tur beledtiigei.

Let us clear, while the weather is fine, the outfall of the
gutter, which carries the water so as to be ready for the
arrival of a heavy downpour of rain.

13. ebesii kiragun-dur darugdaqu, kiragu naran-dur darugdaqu-lug-a

adali, magu kiimiin bbesiiben magu kiimiin-diir abtagdamui.
Just as the grass yields to the frost, and the frost to the sun.
so is a bad man himself beaten by a bad Juan.

14. kiimiin iigekiirebesii oyon inu oqor bolumui, mori eciggerebesii

iisiin inu urtu bolumtii.

When a man is impoverished his understanding fails him. when
a horse is emaciated its hair grows long.

15. tusatan-i dayisun agsan biigesii-ber sitiigdekiii, sadun agsan

bugesii-ber qourlabasu tebcigdekui.

Confide in those who are useful even though they be your
enemies, but forsake even a kinsman if he is harmful to you.

16. onca gagea qudal iige bgiilegsen kumiin inu, iinen iige kelebecu

sejig sedkil tbrbmiii.

A man who has but once lied raises suspicion even when he
speaks the truth.

17. sijir altan kediii kercin sitagaqu bolbacu, mbn kii tere bgge inu

ebderekii iigei bui.

No matter how one may cut a plate of rolled gold or throw it
into the fire its natural colour is never destroyed.

18. gagga miiren usun inu amta sayitu atala, dalai-dur kurcii

cidqubasu dabusutu bolumui.

The water of the river Ganges is sweet and delicious, but once
it reaches and empties itself into the sea it becomes salty.

SOME MOXGOLIAN MAXIMS

693

19. galtu qoroqai-yin gerel-iyer yeke qaraqgus-i geyigiilkui-yi buu

sedki.

Do not attempt to illuminate black darkness with the glimmer
of a glow-worm.

20. er-e kiiinun bei-e-ben ed-iyer cimegsen-ece erdem-iyer cimegsen

degere bui.

It is greater for a man to adorn himself with vdrtue than to
bedeck his own body with riches.

21 . sine debel-i kiijitu saba-dm talbibasu, tere debel-ece kiijis-iin iinitr

iiniistemiii.

If a new skin-coat be kept in a scented cofier, it gives out not
the smell of the coat, but the odour of the scent.

22. jiigelen usun-u urusqal anu nasuda bagubasn, cag-tagan qabtagai

cilagun-i ntdrelen cidayu, sirgdin sirgiitele modun-aca gal garqu
bolugad, maltan maltatala gajar-aca usun garqu boluyu, kiimtin
kiciyegsen-iyer ttlii biitukii yagum-a iigei, kiciyekii- 3 rin jiiil-iyer
tugurbigsan bugiide iir-e-tii boluyu.

If water runs softly but continuously, it will in course of time
make a hole in a flat stone. A piece of wood, if rubbed
repeatedly, will eventually catch fire. Further, if ground be
dug deeper and deeper, water will finally issue forth from the
earth. So also with man's work. There is nothing that
cannot be accomplished with untiring labour. All the doings
of man are rewarded in proportion to his efforts.

23. dabasi iigei dabagan bui kemen sonustamui, ker dabaqu kemen

buu sedki, dabai*a kemen sedkibesii dabayu. getiiliisi iigei
miiren bui kemen sonustamui, ker getiilkii kemen buu sedki,
getului-e kemebesii getiiluyii.

When you hear of the existence of an uncrossable mountain,
do not be lost in thinking how to go over it. You will succeed,
if you are determined to accomplish. When you hear of the
existence of an unfordable river, do not be lost in thinkint^
how to cross it. You will succeed, if you are determined to
accomplish.

24. modun-aca unagsan nabci qarin iilii bucayu, yeke usu-u urusqal

kiged, salkin-u jalgal cu agqan-u orun-dagan ulii bucayu, tere
iiliger metu ukugsen amitan nugud cu urida- 3 dn gajar-tagan
tog iilii ergikii biiliige.

Fallen leaves will not return to the tree on which they grew.

694

S. YOSHITAKE —

Running water and blowing wind will not return to their
sources. So will the dead never return to life.

25. jun-u cag-tur agulan-du mal-iyan otorlagcin nugud bilgiin, tende
nigen kediin qunug nara qora-yi qalqalaqu-yin tediiyiken nigen
cacar bariqui-aca busu-yi ulii uiledkii inu, tegun-dur asida
saguqu sanag-a ugei-yin tula, olan tiibeg-iyer sayin bayisig iilii
bariqu bolai, tegiincilen bide cu ab ali gajar-tur cu asida
saguqui-yi sanal vigei jil sar*a-yin qagas-tur ukiikiii-diir tusatu
nom-i uiledkii kereg-tei.

The herdsmen who in summer tend their cattle on the mountain
each set up a tent which only suffices for a few days’ shelter
from sun and rain. The reason why they do not build a sub-
stantial house with greater pains is that they have no intention
of living there permanently. We, likewise, without hoping to
enjoy eternal life in any part of the present world, must
dedicate the half of our lives to the observance of Divine
teaching which brings us a great relief when we die.

§ 3. Notes

(1) ejen, master, oioner, lord, is here used in the genitive case,
marked by the particle ii. jarlig, the ivords of one's superior, command,
is in the accusative case, indicated by the particle i. buu, negative
particle meaning lest, that . . , not, is used only in such context as
implies command or desire, daba ^ the imperative mood, 2nd person
singular, of the verb dabaqu, to go beyond, to go over (a mountain, etc.).

(2) ai, interjection. Oh ! Ah ! is often used, as in the present case,
before a norm in the vocative case, jalagus, plural of Jalagu, youth,
youthfulness, is in the vocative case, the case particle being suppressed,
usii, also written usUn, hair, is here in the genitive case, the case
particle being left out. cayigsan, the past participle of the verb
cayiqu to become ivkite, to turn grey (of hair), is used as an adjective,
qualifying the noun otegiis. btegiis, plural of otegil, old man, is the
grammatical object of eleglegtun, the imperative mood, 2nd person
plural, of eleglekii, to laugh at, to mock. Notice that the negative
particle buu is, in the present construction, placed away from the
verb which it negates. Such separation, as found here, of the particle

^ According to Dr. Ramstedt this imperative form is also used for a command
given to more than one person (G. J. Ramstedt : ' ‘ fiber die Konjugation des Khalkha-
mongolischen, ” S 61. Journal deXa Sociiti Finno-ougrienne, xix. Helsingfors, 190.3).

CORRECTION

For p, 692, 1. 4 (from bottom), p. 699, 1. 7, road gaijga.

SOME MONGOLIAN MAXIMS

695

buu is often met with in later compositions, particularly in translation
works from Manchu.

(3) qamug, all. cag, time, season, is in the dative case marked by
the particle tur ; thus qamug cag-tur means at all times, hence always.
jirgagulqu, to please some one, the infinitive of the eausative form of
jirgaqu to rejoice, to he glad, is used here as a noun in the nominative
case, masi, very, very much, berge, difficult, busni, the indicative
present, 3rd person singular or plural, of the substantive verb bukii,
to be.

(4) qagan, king, Khan, used in the genitive case marked by the
particle u, serves here to qualify sakiqu, to defend, to protect, the infinitive
mood used as a noun in the nominative case, indicated by the particle
anu, with the meaning protection, protector, albatu, an adjective
derived from the noun alba or alban, duty, tax, tribute, is here made to
modify the noun irgen, people, subject. biilUge is the indicative perfect
of bukii, to be, for which see also (3). cagaja, law, rule, right.

(5) buyan, virtue, good turn, tneritorious deeds, is contrasted with
kilince,^ sin, trespass, the conjimction and being understood between
the two nouns, qoyar, two, is here treated as a noun and is put, together
with the preceding nouns, in the genitive case marked by the particle
un. Uiles, the plural form of iiile, action, conduct, work, is in the instru-
mental case indicated by the particle iyer, by, with, according to.
Thus buyan . . uiles-iyer means literally in accordance with the actions,
both virtuous and sinful, sayin, good, and its antonym magu, bad,
correspond to the foregoing nouns, buyan and kilince. torol, birth,
revival, used here in the dative case marked by the particle diir, is a
verbal noun derived from the verb torokii, to be born, to give birth to,
to generate, whose indicative present is toromiii, is (am, art, are) born.
After sayin is understood the word torol.

(6) ober,^ self, oneself, klimun, person, man. kemejii, saying,
calling, is one form of the gerund imperfective of the verb kemekii,®
to say, to call, to mean, eremsigcin, boaster, a noun derived from the
present participle eremsigci, boasting, boaster, of the verb eremsikii,
to rely upon, to boast, is here in the co-operative (or sociative) case

' For the final vowel of this word Kowalewski gives a, but I have here followed
Schmidt and Dr Ramstedt (G J Ramstedt. ' Zur Verhstammhildungslehre der
mongolisch-turkischen .Sprachen,” S. 65 Jnvrnal de In Snriete Fhino-ougrienne.
xxviii. Helsingfors, 1912),

^ This may be read jiber (Paul Pelliot ; “ Les mots a H initiale, aujourd’hui
amuie, dans le mongol des xiiie et xiv® siecles, p 231. Journal Asiatique, tome covi, 2,
avril-juin. 1925 Pans; also A. J. PyaueBi. : Maiepia.™, ctp. 117).

^ This may be read gemekii (Zur Verhstammhildungslehre, S 32. 55)

VOX,. IV. PART IV.

696

S. yOSHlTAKE —

marked by the particle liige {together) with, nokiice, the stem of the
verb nokucekii, to he united, to he in friendship, to accompany, is the
imperative mood, for which see (1).

(7) busu, other, otherwise, not. yara, .strictly ulcer, is used here in
the sense of wound, injury, mergen, able, shilled, and emci, physician.
Jasabasu, the conditional imperfect of the verb jasaqu, to correct, to
take care of, to treat {disease), anamui, the indicative present of anaqu,
to he cured, iige, tvord, is in the genitive case marked by the particle
yin, qualifying the noun yara which is in the nominative case indicated
by the particle inu. ogta signifies quite, entirely, but with the following
word iilii, not. acquires the meaning not at all. hy no means, biitiimui,
the indicative present of the verb biittikii, to he completed, is used here
in the sense of is healed, is cured.

(8) olan, many, several, nigen, one. oyon, understanding, mind.
neyilelcebesu, the conditional imperfect of neyilelcekii, to he joined
together, to agree mutually, which is in its turn the co-operative form of
the verb neyilekii, to he joined, to agree, kiicim, power, strength.
mekiis, poor, needy, but in combination with kiicun means iveah,
impotent, btigesu, the conditional imperfect of the verb biiku, to be.
ber, the instrumental case particle used with a noun ending in a vowel,
serves also, as in the present case, to impart the concessive significa-
tion, though, to a verb in the conditional mood, yeke, great, kereg,
need, want, absolute necessity, means, with the preceding adjective
yeke, a iking of great importance, biitiigem, a contracted form of
biitugemui, the indicative present of bUtiigekii, to accomplish, to prepare,
which is in its turn the causative form of the verb biitukh, to he
accomplished, to be prepared : cf. also (7).

(9) uqagatai, intelligent, sensible, is an adjective derived from
the noun uqagan, intellect, understanding, reason, knowledge, biiged,
being, having been, is in the gerund of biikii, to he. but is used here in
place of the conjunction and. surqui, learning, is a noun derived from
the verb surqu, to learn, to study, used here in the dative case marked
by the particle dur, since the following word duratai governs the dative,
duratai,! ivishing, desirous of, hoping, is an adjectival coimterpart of
the noun durasil, desire, wish, will, but is here used in the sense of
one who has a icish. douratus, the plural form of douratu, lower,
insignificant, which is an adjective derived from doura,^ lower part,

1 Schmidt reads this word doratai. I hare here followed Kowalewski.

^ Kowalewski reads the diphthonc in this word 00, hut Br Ramstedt is in favour
of OU {Das Sf'hrifty'iinngolischp, § 58)

^OME MONGOLIAN MAXIMS

697

beloiv, under, is used here as a noun meaning inferiors, subordinates,
and is in the ablative case indicated by the particle aca. asaguqui,
act of ashing, a noun derived from the verb asaguqu, to ash, to inquire,
is here in the possessive-accusative case ; thus asaguqui-han means
one's own act of ashing questions (accusative), icikii, also icekii, to be
ashamed, iigei, no, not. without, is a negative adverb and is used always
after a verb or a noun.

(10) keger-e, icilderness, desert, is here in the genitive case, galagu,
goose. Hence keger*e-yin galagu means a wild-goose, msio. flging,
is the gerund imperfective of the verb niskii, to fly. kiirkii, to reach,
to arrive, here together with iilii means does not reach, gajar, ground,
land, place, province, is in the dative case and is modified by the
adjectival-clause keger'C-yin . . . kiirkii. ner*e, 7iame. ba, and.
asig, gain, advantage, tula, by reason of, for the sahe of, requires the
genitive case before it. Thus ner*e ba asig-un tula means for the sahe
of name and profit, odumui, the indicative present of odqu, to go
{on a journey).

(11) oriisiyel, nwrcy, compassion, affection, is a noun derived from
the verb briisiyeku, to tahe pity on, to have mercy on. bolsugai, also
bolusugai, the indicative future, 1st pers. sing., of the verb bolqu, also
boluqu, to be, to become, to be possible, stands also for the optative
mood, as in the present case, kemebesii, the conditional imperfect
of the verb kemekii, for which see (6). Thus oriisiyel . . . kemebesii,
literally means if one wishes that oyie would lihe to be compassionate.
bayan, rich, bolun, being, is the gerund imperfective of bolqu, for
which see above, cidamui, the indicative present of cidaqu, to be
able to. can, always follows the gerundial form of a verb.

(12) arilugsan, the past participle of the verb arilqu, to be clear,
to be clean, to clear off (of weather), ediir, day, is here in the dative
case marked by the particle e. Thus arilugsan edtir-e means on a fine
and cloudless day. usu, also usun, ivater. urusqu, to flow, jubag,
gutter, conduit, niike, also niiken, hole, aperture, selbin and jasaju,
repairing, are the gerund imperfective of selbikii and jasaqurespectively,
both meaning to repair, to improve. The gerund in Mongolian, as
in Japanese, often serves to replace the conjunction and, when it is
followed, as in the present case, by another verb. Hence selbin
jasaju means repair and put in order, and. qorjikinaju, or correctly (?)
qorcikinaju, the gerund imperfective of qorcikinaqu, to mahe a noise,
to rattle, signifies here pattering (of rain), oroqu, to enter {upon), to
exchange blows. Thus qorjikinaju oroqu cag-tur means for the

698

S. YOSHITAKE—

lime when {the rain) comes down pattering, beledttigei, may you he
-prepared! is the optative mood, used for all persons, sing, or plur.,
of the verb beledkii, to prepare.

(13) ebesii, also ebestin, grass, herb, kiragun-dur, hy the frost,
the dative case of kiragun, also kiragu,/ro«/, denotes the agent of the
passive verb darugdaqu, to he oppressed, which is derived from daruqu,
to press, to oppress, to vanquish, naran, also nara, sun. lug*a, with, as,
another form of liige explained in (6), is here used in a comparative
sense with the following word adali, same, similar, in the same manner.
obesiiben,! self, of itself, willingly ; cf. also ober (6). abtagdamui, the
indicative passive present of abqu, to take, to seize, to take away, to
bring. The usual passive form of this verb is abtaqu or abugdaqu.

(14) iigekiirebesU, the conditional imperfect of iigekurekil, to
become poor, oqor, also aqor, short, bolumui, the indicative present
of bolqu, for which see (11). Thus oyon . . . bolumui literally means
the understanding becomes insufficient, mori. also morin, horse.
eciqgerebesU, the conditional imperfect of echggerekii, correctly (?)
eceqgirekii or eciggirekii, to be exhausted, to waste, to grow thin. urtu.
long, should be distinguished from ordu, palace, camp, the two words
assuming the same form in Mongol writing. Observe the word-play
on oyon ; usiin and oqor ; urtu.

(15) tusatan is the plural form of the adjective tusatu, advantageous
{one), beneficial [one), used as a noun. This adjective is derived from
the noun tusa, utility, advantage, benefit, dayisun, enemy, hostility.
agsan, been, the past participle of the substantive verb aqu, to he,
forms with the following word bttgesu the conditional perfect of the
same verb. F or the use of her after the conditional, see (8). situgdekiii,
the imperative mood, 2nd pers. plur. of situkii, to support, to depend
upon, to trust, sadun, kinsman, qourlabasu, the conditional imperfect
of qourlaqu, to do harm, tebcigdekiii, the imperative mood, 2nd pers.
plur. of tebcikii, to let go, to abandon.

(16) Both onca and gagca mean single, .sole, only, qudal, lie,
false, ogiilegsen, the past participle of ogulekii, to speak, to talk, linen,
truth, true, kelebecii,! even if otie speaks, the concessive gerund of
keleku, to speak, sejig, doubt, suspicion, sedkil, thought, mind, opinion,
IS a verbal noun derived from sedkikii, to think.

(17) sijm, gold-leaf altan, goW. kediii, also kedii; kediin, how much
{many), as much [mnny) as. kercin, cut up and, the gerund of kerciku,

‘ 1 hi.« miv }),- read ubesuben.

SOME MONGOLIAN MAXIMS

699

to cut into pieces ; cf. also (12). sitagaqu, to set fire to, to consume {by
fire), is the causative form of sitaqu, to burn, to be burnt, bolbacu,^
the concessive gerrmd of bolqu, to be, to become ; cf. also kelebecii (16).
mbn kiL,^ tJie same, also, so, like, tere, the demonstrative, that, oqge,
colour, ebderekii, to fall to pieces, to perish, to be spoiled, bui, or biii,
is the indicative present of biikvL, to be.

(18) gaqga mtiren, the river Ganges, is here in the genitive case,
the particle ii being understood after miiren, river, amta, also amtan,
taste, savour, sayitu, and sayitai, good, fine, are cognate with sayln,
for which see (5). atala is one of the gerundive forms of aqu, to be,
and has the meaning ic/a'fe . . . is, while, dalai, sea. kiircii, the gerund
imperfective of ktirkli ; cf. (10) and (12). cidqubasu is the conditional
imperfect of cidququ, to pour in. dabusutu. salted, salty, is an adjective
derived from the noun dabusun, salt.

(19) galtu, of fire, burning, glowing, ardent, is an adjective derived
from the noun gal, fire, qoroqai, worm, insect. Thus galtu qoroqai
means a glotv-utorm. gerel, brightness, light, is here used in the instru-
mental case, qaraggus, the plural form of qaraggu, or qaraggui,
obscurity, darkness. geyigUlkiii, the infinitive-noun derived from the
verb geyigiilkii, to illuminate, to lighten, is here in the accusative
case marked by the particle yi. sedki, the imperative mood of the
verb sedkiku, to think ; cf. also (1) and (16).

(20) er-e, male, man. bei-e,® body, self, is in the possessive-accusative
case marked by the particle ben ; thus bei*e-ben means one's own body
(accusative case), ed, thing, goods, riches, cimegsen, the past participle
of cimekii, to adorn. The particle ece here denotes comparison, with
the meaning than, erdem, virtue, ability, knowledge, degere, above,
upon, beyond, superior.

1 No mention is made of this verb form eitlier by yrhmidt or bj- Kowalewski, but
A. Bobrovnikov treats it, together with the -basu-form and several others, under the
■■ subjunctive mood ” (rpajiManiKa, § 65, 5, CTp. 6:1). While giving it the name the
“ concessive gerund ”, M. Rudnev is of opimon that one should not regard it as an
individual and independent verb form (JlaTepia.ibi, exp. 223), since it also appears
in the unconnected form -ba (or -be) CU, which serves to show that the form in ques-
tion is nothing other thin the indicative preterite in -ba (or -be) followed by the particle
CU. He also gives an example in which CU precedes the -bu-preterite (,’IeKitiii, cTp. 49) .

- Following Kowalewski (Kpaxicaa rpaMMaxiiKa. exp. 20) M. Rudnev reads this
miin kii (.'leKniit, cip- 73), but Dr. Ramstedt prefers mou to muil (G. J. Ramstedt ;
“ Mogholica. Beitrage zur kenntnis der Moghol-sprache in Afghanistan,” S. 34.
Journal de la HocieU-Finno-ougr Untie, xxiii, 4. Helsingfors, 1905),

“ The usual transliteration of this word is bcye, but the form bci'C is here used
to show how the word is written,

70 ')

S. YO.SHITAKE

(21) sine, new. debel, skin-coat, garment, kiijitu, odorous, is an
adjective derived from ktiji, scent, odour, saba, vase, receftacle.
talbibasu, the conditional imperfect of talbiqu, to put, to leave, debel-
ece ^ means here debel-iin iiniir-ece {more) than the smell of the coat.
kiijis, the plural form of ktiji, see above, iinvir, smell, odour, unustemtii,
is smelt, is the indicative passive present of uniiskii, to smell.

(22) jiigelen, soft, mild, tranquil, urusqal, current, stream, nasuda,
during one’s life, incessantly, bagubasu, the conditional imperfect of
baguqu, to descend, to run (of fluid, time), cag, time, is in the possessive-
dative case indicated by the particle tagan ; thus cag-tagan means
in due time, qabtagai, pZafw.^ai. cilagun, sione. niikelen, the gerund
imperfective of niikeleku, to make a hole, to pnerce through ; cf. niiken
(12). cidayu is the indicative future, 3rd person, of cidaqu, for which
see (11). sirgvin and sirgutele are the gerundive forms of sirgiiku, to
rub (intr.) ; thus sirgun sirgiitele means tvhile it is being rubbed ; cf.
also selbin (12) and atala (18). modun, tree, wood, is here in the ablative
case ; meaning from {a piece of) wood, garqu, to ivalk out, to sprout.
bolugad, the gerund perfective of bolqu, to become, maltan, maltatala
are both the gerund imperfective of maltaqu, to dig ; compare this
phrase with sirgiin sirgutele explained above, boluyu is the indicative
future, 3rd person, of bolqu, to become, to be possible, kiciyegsen, the
past participle of kiciyekii, to be zealous, to take to, is used here as a noun,
with the meaning toil, effort, in the instrumental case. Thus kiunun
kiciyegsen-iyer means with a man s toil, biitukii, to be accomplished ;
but with the preceding word ulii it means not to be accomplished.
yagum-a, something, fact, means, in combination with the following
word iigei, nothing, there is nothing. Juil, sort, quality, category, tugur-
bigsan, the past participle of tugurbiqu," to plan, to undertake, to produce.
bugiide, all. ur-e-tii, fruitful, is an adjective derived from ur*e, fruit,
posterity, result.

(23) dabasi iigei, impracticable, is a negative adjective derived from
dabaqu, to go over (a mountain), with which the following word dabagan,
mountain, is cognate, kemen, saying, the gerund imperfective of
kemekii, to say, is here used in place of the conjunction that, sonus-

I do not agree with K.owalew:iki's interpretation of thi.s phrase, liz, " on.
luaTM, jrom the garimnt (XpecroMaiia, npiiiit'iaHiH, erp. 2.59), This would make the

riA lr»ao ifa • e »

1 r e ‘ '-Ilf. j. ms would make the

word sme lose Its force for even an old coat, if kept in a scented box. would equally
Uivc out the odour of the scent. ^ ^

“ Kowalewski reads this word togoi’-, hut I have here
(Zur VerbstnmmbildungsUhre, S. 25, 69).

followed Dr. Kamstedt

SOME MOXGOLIAX MAXIMS

701

tamui^ is the indicative passive present of sonusqu, to hear, to listen.
ker, hoiv, is to be distinguished from ger, house, with which it is identical
in Mongol writing, dabai-a,^ the indicative future, 1st pers. plur., of
the verb dabaqu, see above, sedkibesii is the conditional imperfect
of sedkikU, to think . dabayu ^ is the indicative future, 3rd pers. sing,
or plur., of dabaqu, see above, getiiliisi iigei, impracticable, is a negative
adjective derived from getulkii, to wade, to cross. The indicative future
of the same verb is found here in two forms, getuliii-e ^ and getUlilyu,-
the former being used for the 1st person plural and the latter for the
3rd person singular or plural, kemebesti is the conditional imperfect
of kemekii, to say, to mean, hence to think, to intend.

(24) unagsan, the past participle of unaqu, to fall, nabci, also
nabcin, leaf, qariu, the gerund imperfective of qariqu, to go (or come)
hack, bucayu is the indicative future, 3rd person, of bucaqu. which has
the same meaning as qariqu. kiged, the gerund perfective of kikii,
to make, to do, is here used in place of the conjunction and ; compare
this with Japanese shite, doing, and. salkin, wind. jalg.al, strictly
row, range, succession, means here with the preceding word saMn-u
blowing of the wind, cu, also, likewise, aqqan, the beginning, initial.
orun, place, province, is here in the possessive-dative case marked by
the particle dagan. Thus aqqan-u orun-dagan means to its original
place, uliger, comparison, example, parable, proverb, tale, metu, as.
like. Hence tere uliger metii means similarly, iikiigsen, the past
participle of ukukii, to die. amitan, the living being, nugud, a plural
particle, urida, before, former, toq, completely, entirely, but in com-
bination with ulti it means not at all, by no means, ergikii, to turn
(intrans.), to turn round, hence to come back, buliige. the indicative
perfect of the substantive verb bukti, to be, serves, as in the present
case, to form the subjunctive imperfect of a verb, when the latter
is put in the infinitive mood. Thus ergikii biiliige means they ivould
come back {to live).

* According to Kowalewski the tirst sentence ends with this word which he considers
to mean c-iBimHo : roBopan,. it is said, they say (XpecTOMaiia, npn3ii'iaHifl, eip. 261),
and rightly it should be so treated But I venture to regard the word SOUUStamui
in the present context as a sort of gerund hanging on the following passage
ker . . . sedki. An interesting observation by Dr. Ramstedt bearing on the
-mui-ending will be found in his paper " Ubcr die Konjugation ”, pp. 76, 77

2 The verb endings -yu (or .3ru) and -ya (or -ye) (in the present transliteration
-i-a (-i*e), see (20)) have been eonsidered by most grammarians as independent forms,
but Dr. Ramstedt feels inclined to treat them as one, under the name of ” Voluntativ ”,
their primary meanina being that of the Germ.an auxiliary verb ” sollen ” [Uber dir
Konjugation. S 73)

702

SOME MONGOLIAN MAXIMS

(25) jun, summer ; hence jun-u cag-tur, in summer time, in summer.
agulan, also agula, tnountain, is here in the dative case marked by the
particle du, which is an abbreviated form of dnr. mal, cattle, is in the
possessive-accusative case indicated by the particle iyan. otorlagcin,
hunter, a verbal noun derived from otorlaqu, to go a hunting (on a small
scale), is used here in the sense of herdsman, biigiin, all. tende, there.
nigen kedun, a little, a fete, some, qunug, sitting up all night, a day and
a night, nara, usually naran, sun. qora, rain, qalqalaqu, to protect,
to defend, is here treated as a noun and is used in the genitive case,
followed by tediiyiken, only so mueh, which is a diminutive form of
tediii, so much, as much. Thus qalqalaqu-yin tediiyiken means just
enough to protect, cacar, tent, bariqui, setting up, a noun derived from
bariqu, to hold, to set up a tent, to build, is here used in the ablative case
with the signification of comparison, iiiledkii, to do, is used as a noun
in the nominative case ; thus nigen cacar . . . niledkii inn means
that they do not do anything hut to set up a tent, tegiin-diir, in that,
is the dative case of the demonstrative tere, that, asida, always ;
compare this with nasuda (22). sagnqu, to sit, to dwell. sanag*a,
also sanagan, thought, intention. Thus tegiin-diir . . . iigei-yin tula
means because they have no intention of living there permanently, olan
tiibeg-iyer means literally with mueh agitation (or embarrassment).
bayisiq, a building, house, bolai is the indicative imperfect of biikii,
to he. tegiincilen, in that manner, thus, bide, we. ab ali, whosoever
it be, every one, wherever it be, anywhere, saguqui, the infinitive-noun
derived from saguqu ; see above, sanal, act oj thinking, a verbal noun
derived from the verb sanaqu, to think, is cognate with sanagan, for
which see above, jil sar-a-yin, year {and) month (the accusative case),
qagas, half, iikiikiii is the infinitive-noun derived from iikiikii, to die.
nom, teaching, doctrine, law, hence tnsatu nom, comforting law. kereg-
tei, also keregtei ; keregtii, necessary, it is necessary, is an adjectival
form of kereg, need, want.

r.-iii/.i, CtAndhabva. and glaugus
By L. D. Barnett

rpHE purpose of these notes is to review the Vedic and Avestic
data relating to Yama and the Gandharva and to consider the
possibility of connecting them with the Glaucus-saga. Without
neglecting the works of predecessors in this field, I have re-examined
to the best of my ability the Vedic and Avestic material, but have
abstained from drawing to any great extent upon the later literatures.

A. The Rg-veda

I. Yama. The main facts are well known. The father of Y. is
Vivasvant (Valakh. iv. 1, IX. cxiii. 8, cxiv. 1, X. xiv. 1, xvii. 1, Iviii.

I, lx. 10, clxiv. 2), an Aditya, who is also father of the Asvins and Manu,
and thus ancestor of mankind (and of gods also, in one passage, X.
Ixiii. 1). Vivasvant is especially connected with the rituals of fire and
Soma, and Agni is his messenger (I. Iviii. 1, IV. vii. 4, VIII. xxxix.
3. X. xxi. 5). In post-Vedic times he was regarded as the sun, and this
identification may have begun even before the end of the Vedic age.
RV. I. Ixxxiii. 4 says : “ Atharvan (the mythical fire-priest) first with
sacrifices laid out the ways ; then was born Surya Vena ; U^ana Kavya
drave home the kine ; we worship Yama’s immortal birth.” This
passage seemingly represents Surya Vena, the “ Watcher Sun ”, as
Yama’s father ; we shall speak of Vena again, in connexion with
RV. IX. Ixxxv. 9-12 and X. cxxiii. On the other hand, X. x. 4 definitely
states that Yama's parents were the Gandharva in the Waters and
the Water-Lady {gandharva apsv dpijd ca y<'>sd sd no ndbhih jparamdm
jdmt tan ndu). The Gandharva, from his association with the celestial
Soma, and perhaps for some other reasons (e.g. he travels through
space, dwells in the heaven, and is “ sun-skinned ”, siiryatvac, in AV.

II. ii. 2), is sometimes connected with the sun (Macdonell, Ved. Myth.,
p. 136), and perhaps may have even been provisionally identified with
it by some poets. Thus the tendency to find a solar meaning for
Vivasvant is perhaps Vedic. There is, however, no reason to believe
that this conception goes back to Indo-Iranian times. As the Avesta
shows, he was originally a godly king and teacher of primitive mankind,
traditionally connected with the cult of the sun, fire, and Soma, who
in course of time was identified by Indian priests with the srm-god,
and perhaps in a few cases also with the Gandharva.

704

L. D. BARXETT —

Yama in RV. is chiefly worshipped as the king of the blessed dead,
who led the souls of the Fathers into Paradise (for details see Macdonell,
V.M., pp. 167, 171), where he reigns in bliss among them, together
with Varuna (of whom we shall speak later), Agni. and other gods, the
company including Vivasvant. This paradise of Yama is the third and
highest heaven, a place of unfading light and unfailing waters (I. xxxv.
6, IX. cxiii. 7-9, X. xiv. 8, etc.), which seems to be identical with the
third abode of Visnu “ where godly men revel, for there, akin (bdndhu)
to the Wide-Strider, is a spring of honey [the celestial Soma] in Visnu’s
highest realm " (I. cliv. 5 ; cf. X. xv. 3).^ This localisation, however,
is not primitive : originally Yama's realm lay outside heaven, though
not very far, as we shall see.

The later hymns of RV. show Yama's character in course of change
to his post-Vedic role as the horrific judge of the dead ; but with this
we are not now concerned.

Primarily, then, Yama was a legendary king, who by his holiness
was enabled to establish a realm of immortal life and bliss for the
righteous of olden time, to which good men of all generations have the
right of entry. The outlines of this Indo-Iranian myth have been ably
sketched by Hertel in Die HimmeJstore ; we shall return to it anon.
The immortality thus won was believed to be due to the magic powers
of the Soma, according to RV. I. xci. 1, 6. VIII. xlviii. 3. IX. xcvi.
11, xcvii. 39, cvi. 8, cviii. 3, cxiii. 7 f.. etc. ; and this idea was probably
Indo-Iranian.

II. Gandharva. The Gandharva in RV. is a primitive sort of
Eros, a spirit of generation, res venerea, and fertility, and chiefly
connected with waters and S6ma.“ Originally there was but one
Gandharva : the plural is a later development, like the Greek Erotes.
He is a mighty and mysterious being (AV. II. i. 1-2). He is mated
’ivith an Apsaras, the Water-Lady or dpya ijdsa (RV. X. x. 4), and
they dwell in heaven with Yama and the blessed dead (AV. IV.
xxxiv. 3 , cf. below) , once, as we saw, they are said to be the parents

1 With this compare the phrase hradhna„y,i eipdpam (IX. c.Kiii. lu) applied to
Varna s realm; &radA«d may equally denote the sun and the Soma; cf Hille-
brandt, Ved. Myth. I. pp. 322 ff , 394 fF., III. 417

= This ancient conception seems to have siiridved oddly in the name Kandarya,
a classical title of the god of love, Kama. I would explain Kandarpa as a Prakrit
form of Uandharru In some of the vernaculars classed together by the grammarian
as Pa.sSoi”, particularly the Dravidi, the word gandharva might either become
directly kandarpa, or first change to kandappn and thence by a false etymoloo-y from
ilarpa be sanskritised into karidarpa. " "

YAMA. GAXDHABVA. AND GLAUCUS

705

of Yama, but this affiliation does not seem to be originally Indo-
Iranian.

The Gandharva in RV. is the guardian of the Soma in heaven
(IX. Ixxxiii. 4. Ixxxv. 12, cxiii. 3 ; cf. AV. VII. Ixxiii. 3. SBr. III.
vi. 2, 9, etc.). To the ancient Aryans “ heaven " was a dome or
vault, wika. As Hertel has shown, this )wka was primitively conceived
as a vast mmmtain. within which the gods dwelt ; it may be added in
support of this view that ndka seems to have originally meant “ moun-
tain ", and to be connected with ndku “ a hill " (particularly an anthill).
In classical literature it appears as Mount Meru. the residence of
the gods. surcVaija (Amara-k. I. i. 1, v. 45). Even in Yedic times this
conception is still to some degree preserved in phrases such as
prsthe, “ on the back (i.e. ridge) of heaven ”, and rtassya sdnau ‘‘ on the
ridge of holiness ”, i.e. of the heavenly world. Here, or close
by, was the fountain of the celestial Soma watched by the
Gandharva ^ ; and hither came the Eagle (syend), or in other
versions Indra himself, to carry away Soma (IV. xxvii. 3.
etc. ; cf. Macdonell, V.M., p. 136 f., Hillebrandt, V .M., I. p. 278 f.).
Borrowing imagery from this legend, the poets represent Vena, the
Watcher (i.e. the sun, who as it were brings the Soma to the earthly
sacrifice: cf. vendh IX. Ixxxv. 10, vemindm ib. 11), as a golden bird,
Varuna's messenger, flying up to the ridge of heaven, lidsya sdnau
(X. cxxiii. 1 f.), to fetch the immortal waters, i.e. the Soma, which the
Gandharva found (ib. 4.) ; here, in highest heaven, faramB vyoman,
the home of Yama, yamdsya ydnih. where the Apsaras and her gallant
(scil. the dpyd ydsd and Gandharva) embrace. Vena rests, a friend in
a friend's home (ib. 5-6) ; and the Gandharva rises up on the heavenly
vault, ndka, bearing weapons diverse of hue, etc. (ib. 7 ; cf. IX.
Ixxxv. 12). 2 The pith of this is that the Soma used in daily sacrifice i.s

* It should be observed that in RV. the celestial Soma is imagined (a) some-
times, and most commonly, as a spring or stream, on vihich cf. above, p. 704, ami
Hillebrandt, 1'. J/. I. p. 319 fi., (b) sometimes as a plant of paradise, and (c) perhaps
in some places of RV., and usually in later Vedie and post-Vedic -n-ritings, as being
contained in a boivl or pitcher. But even in the tale of the Rape of Soma in Mahabh. I
the ideas seem confused ; Garuda is said to pluck it up, samutpatya, as if it were a
plant, xxxiii. 10 (cf. Charpentier, Die Siipaniasage, p. 182, n. 1).

^ Verse 8 refers to Soma descending into the water in the earthly vat. ■' Gazing
ivith a vulture’s eye,” pdsyan gfdhrasya cdkmsd, is a proverbial phrase for keen
sight : cf. sdiiparigam cakniJiin Suparnadhyaya III. 5 ; for the thought cf. X. xxx. 2,
where the priests are bidden to come to the waters (in the Soma-vats) upon which
the ruddy Bird (the spirit of Soma) is gazing. Hillebrandt, Ved. Myth. I. p. 430 ff.,
interprets this hymn as a >Ioon-psalm.

706

L. V. BARNETT

freely granted by Yama and the god.s to men. and the Gandharva does
not fight to retain it.

The connexion with ivaters is fimdamental (RV. I. xxii. 14 : gan-
dharvo apsii, X. x. 4, ut sup. ; apdgi g.. IX. Ixxxvi. 36. applied to
Soma ; cf. X. cxxxix. 4, AV. II. i. 3). The Gandharvas are the folk
of Varuna (^Br. XIII. iv. 3, 7) ; the relation is again obscurely
indicated in Katha Up. II. vi. 5, gathdpsu pariva dadrse tatha
gandharvaloke. Water to the ancient Hindu represented life, animal
and vegetable, fertility, health, generative power : Soma was its
quintessence, the elixir of immortal life and vigour.^ Both the waters
and the Soma are in the highest heaven, the dwelling of Yama ; and
thence the waters, divine life-saps, are brought to earth by Gandharvas
and Apsarases, who therewith impregnate men, animals, and
vegetation.^ The Gandharva was thus constantly travelling from
heaven to earth (rdjaso vimdnah, RV. X, cxxxix. 5) for the benefit of
the world ; and this trait of wandering has persisted in his tribe even
into modern times.

Equally important is the association with Soma. The Gandharva
is the guardian of the SSma in heaven, and vainly strove to prevent
Indra or Indra's messenger-bird from carrying away Soma. From this
attitude towards Indra, the popular national god, the Gandharvas

Waters are the foundations of the whole world, SBr. VI. viii. 2, 2, XII. v. 2, It ;
Hiraiiyakesigrhya s. II. iv. 10, 7 ; they are the elixir of immortality, SBr. IV. iv.
3, 15, XIII. viii. 1, 9 ; thej are the same as amrla, ib. I. ix. 3, 7, XI, v. 4, o ; the
wives of Amrta (= Soma), amHasya patnXh, ib. III. ix. 4, 16. They are the body
of Visnu, in Smjti quoted in Sribhasya on Vedantasutra II. i. 9 ; their presiding
deity is Soma, Mahabhar XI\ . xlii. 22 (Anugita). They form the essence of
vegetation, ^Br. III. vi. 1, 7. They are the healing principle in nature, and give
long life and generative power, RV. I, xxiii. 19 ff ., X. ix. 1 ff {where note 3,jandyatha
ca nah, “ give us generative power,” and 6, an allusion to Soma), AV. VI. xci. 3 ;
Macdouell, Y.M., p. 85; Bloomfield, Atk. Veda, p. 62, etc.

“ This is the meaning of the prayer for offspring addressed to G. and A. in
Pancav. Br. XIX. iii. 2, and the belief that every bride belonged first to Soma, next
to the G. Visvavasu, and next to Agni, and that in the early days of marriage the
G. was a rival of the husband, RV. X. Ixx.xv, 22, 40 ff. (cf. AV. XIV. ii, 3 f.) : Soma
is the prime spirit and source of life, the G. his mimster who brings the’ life to earth,
and Agni the mimstering god by whose agency the marriage is solemnised (cf.
gdndharvlm pathyam, RV. X. Ixxx. 6), and each of the three gods claims a droit de
seigneur. The Buddhists have preserved a popular belief (perhaps already hinted
at in RV. X. clxxvii. 2) that every soul (or what corresponds to a soul in Buddhism)
IS conveyed into its mother's womb as a Gandharva ; cf. La VaUee Poussin, Deui
Notes sur le Pratityasamutpada, Acies da XIV‘ Congrts Intern, d. Oriental tom I
p. 200, and A. HiUebrandt, Ved. Myth., I. p. 426, and id. Zur Sedeutung v. Gandharva,
Jahresber d. Schles. Gesellsch. f. vaterland. Cultur, IV. Abteil, 1906 (the latter two
articles unconvincing). The G. digs up for Varuna an aphrodisiac plant, AV IV
IV. 1. On the residence of G. and A. in trees see Macdonell, P.J/., p. 134

YAMA, GANDHAKVA, AND GLAUCUS

707

began later to fall into some disrepute, and in some quarters to be
classed among noxious demons (AV. IV. xxxvii. 82., XII. i. 50, etc.) ;
and this is perhaps the reason for the tales of the G. Visvavasu stealing
the Soma from Gayatrl (TS. VI. i. 6, 5. MS. III. vii. 3, Kafh. XXIII. 10,
>SBr. III. ii. 4. 1 f., vi. 2, 2 f., etc.). In general belief, however, they
became amorous and graceful demigods of no particular importance,
inhabiting a world of their own, and noteworthy only because of their
practice of music, a trait derived from the Vedic conception of Yama's
world (RV. X. cxxxv. 7).

B, The Avesta

I. Yima. In Avesta and post-Ave.stic literature Yima (Yima
Xsaeta, later .Tam, Jam,shed) has .stubbornly preserved the heroic
character which he has lost in RV. He is the second or third king of
the PeMatian dyna.sty, of which the first monarchs are given in Yasts
XV and XIX as .successively Haosyanha, Taxma Urupa, and Yima,
Yast XIII omitting Taxma Urupa.^ His father is Vivahvant (the
Vedic Vivasvant), who was the first mortal (masya) that pressed the
Haoma (= Soma), as a reward for which a son was born to him,
Yima Xsaeta, the man of goodly herds (kvgdwa. a standing epithet
of Y.), most glorious of them that are born, radiant with heavenly
light {hvaradardsa ; cf. Hertel, Die Arische Feuerlehre, I, p, 32 f.).
who by his rule on earth made men and cattle undying, waters and
meadows undrying, so that there was unfailing food to eat, and in
who.se reign there was not cold or heat, nor age or death, nor env}'
demon-wTought, so that fathers and sons walked together as fifteen-
yearlings (Yasna IX. §§ 4-5). The same idyllic picture of Yima's
reign is painted in other texts. Yast V. § 25 f. relates that he sacrificed
to the goddess Aradvl Sura Anahita on Hukairya,- the peak of the
mountain Hara or HaraitI from which the waters sent by her flow
down into the lake Vourukasa, whence they fertilise the whole earth
(cf. Yast XII. § 24), and that he prayed that he might become sovereign
lord over all countries, over daevas and men. sorcerers (yatu) and witches
(pairikd), rulers, Jcavis, and karapans, and that he might take from the
daevas wealth and welfare, riches and flocks, comfort and fame ; and
the goddess granted his request (cf. Yast XIX. § 31 f.). Similarly

* Tradition has been very tenacious of this succession, which is preserved even
in Firdausi and subsequent literature. Cf. Windischmann, Zoroastrische Studien
(Berlin. 1863), pp. 32 ff., 190, 197.

2 Hukairydt paiti banzanhal, lit. “ from the mountain H.” ; Y. stood on or beside
the mountain and invoked the gorldess within it.

708

L. D. BARNETT —

Yast IX. 8 f. tells that he sacrificed on Hiikairva to Drvaspa with
the prayer that he might bring prosperity, wealth of cattle, and
freedom from death into the world, and remove thence hunger and
thirst, age and death, hot and cold winds, for a thousand years ; and
his prayer was fulfilled (cf. Yast XIII. § 130). The same prayer was
offered by him to A.si Yaniihl, Ya.st XYII. 28 f. Yast XY. § 15 f.
(modelled apparently on Y'asna IX) records his prayer to Yayu that
he might become most glorious and make men and cattle undying,
waters and plants undrying, and food unfailing, with the .same result
as in Yasna IX.

It may here be renmrked that the mountain Hara or HaraitI, from
whose peak Hukairya the heavenh' river descends into the lake
Vourukasa,^ seems to correspond to the celestial "mountain'', wika,
of the Veda, beside or upon which the poets locate the realm of Yama.
with its abounding .streams of water and its fountain of Soma. Yast
VIII. § 32, which .speaks of a ‘‘ mountain beyond India " (or perhaps
■■ north of India "), ushmdavat paiti garoit, as lying in the midst of
Vouiukasa, suggests that popular imagination assigned to it a southerly
location ; but originally both lake and mountain were probably
m}'thical.^

Yasna X, after referring in §§ 3-1 to the earthly Haoma that grows
on the mountains, states that the God originally placed it on or beside
Mount HaraitI, bayd nidadat haraiOgo paiti harazagh (§ 10), and thence
sacred birds taught for the purpose carried it to various mountains
of the earth (§11). This version seemingly regards the celestial Haoma
placed on Mount HaraitI as a plant ; but we may perhaps see a trace
of an earlier conception of it as a, fountain in the words of § 4, “ and
verily thou art a fountain of holiness," haWimca asahe xa ahi.
This phrase is too striking to be merely figurative : in origin at any rate
it may well have been meant to be taken literally, if, as I believe, the
celestial Haoma was in the first instance regarded as a fountain.
Exactly the same phrase occurs in RV. II. xxviii. 5. which prays to
Yaruna for pardon of .sin and attainment of length of life, and in this
connexion says rdhgcima te varum khim rtdsga " may we succeed in
winning ’ thy fount of holiness, 0 '\'aruna ! ’' 'We may most

' The attempts to identify this lake with the Sea of Aral or the Caspian seem
to be futile.

2 The sun, moon, and stars are said to circle around Haraiti (YaSt XII. S 25 ■
cf . Vend. XXI. § 5 fi,). YaSt XIX. § 1 wildly describes it as surrounding both thJ
western and the eastern lands (like the Jahnl Kaf of the Arabs)

3 For this sense of rdh cf. §Br. I. ix, 1, 16, tad niyat tad rdhyat.

YAMA. GANDHARVA. AND CLAUCUS

709

naturally explain this hhri tinsya of \'aruna as the Soma,
and primarily the celestial Soma, the fount of life, comparing
passages like RY. IX. viii. 9 and xcviii. I’i. For as god of
the cosmic waters Varuna also is connected with the Soma :
its heavenly fount is. as we saw. in the Paradise where
he dwells with Yama (X. xiv. 7 ; of. X. cxxiii. 6). and it was he who
“ placed it on (or in) the Mountain ”. adhdt soniam r'ldrdu (V. Ixxxv. 2),
precisely as the Avesta tells us that “ the God ". bayd. placed it on
Mount HaraitT. In this last passage of RV. the context (” Yaruna hath
spread the air amidst the trees, placed speed in horses, milk in kine,
wisdom in hearts, fire in the waters, the sun in the heaven. Soma . . .‘')
suggests that the poet here conceived the Soma rather as a spring than
as a plant, while on the other hand the statement of Ya.sna X. § 11
that sacredbirds carried awa^^the Haoma froniHaraitl to the mountains
of the earth looks like a rather dull modification of the old Indo-
Iranian mjdh of the Rape of the Soma by Garuda. We may then
tentatively conjecture that the latter legend in its oldest form ran
somewhat as follows : The Great God created a fount of Soma, the
Water of Immortal Life, for his own use. on or beside the Heavenly
Mountain, and a Good Spirit — the Yedic Yisnu, the Spirit of Sacrifice ^

■ — wishing to get a share thereof for other gods and mankind, sent
thither his eagle, who carried away some of the Soma in a jar, and by
this celestial liquor were fertilised plants on divers mountains of the
earth, which thus became the Soma-plants used by men in their rites.

A question now arises : was the immunity from death which was
gained by Yima and his subjects conceived in the original version of
the legend as being directly due to Haoma as elixir of immortality ?
The Avesta does not say so much ; but its references to the White
Haoma distinctly suggest this belief. It di.stingui.shes the yellow
Haoma known on earth from the celestial H. oi gaokdrsna, a tree which,
according to Mazdayasnian tradition, gives immortality ; the gaoksrsna
grows at the source of the waters of Aradvl Sura, on an island in lake
Yourukasa, amidst myriads of healing plants (Yend. XX. § 4, Bunda-
hisn XXYII. § 4 : SEE. lY. p. 227, Y. p. 100), and when the world
is renewed it will be used to make the elixir which is to give eternal
life to living beings (Bund. XXIY. § 27, XXYII. § 4, XXX. 25. ZaS-
sparam YIII. § 5, Da§istan-i DlnTk XXXYII. § 101 ; SBE. Y. p. 100,

1 I have touched on this fundamental feature of Vi^nu’s character in Hindu
Qoda and Heroea, p. 37 ff., and must refrain from enlarging on the point here.

710

L. D. BARXETT — ■

126, 176 f., VIII, p. 112).* Here we see the operation of the same
mj-thopceic fancy which in India has planted in heaven the earthly
vegetable Soma, and forgotten its old tradition of the celestial fountain.
Zarathustrianism similarly gives us instead of the celestial fountain
a celestial tree, the glorified irapaSeiyfia ev ovpavw of the earthly
Soma-plant, and places it in the midst of the lake Vourukasa.^ True.
Zarathustrianism did not directly associate the gaokarana with Yima ;
but it had its reasons for leaving him out of the picture, of which we
shall speak anon ; and it is significant that the Shahnamah, representing
popular tradition, makes Jamshed (i.e. Yima Xsaeta) boast : ‘‘ By
medicines and remedies I have saved the world, so that sickness and
death have fallen upon none ; except me, who of all kings that be on
earth could remove death from any ? (I. xxi., ed. Vullers).

r- \[ a >- 'jU o » _} )U)

As Haoma is said to be pre-eminently medicinal, haesazya (Yasna
IX. § 16, etc,), and the White Haoma is said to give immortality, it
may be inferred that in popular legend it was by means of Haoma
that Yima freed himself and others from death — for a time.

The next feature in the saga is the legend of Yima's Close, the Vara,
narrated in Vend. II. §§ 1-43. It may be thus summarised.

Yima, the man of goodly herds {hvfj.diva), Vivahvant’s son, was the
first mortal with whom Ahura Mazdah held converse. Ahura mged
Yima to bear in mind and support the Faith (mmto b3r9taca daenayai) ;
but he declined, saying that he was not made or trained for that part.
Ahma then bade him make his world thrive by his rule over it. Yima
assented, promising that under his rule there should be no cold or hot
winds, no sickness, and no death. Ahura gave him as tokens a golden
suwrd (arrow ?) and a gold-inlaid astro, (whip or goad). For 300
winters Yima reigned, and the earth grew full, and Ahura warned him
that there was no more room to move about (gdtu) on it. Then Yima
stepped forward, radiant, towards the south (lit. towards midday,
d Ufa rapiewnm) on the way of the sun {hu paiti aSivanam) ; he

1 Cf. Windischmann, Zor. Stud., pp. 166. 171 f. It is possible that the “ Eagle’s
Tree ” of Ya§t XII. § 17 is the gaotanna.

2 It may be suspected that the Babylonian Tree of Life (on which see A. Wunsehe,
DU Sagen vom Lebensbaum u. Lebenstaasser, Leipzig, 1905) had a considerable influence
on the evolution of the idea of the White Haoma tree

YAMA. GANDHARVA. AXI) GLAUCUS

711

pressed the smcm on the earth and pierced it with the aMrd, and bade
it open so as to give room for flocks and herds and men. The earth
thereupon grew one-third larger. Six hundred winters pas.sed, and
again the earth grew fidl ; advised by Ahura, he again made it open,
and it increased by two-thirds. So nine himdred winters went by, and
again the earth became full, and Yima widened it by three-thirds. ^

Ahura Mazdah summoned the gods, and Yima summoned the best
of mankind in Airyana ^'aejah. Ahura warned Yima that cold deadly
winters were about to come, so he must make a Close, vara, and put
into it the best specimens of mankind, beasts, fires, plants, etc., with
houses and streets. It was to be sealed with the golden smord, and was
to have a door and window. The sun, moon, and stars were not to
shine in it ; it was to have its own light.- And Yima did so, and they
dwelt in the Close ; thither the religion of Ahura was brought by the
bird Karsiptar, and there they still dwell, under the rule of Urvatat-
nara and Zara^ustra. But Yima, according to other legends, was
expelled from it.

This story has been well stvidied by Hertel in Die HimmeJ store.
In its main features it is certainly Indo-Iranian, though it has been
modified and abridged. Yima's Close is the same as the Vedic realm
of Yama, the land of the Blessed Fathers ; and the myth M'as primarily
designed to explain how and why this realm was first established. The
Close is conceived as a great town cut off on all sides from the outer
world ; the details as to door and window, however, are possibly
borrowed from the Semitic (or Sumerian ?) Deluge-saga, and the motive
assigned for constructing it. the coming of deadly winter, may also be
a later addition. It has its own light : the sun. moon, and stars do not
shine in it. As we shall see, this is a primitive trait, of which perhaps
we may trace a distant echo in Katha Upanisad V. 15, which says the
same of the world of Brahma. The mention of Yima as stepping
southwards suggests a possibilitj^ that the Close also was imagined to
lie in the south ; if it be so, it will be parallel to the later Hindu belief

' According to later tradition, Yima made the world enjoy iinmoitality for
1,000 years, viz, 900 as above and 100 spent in the Close.

-The CIo.se had a door ‘luminous, self-luminous on the inner side”, i/iura/H
rnnc■l>^^m xi'drciox^nsm anlan-naemdl ( ^ ii. 30). Reichelt is probably right in saying
that this door "is to be understood as the heaven with -sun, moon, and stars ”
(Ac Render, p. 141), i.e. as serving to give light to the Clo,se in lieu of the natural
sky with sun, etc. ; the connected passage (30-41) is obscure, and may he a later
addition.

VOL. IV. PART IV.

712

I.. P. BARNETT —

that Yanui's world lies in the south.* The story was put into its present
form by a writer who was conscious of .some opposition between the
Yima-legend and Zarathustrian orthodo.xy ; for he a.ssigns as motive
for Yima's blessed reign on earth his refu.sal to support the Mazdayasnian
religion which is absurd, and as he relates that the religion was brought
into the Close by the bird Kar.siptar. he implies that the dwellers in
the Close were previously pagans.

Zarathustrianism, then, regarded Yima as a relic of Magian-daevic
paganism, and deprived him of his former rank. It openly charged
him with heathenism. Yast XIX. § 28 f.. relates that the divine
kingly glory (hvarmah) which had belonged to his brother Taxiiia
Urupa passed away from the latter, who was killed and devoured by
the Evil Spirit. Anra Mainvu, and descentled upon Yima, who reigned
blessedly (his reign is described in terms almost identical with Ya.it Y.
§ 25 f.) until he began to delight in evil and untrue words. drany<ym
vdcim arahaidlm, and then the glory departed from him thrice, in the
form of a bird, and was seized succe.ssively by INIi^ra, ©raetaona, and
Korasaspa. Then the Good Spirit and the Evil Spirit contended for it.
and the Evil Spirit sent me.s.sengers to claim it. among them being the
dragon Azi Dahaka and Spityura. Yima's brother, who cut Yima in
twain (i A more specific charge was laid again.st him :

it was said that he supported the Daevas and gave men the flesh of kine
to eat (Yasna XXXII. § 8 ; cf. Windischmann. Zor. Stiul. p. 27).
Through sin he lo.st his immortality (SEE. lY, p. 2fi2). El.sewhere we
read that after preserving the world for many years from age and
death he at la.st filed (SEE. l\. pp. 263 f.. 384). The meaning of all
this is clear. The primitive legend repre.sented Yima as ruling for
ever o\ er the Elessed Deafl, and therefore a.s being him.sclf in a .sense
one of the dead ; and then orthodox Zarathu.strianism, disliking him
becau.se of his daevic connexions and his a.ssociation with the Haoma-
cult, to which the Gaflas never refer e.xcept in terms of ho.stility
(Yasna XXXII. 10. 12, 14, 32, XIA III. 10). seized upon the latter idea
and made capital out of it : Yima died— and he died because of his sins
of paganism in word, thought, and deed. The tradition of his blessed
reign was too deeply rooted in the heart of the people to be extirpated ;
but as far as possible his legendary glories were belittled, his whilom

f " Woh greets the soal bound

tor raradisc (HaSoxt >*ask ii. ^ ^ .

the soutli.

' See further SBE.

7). The ancient Iranians oriented themselves from
XX HI p (K), n 2. p 252. n. 1.

YAMA. GAXDHARVA. AXI) GLAUCUS

713

association with Haoma almost effaced, and he himself ejected from
his paradised The Magian reaction that took possession of the Church
after Zara^ustra's death and revived the Haoma-cult, with many other
pagan practices, endeavoured to rehabilitate him. but achieved only
a partial success ; an example of this is to be seen in Vend. II. § i ff..
which we have discussed.

II. Gandarswa . In India the m\i:hieal resistance of the Gan-
dharva to the attempt of a popular god to seize the Soma under his
charge, as we have seen, caused his tribe to be regarded in some
quarters as demons ; in Iran the same cau.se, strengthened by the anti-
daevic preaching of Zarathustrianism. produced similar but far more
radical effects. The Avestic Gandarawa is simply a demon dwelling
beneath the waters of Vourukasa, “ sole lord of the depths," who was
slain by Karasaspa (Ya.st V. § 38, XV. § 28 ; cf. Windischmann.
Zor. Stud., p. 40 f.) when he sought to destroy the " bodied beings of
Righteousness " (XIX. § 41). Karasaspa's victory over him is an echo
of the same myth that meets us in the Vedic Rape of Soma, and his
residence in the waters recalls the Vedic “ Gandharva in the Waters ",
Later tradition had a dim memory of his primitive connexion with
Yima, as a Pahlavi text (SBE. XVIII. p. 419 ; cf. Windischmann,
Zor. Stud., p. 31) represents him as son of Yima by a witch. On the
other hand. Yast XV. § 28 calls him the son of Ahura, and the litany
in Yast XIII worships the fracaii of Gandarawa's son the holy
Par.santa, two facts which look like survivals from an earlier time,
before he had become a devil.

His standing epithet zniripaina is obscure It may mean " having
yellow or golden-coloured heels ". which recalls the epithet sdri/atvar
in AV. II. ii. 2. But zairi in Avestic. and its analogue Jiari in Sanskrit,
both mean also green. ~ Hence we may with some probability translate
zairipdsna as " green-heeled ", and see in it an allusion, albeit obscure,
to Gandarawa's aquatic connexions, or to his germane quality as spirit
of vegetable fertility.

W e may then venture to draw the conclusion that the early Indo-
Iranians believed that from the Mountain of Heaven a stream de.scended
which debouched into a great lake, whence fertilising waters spread

^ On the leoencls ot Yima’s fall ef. Windischmann. Stud , p. 31 t

^ Cf zaingaona " green-hued ” ; see Bartholomae, Worterbuch^ x e., and on the
contusion of colours L. Geiger, Coutributioyis to the Hisfori/ nf the Derelopwent of the
Huutan Bare (London, 18S0), p 56 f. The point is overlooked hv Hiilchrandt,
Vf-d, Miflh. J. p. 25 t.

714

I- n. BARNETT —

over tile whole earth ; that near this lake lay the Spring of Inimortalitv,
the divine Soma-fount ; that the Gandharva. the guardian of the
Spring, dwelt in this region of waters ; and that Yama’s realm, the land
of the Blessed Fathers, lay some distance bevond itd

B. The Glaucus- Saga

A series of popular legends floating in Hellenistic lands and the
Year East, which for convenience we may call tlie Glaucns-sa<ja,
has been ably collected and exaniineil by mv lamented friend Israel
Friedlaender in his Die Chmlhirleijende nml tier Alexanderroman
(Leipzig, 1913). They consist primarily of the narrative of Pseudo-
Callisthenes, and secondarily of germane legends from Semitic and
Persian sources. The chief materials contained in them which bear
upon our subject may be thus summarised : —

Ps.-Call. relates (p. 7 ff.) that (a) Alexander in his expedition to
find the Spring of Immortality marched through a land of darkness,
and arrived at a region very full of water. Here, in a spot where the
air was sweetly scented, was a fountain with brightly shining water,
and this was the Spring which he was seeking, but he did not know it.
His cook, Andreas, recognising it because a dried fish which he washed
in it was restored by its water to life, bathed himself in it and thus
became immortal ; but he concealed this from Alexander ; (6) Andreas
debauched Alexander s daughter, and for this crime was cast into the
sea, where he became a sea-daemon from whom the Adriatic Sea took

‘ To these hypotheses I venture to .u.Ul a small eph-yde of speeulations on the
so-called mbol found on many Indian coins from the earliest times

As is now generally admitted, this symbol represents not a anty„ but a , nountan, .
At Its base is normally a waved pattern which is most naturally to be interpreted
as signifymg a river or lake This at once sugirests the Mountain of Heaven-the
Mount Meru of classical literature-and the divine Lake at its base. The mountain
IS associated on coins with other symboL-sun, moo,,, a tree, and on punch-marked

ThTtf ° to " r t The sun and moon are obvious.

H s f h f Sometimes it stands on the ground at

t 1 side of the mountain sometimes upon the mountain, and sometimes it is absent
L the then it originally formed an integral part of the design, or else it was added
later to the mountain which is equally possible, the separate and solitary tree
enclosed in a square paling is a common device on coins On eitb i

may be compared to the Iranian White Haoma of which w e hav t"'^"
conceivably be meant for the Kalpa-dr.una of Indian lece J TheSTla'k t^L
( iaruda alighting on the Mountain of Heaven to carrv awa"^- Tn i ■ o - ^ I * ^ ^

Huparnddhyaya xiii. 5, p. 263 in C'haria.ntier’s edition)' o'^'^ «&oma (cf. especially
coins we find a huge bird on a tree, which reminds Iis of S t

a well-known mythic trait, on which see Charpentier 7)' *'^*^*^ Rauhina,

The Rauhina ra'ay be the ’■ Ealle-s Tree ” TS"’

be the same as the Gaokorana. ^ ’ ^'huh may possibly

YAMA, GANDHARVA, AND GLAUCUS

715

its name ; (t) from the region of the Spring Alexander marched
onwards 30 schomoi to the boundary of the Land of the Blest, fxaKapoiv
X<npa, upon which shines a light that is not that of the sun or the moon
(cf. ibid. p. 203) ; but he did not enter here, for two birds with human
faces and voices bade him retire, and he obeyed.

To these outlines the other versions, chiefly from Muslim sources,
make some important additions. Firstly, (d) we find the cook who
became a sea-dsemon identified with Khidr, or, as the name should be
grammatically spelt, Khadir, " Green Man,” one of the most popvrlar
figures of Oriental legend, and (e) Khadir is identical with the Greek sea-
god Glaucus (pp. 108 f., 242, 253, etc.). Further, (/) they definitively
locate the Spring either beside a rock at the jimction of two seas
(p. 88 ; cf. pp. 78. 81, 85. 112), or by a rock on the seashore (p. 95),
or on the top of a white rock (p. 198).^ They also assert {g) that its
waters issue from Paradise (pp. 39. 45 ff., 112, 135, 150, 198, 205, 301).

Khadir, who belongs to the Wandering Jew type, appears in a host
of legends as (1) a mysterious helper and counsellor of mankind in
all kinds of trouble and difficulty, a messenger of God by sea and
land ; sometimes he is said to have been an angel of God in hmnan
form, even the fourth archangel (p. 274). (2) He is constantly roaming
about over the Muslim world, but (3) he is especially associated with
seas, lakes, and underground waters (pp. 123, 184, 305, etc.). (4)
The reason for his name Khadir or Khidr, Green,” is variously
explained : in ‘Uniarah’s version he is so called because the earth
becomes green wherever his feet touch it (p. 145 ; cf. p. 111). An fond
he is the same as Glaucus of Anthedon. Both obtain immortality
by chance ; to both it becomes a weary burden, and they find comfort
in helping mankind ; both are wanderers, associated with the sea ;
and both have the same name, for Khadir practically = yAauKo?.
We may add that both have erotic associations, since in {a) we find
Andreas seducing a princess, and the amoius of Glaucus were many
and notorious.

Now in these stories we may see some main points agreeing with
those of the Gandharva-saga. In (a) we have as motif: a great king
seeks the Water of Life, but is forestalled and baulked by a servant,
who appears in (b) in an erotic role and again in (d) as a wandering
divine benefactor of mankind, e.specially connected with waters and
lakes and named " Green Man This is surely an echo of the legend

^ So ill the Aiabiaii Xights the Water of Life is* on a mountain ; ef. A. Wuusche.
Die Sageti coin Lcbensbaum and Lebemswasser, p lUO 1.

71(j YA.MA, <;aAI>HAKVA. and (JLAL’Crs

of the Gaiullmrva, ou the one hand as guarding the Soma against the
God, and ou the other hand as a generally benevolent but erotic
spirit of fertility associated with waters and travelling to and fro for
the welfare of the world. It may be objected that there is a wide gulf
between the story of the servant appropriating the Water of Life,
as told in the Glaucus-saga, and the Vedic legend, which makes the
Gandharva the keeper of the 86ma ; but, as we have seen, the chasm
was already crossed in India by the authors of the later Sanihitas
and SBr., who represent the Gandharva as stealinej Soma. Perhaps
also we may connect the green colour indicated in the name Khadir
with the epithet zairipdina. “ greendieeled,"' given in the Avesta
to Gandarawa, of which we have spoken above. It is even conceivable
that the " green heel " may be the fish-tail with which Glaucus is
sometimes represented in art.

But there are more points of contact. The Spring lies in a w^ell-
watered spot or by the sea. beside a rock («,/,), not far from the Land
of the Blest, where there is a light that is not of the sun or moon (c).
All these traits we have found, with slight variations, in the Vedic
and Avestic pictures of the site of the celestial Soma and Yama's
realm. Finally, we may see in (<i) a late form of statement for the old
doctrine that the Soma is from Heaven, and its fount is in Heaven.

It is obvious that the group of legends which I call the Glaucus-
saga is, in the form in which it has reached us, removed hngo intervallo
from the primitive Indo-Iranian story. But betw'cen the two cycles
there are so many points of likeness that it seems necessary to conclude
that they were originally identical. Folktales strangely change ;
characters assume new colours and are moved by new motives * a wude
difference lies between the classical Indian Gandharva and the Avestic
Gandarawa. between the debauched Andreas and the saintly Khadir.
It ma}' w ell be that in the Glaucus-saga the -mot tj oi the weariness of
immortality is an adventitious trait, which was borrowed by it from
the Wandering Jew legend, and by which it has been profoundly
modified. It is, moreover, fairly certain that around the personality
of Khadir there have gathered many legends of help in distress and
al-faraj ba‘d al-shiddah which previously had been floating throughout
the eastern world, and of which we have early examples in the Vedic
tales of Indra and the Asvins. Making therefore due deduction for
such probably adventitious elements, we must recognise the funda-
mental likeness between the two cycles, and admit that they may have
sprvmg from a common source.

FREfiH LIGHT ON KHAWASS KHAN

By E. Dexisox Ross

rpHE events following the death of Shir Shah in a.h. 952 (a.d. 1545),
which led to the succession of his younger son. Jalal Khan, and
the ousting of his elder son, ‘Add Khan, are related, with more or less of
consistency though with a good deal of confusion, by the principal
historians of the period. Out of the narratives of the Ta'rlhh-i-N izdmi,
the Tabaqdt-i-Akbar'i, the Akhar Ndma, and the Nisdindma, Erskine
has compiled a connected story (see his Historij of India, ii, pp. 488 seq.),
which has been accepted by all later WTiters on the subject. Seeing
that Jaird Khan was in the capital and that his brother was away at
Kalanjar fighting by his father's side, the nobles of Delhi decided to
place Jalal Khiin on the throne with the title of Salim (or Islam) Shah.
Four of the leading nobles including Khawass Khan were deputed to
wait on ‘Adil Khan and to guarantee his personal safety if he would
come and visit the king, after which he would be allowed to go to
whatever jaglr he might chose. The meeting took place in Agra, and
ended in ‘Adil Khiin's making a public renunciation of his rights to the
throne. ‘Adil Khan then withdrew to Biana. Shortly after Salim Shah,
by an attempt to make ‘Adil Khan a prisoner, stirred up discontent
among his nobles, many of whom went over to his brother, including
Khawass Khan. In a battle which ensued in sight of Agra, all the nobles
save Khawass Khiin deserted ‘Adil Khan, who fled from the field
and was never heard of again . . . Khawass Khan in the following year
took part in a revolt under A‘zam Humayun, the Governor of the
Panjab, and was finally captured and put to death by Taj Khan
Kirani, the Governor of Samkhal, who sent his head as an offering to
Salim Shah.

The author of the Arabic History of Gujarat, Hajjl ad-Dabir, on
the authority of a personal narrative gives a very different story, which,
for what it is worth, seems deserving of record.

On p. 1001, 1. 15 seq., of the printed text we read : —

“ A certain Afghan who lived in Mahpur in Gujarat used to relate
that when Shir Shah died [a.h. 952] Salim Shah was in Delhi,
and because his elder brother, ‘Adil Khan, was with his father in
Kalanjar, the Delhi nobles agreed to put Salim on the throne, which
they did. When ‘Adil Khan heard of this he said to Khawass Khan.

718

E. DENISON ROSS —

who was in his suite ; ‘ Is it fitting that the younger brother should
take precedence of the elder ? ' [Khawass Khan] replied : ‘ Both of
I'ou are to me as my two eyes — but at the moment it is your stirrup
I am holding,’ [’Adil Khan] then said : ‘ In that case I will dispose of
him.' Now [‘Adil Khan] had a very strong force with him. and after
he had captured [Kalanjar] he returned to Delhi. He had planned
that when he met his brother he would embrace him like one returning
after a long absence ['aJa 'adat il-gha ib], hut would press him so
closely that his breath would be squeezed out of him and he would
leave him [dead] without a blow or a wound, and then ascend the
throne. But when he halted on the outskirts of Delhi, Salim took fright,
and out of fear of his brother he abdicated. Thereupon the Delhi
amirs [p. 1002] addressed [Salim] saying : ‘ How can you have any
anxiety in regard to us who have taken you by the hand 1 ’ He replied ;

‘ The only thing that would comfort me would be for one of you to
take my sword and gird it on me.' The leading amir thereupon rose and
girded his sword on the prince, who, no longer feeling apprehensive,
set out to encounter his brother, who was very much on his guard
against him. ‘Adil Khan did not find an opportunity of carrying out
his intention, though he sought many times to find his brother. Most
of his father's amirs now deserted him and joined Salim. He, therefore,
became apprehensive and left Delhi, with those who remained faithful
to him, among them Khawass Khan. Salim set out in pursuit with a
number of amirs following his footsteps, until they met in an encounter
in which ‘Adil Khan was taken prisoner. Khawass Khan, however,
did not take part in the fighting, but turned in another direction, where
he captured the caravan carrying the treasure, which he drove before
him as far as Sikrl. At that time Shaykh Salim was living there, and
Khawass Khan called on him and pre.sented him with the treasure-
caravan and begged for his blessing. He then proceeded on his journey,
but Mas overtaken b} the troops of Salim Shah, ivhom he engaged and
defeated, so that he vas able to halt wherever he wished. A number of
the amirs nov threv off their allegiance and joined Khawass Khan,
and they resolved to depose Salim. He then said to them : ‘ If you
seize him, who will sit on his throne ? ' They replied ; ‘ Either the man
himself who has triumphed over him and gains the victory will sit on
the throne, or he whom that man takes by the hand '(i.e. swears
allegiance) ; and him we will obey.' Khawass Khan replied : ‘ I am
not fit for it as a result of the victory and shall not try to get it for
anyone ; and if it goes to one of you, how shall I tolerate the passing

FRESH LIGHT OX KHAWASS KHAX

719

of the throne from one who is a son of Shir Shah to one who is not ? ’
Khawass Khan then left them, and Salim Shah came tothemand ordered
Haj jl Khan Ahmad (one of his father's slave-kings) who had married the
sister of Khawass Khan, that he should take the offensive, and he
encountered the amirs and drove them ofi. Khawass Khan, however,
tiuned away from Hajjl Khan and said : ‘ I will not cause my sister
to grieve for her man, nor will I make her put on mourning for him.’
Hajjl Khan drew rein and Khawa.ss Khan shut himself up in the fort of
Kama’on. Salim Shah now sent some amirs to try and win over
Khawass Khan to his side, taking the treaty with them. Khawass
Khan consented, and assembling his companions, took leave of them,
and asking their blessing, left the fort with a few of his following, and
set out with the amirs to visit Salim Shah. While they were on the way
he fancied he noticed a change in their manner towards him, and he
said to some of his attendants : ‘ I am as good as killed without doubt,
I have surrendered myself to them, it is not they who have brought
me by force ; only I don't know how my death will come about, and
I am frightened of nothing but the humiliation of Schadenfreude.
which ray eye beholds. I make my blood legal to you [you may take
away my life], and when I make my prostrations in prayer, take my
sword and sever my head from my body.’ He then performed his
ablutions and declared his repentence of his sins (andba). And when he
knelt down on his mat to pray and called upon his Lord, his request
was carried out. When the news of this was spread abroad, the amirs
were full of regrets, and, leaving his body, they carried his head to the
court of the Sultan, who ordered it to be suspended from the gate of
Delhi. He then ordered the head to be joined to the body, and buried
them. His tomb is visited and blessings are derived from such visits.
Even to this day men sing his praises. He was lavish in the distribution
of alms, and devoted to pious men ; he helped the needy, was generous
to the poor, and adopted orphans. He fed the hungry, giving them
the choicest foods and plenty of sweets, so that he distributed every
night to people of that class and those who came with them a share of
the various kinds of sweets, of which there were a hundred qintars
every night, and the qintar is one hundred rutls ; and other forms of
food in proportion. It happened one night that there was a shortage of
firewood, and it was a cold, wet night, so the cook was in difficulties.
He made inquiries about the sweets for the poor, and was told that
they had not been prepared owing to the lack of firewood. So he ordered
fire to be made with the shirts of the bodyguard instead of with wood.

720

FRESH LIGHT OX KHAWASS KHAX’

and the fire to be kept alight by soaking them with olive oil.
which was done. And anyone who pictures to himself the prepara-
tion of 100 qintars with the use of fine shirts in order to satisfy
the hunger of poor men, on a rainy cold night like this, will
realize the pious intentions of this man in performing good works in
the name of God. He was also famous for his military gifts, and in the
movement of troops and so forth, so that Shir Shah was indeed
fortunate to have the services of such a man.

“ When Shir Shah was encamped opposite Humayun, and Khawass
Khan was at one stage distant from him, he refrained from fighting
and said : ‘ No banner shall be unfurled for me until I see him on the
right and left wing.’ An example of his justice was his saying to
‘ Adil Khan ; ‘ Both of you are as my two eyes to me.’ So that when the
two brothers fought, he withdrew from the battle. And what the
historian of Akhar Nama says, namely that he used to try and impose
on the people by distributing treasure he had taken from others, in
order to deceive high and low into regarding him as a man of piety,
is totally unfounded.”

ABU’L-FAZL PRESENTING THE AKBAR-NAMAH TO THE EMPFROo

A POliTRAIT OF ATiU’L FAZL
Coinraunicated by T. W. Aexold

V 0 authentic portrait of Abu’l Fazl. the accomplished minister and
paneg}Tist of the emperor Akbar, has yet been published ; yet
he was one of the most prominent figures at the court of one of the
greatest sovereigns known to history, and the long portrait gallerv of
the dignitaries of the Mughal Empire in the period of its zenith is
incomplete without him. Mr. Vincent A. Smith, in his life of Akbar
(O.xford, 1917). included a picture of Abu'I Fazl from the Delhi Museum
(p. 30G), but the Catalogue of the Loan Exhibition of Antiquities,
Coronation Durbar. 1911 (Archaeological Survey of India), p. 100.
assigns it to the early part of the nineteimth century, and declares
that it is almost certainly not a portrait of Abu'I Fazl — a judgment
with which any one acquainted with Mughal ]»ortraiture can have no
hesitation in concurring.

Through the comdesy of Mr. A. Chester Beatty, we are permitted
to publish here a portrait of this distinguished statesman and man
of letters, taken from a MS. of the Akbar Namah (fol. 177), which,
though undated, must have been completed some time between 1602
and 1605. The pictine shows Abu'I Fazl presenting the second volume
of his work to the Emperor, an event which probably occurred some
time in March. 1002 (see Mr. H. Beveridge's translation, ii, pp. 576-7).
The name of the painter is given as Govardhan ; we have thus in this
picture a contemporary representation by one of the best-known
of Akbar’s court painters. Xo description of Abu'I Fazl’s personal
appearance is available, whereby the accuracy of the portrait can be
tested, but the fleshy cheeks and neck are such as might be expected
from the account given in the Ma‘dOiir al-Vmard, where it is stated
that his daily ration weighed twenty-two sirs, or more than thirty
pounds of food, and his housekeeping was on a very lavish scale. It is
also noticeable that he imitates his royal master (as he might have
been expected to do) in wearing a small moustache, after the Hindu
fashion, and short whiskers.

TAXATION IN PERSIA

A Synopsis from the Early Times to the Conquest of the

Mongols

B}’ Mostafa Khan Fateh

some time past the writer has been endeavouring to collect
material for the writing of an Economic History of Persia from
the earliest times to the present. He has found himself greatly
handicapped by the lack of accurate information respecting the
earlier epochs of Persian history, and his researches in this direction
are by no means complete.

He has nevertheless made extracts from such books and manu-
scripts as have been hitherto accessible to him in the hope that he
may be able to make use of information at some later date.

In the course of his reading, he has come across frequent references
to the systems of taxation in use in Persia at different times, and it
has occurred to him that it might be of interest to give in brief outline
some idea of these systenLs.

Before starting on this attempt it should be pointed out that
the geographical and climatic conditions of Persia have made great
continuity in revenue systems possible from the very earliest times.
The discoveries at Susa (the capital of Elam) in South-West Persia
have thrown much light on the economic conditions of that part of
the world, and show that the extremely fertile nature of the alluvial
soil of the Susanian plain led to the early development of agri-
culture. Among the inscriptions discovered at Susa by i\I. de Morgan
is a large granite obelisk covered on all four sides with ancient and
archaic writings dating back to nearly 4000 b.c. It gives an account
of money and objects given in payment by the King for certain estates,
it shows a complete system of agriculture and commerce, and explains
that land was estimated at its corn value. There is no doubt that
land-tax was known then, and its origin in Persia dates back to this
period, if not before.

The major part of taxation in Per.sia has always been the land-
tax, and it has increased or degreased according to the area under
cultivation. With the exception of brief periods during the foreign
invasions, the land at present under cultivation has probably been
under cultivation almost continuously from the earliest historical

724

MOSTAFA KHAX FATEH —

times and probably much earlier. There was great increase in the
area under cultivation during the reign of 8hahpnr I and Anushirwan,
due to the extension of irrigation and other important public works
such as roads through the Zagros range, which had the effect of
encouraging settlements in land previously inhabited only by nomad.s.
It is probable that many areas thus colonized fell out of cultivation in
Liuistan, Bakhtiari, and Pars, for instance, as a result of the disorder
following on the Arab invasion, and further very large areas went out
of cultivation in Khuzistan as a result of the breakdown and destruction
of the canal system in the fourteenth and subsequent centuries.
There is reason to believe that practically all available land was under
cultivation in the time of Anushirwan. an area probably three or
four times as great as that now cultivated.

It is impossible to travel anywhere in the Zagros Mountains,
from Sauj Bulaq to Lar, without coming across great areas of terraced
cultivation with ruins, which must have once contained a large
population. The Zagros Mountains over their whole length, but
j)articularly between Kennanshah and Shiraz, are seamed with good
roads traversing the numerous rivers by means of beautifully con-
•structed solid stone bridges, demonstrating an extensive traffic from
.south to north, i.e. of sugar and silk, which were produced in Khuzistan
in quantities sufficient to supply the whole of Persia and to provide
a balance for export to Mesopotamia and further west. There is,
for example, evidence that the silk fabrics in use in Egypt in the
fourth centiuy b.c. were made in Persia in the province of Khuzistan,
which was then, as now. the most highly industrialized part of Persia.

All this goes to .show a continuity of the agricultural system with
the consequent .system of the lan<l-tax, and it is mtere.sting to note
that until the beginning of the pre.sent century the land-tax formed
about two-thirds of the total revenues.

The extremel\ scant\ information in regard to the periods
preceding the Achsemenian times has obliged me to begin this paper
from the Ach»menians or Kianians. as it is called in Persian.

The Ach.e.menian Period {358 to 330 b.c.)

The fundamental features of the State organization of the
Achaemenids were due to Cyrus, the founder of the first Persian Empire.
Camby.ses and Darius followed in his footsteps and completed the
vast structure of the Empire. Darius' task was particularly that of

TAXATION IX PERSIA

725

consolidating and perfecting the work of his predecessors, and it
was during his reign that the famous Satraps were appointed for each
province. These Satraps combined in themselves the functions of
civil as well as military governors ; and were furthermore the
collectors of state revenues.

The inhabitants of Persia proper, the home district or satrapy of
the king, were exempt from taxation. Instead, they brought the
best of their possessions as a gift to their king on festival days (Pint.
Artax. 4-5). In return for this, he distributed rich presents to every
Persian man and women — the women of Pasargadie, who were
members of the king's tribe, each received a piece of gold (Pint.
Alex. 69).

The other .satrapies, which for the most part had been added
to the king's dominions by conquest, each had to contribute certain
taxes to the State. Before the time of Darius there was no system
of equitable taxation based on the fertility of the soil or its produce,
and each province of the Empire had to contribute a certain sum
which was fixed without any regard being paid as to whether it was
able to do so or not. Herodotus (Book III. 89) writes : " In the
reigns of Cyrus and Cambyses after him there was no fixed tribute,
but payment was made in gifts."

In the reign of Darius a regular and more or less equitable distribu-
tion of taxation came into force which was based on an exact measure-
ment of the Empire in respect of the varying fertility of the land.
The State received a proportion of the produce fixed according to
the richness of the soil, and ranging from one-tenth to as much as
one-half ; and the crops could not be reaped or the friut collected
until the tax-collector was ready to take the share due to the State.

According to Herodotus (Book III, 95) the total cash amount
raised annually from the twenty satrapies, into which the Empire
was divided, amounted to 1 4.-560 Eubceic talents (approximately
£3,500.000). The heaviest contribution was the gold-dust of India
amounting to 4.680 talents. Next to this came Assyria and Babylon
which contributed 1,000 talents ; the next largest were Egypt and
the African dominions with 700 talents ; the provinces of Asia Minor
paid 1,760 talents ; Syria, Cyprus, and Phoenicia 350 talents ; Bactria
360 ; Susiana 300. Some of the less thickly populated satrapies
paid less, and it is therefore clear that the system was more or less
equitable.

The proceeds of this taxation were forwarded annually by the

726

MOSTAFA KHAN FATEH

satraps to Susa. After defraying the annual expenditure, there
always remained a surplus which was placed in the king's treasury
as a reserve fund.

This reserve fund grew to be considerable later on. and Darius III
drew on it heavily to finance the war with Alexander the Great.
Notwithstanding this hea^w' expenditure, and the gold talents that
Darius took with him in his flight, there remained in the State
treasuries of Susa and Persepolis coined metal and bullion to the value
of 180,000 talents, the greater part of which was in bullion and gold
and silver wrought into vessels.

In the book of Ezra {chapter iv) it is mentioned that tolls were
also levied and paid. These tolls were probaldy occasional rather
than regular payments, and were therefore more in the nature of a
levy than a tax.

The greater part of the cash payments mirst have been derived
from a fixed annual land-tax (Neh. v, 4) which was based on the fertility
of the soil. There is a passage in Herodotus (Book vi, 42) relating
to the Persian admini.stration of Ionia which .says ; “ And he measured
their lands by parasangs, which is the Persian name for a distance
of thirty furlongs, and appointed that each people should, according
to this measurement, pay a tribute which has remained fixed ever
since that time to this day. ’ This pa.ssage conveys the idea that
land-taxes were impo.sed regardless of the quality of the soil ; and it
is not very clear whether this .system held good all over Persia. But
it is evident from other available data that the thickly inhabited
satrapies with little territory paid more ; it would therefore appear
that the fertility of the soil mu.st to some extent have been taken
into account.

The contributions in kind were made particularlv for the support
of the Army and the households of the kings, the satraps and the
officials under them. Herodotus mentions that for four months in
the year, the king and his Army were supported from the taxes in
kind paid by Babylon, and for the remainder of the year by the rest
of Asia. These contributions in kind consisted of all sorts of com-
modities such as horses and cattle, grain, clothing and its materials,
furniture, and all articles of industry.

When the Army was engaged in warfare, it maintained itself on
the country through which it passed or was quartered in. In time of
peace garrisons stationed in each satrapy were maintained by that
province, while the Imperial Army stationed in the capital was partly

TAXATION’ IX PERSIA

727

maintained by cash payments from the Royal exchequer and partly
by contribution in kind.

The household of each satrap was provided for by his own province
and that of each subordinate official bv the district under his charge.
These satraps and sub-satraps lived on a large scale and entertained
large numbers of people. The king had the largest household and
more than 15,000 men daily drew their sustenance from his table
The satraps' and sub-satraps' households varied according to the
district, but in all cases were considerable. In Nehemiah (chapter v)
we see that the cost of such entertainments was burdensome and
often was a heaA-y burden on the poorer communities.

The extent and value of these contributions in kind cannot be
accurately estimated ; but from the figures given by Herodotus,
one may assume that they amounted to two or three times as much
as the cash payments. For example, Cappadocia, besides supporting
and maintaining the officials and its garrison, contributed every year
1,500 horses, 50,000 sheep, and 2,000 mules, while Media contributed
nearly double this number. Three hundred and sixty white horses
came from Cilicia ; 1,000 talents of incense from Arabia ; ebony
and ivory from Ethiopia ; some precious stones from India ; camels
from Babylon ; foals from Armenia, etc.

From the fragmentary information available regarding this epoch
of Persian history it is not possible to define the precise burden of
taxation imposed, and the value received in return by the subjects
of the Empire in the form of peace, security, justice, administration,
public works, etc.

To summarize the system of taxation during this period, which
takes us to 330 B.C., we see that it was based on a cash payment as
well as a contribution in kind.

The Seleucid and Parthian Empires (330 b.c. to a.d. 226)

The conquest of Persia by Alexander the Great, the subsequent
disintegration of his Empire, and the annexation of Persia by Seleucus
Xicator, brought about a diffusion of Hellenism resulting in the
introduction and spread of the Greek language, the establishment
of Greek cities, and Greek administration and civilization all over
Persia. There are very few data available to show that this Greek
domination introduced a new system of taxation, and that it radically
changed the character of the State administration. It is, however,

VOI,. IV. P4RT IV. 4s

728

MOSTAFA KHAX FATEH —

certain that cash and payments in kind continued as before ; and
the continual wars waged by the different Greek armies considerably
added to the taxpayers' burden. At this period we see that the Greek
rulers adopted the plan of securing their dominions by building Greek
cities in several parts of Persia. These cities were peopled by Greek
and Macedonian colonists and enjoyed civic independence with laws,
officials, councils, and assemblies of their own. They became the
main factors in the diSusion of Hellenism and were the centres of
commerce and industrial life ; and this, in conjunction with the Royal
favour and privileges accorded to them, continually attracted new
settlers and added to their population.

The establishment of these cities and the consequent growth
of commerce and trade introduced the origins of a new factor into
the economic life of Persia which later on reflected on the taxation.

The Parthian Empire which succeeded the Seleucids was totally
different from that of the Achsemenians as far as the powers of the
Central Government were concerned. The Parthian kings came
from a predatory nomad tribe who had partly adopted the Greek
civilization and partly had to base their .system of Government on
what was left to them by the Achremenians. They made no attempt
to incorporate or to weld the conquered states into a unified nation.
They were content to possess the open country and their capitals ;
and so long as their orders were obeyed and the customary tribute
paid, they allowed the subject people to develop on their own lines.
The feudalism based on tribal property attained a large measure
of success and resembled closely the feudal sy.stem of Europe during
the Middle Ages.

The system of land taxation probably remained the same as
before, and cash tributes were received by the Parthian kings w'hen-
ever they were strong enough to exact them from the provinces.

The Greek cities which, as we have seen, were scattered through-
out the Empire, enjoyed their municipal government, and paid an
annual fixed tribute which was assessed by their own local govern-
ments in the form of a poll-tax.

Besides the great families of nobles, who owned large estates
and paid \erj little in the form of taxation, there were the Magi ”
priests who owned much of the best land, were granted special privileges
and paid no taxes.

From the writings of certain Persian historians we gather that a
certain form of dut} w as levied on foreign goods entering the country.

TAXATION TX PERSIA

729

In the description of trade routes given by these authors we see
customs houses established at the frontiers where duty was collected.

Commerce and industry grew during this period and the
first trade relations between China and Persia were established during
the period of the Arsacids, which is called by the Chinese An-Sih.
Trade between Persia aiul Rome also flourished through the agency
of Greeks and Jews, and on the whole certain marked improvements
were noticeable in the economic conditions of the people.

The large number of silver coins discovered, which belong to
the Parthian period, shows tha*^ the volume of trade was considerable,
and we read of silk goods mamifaetured in Babylon and other goods
which were exchanged for Roman goods.

The State expenditure consisted of the upkeep of the Royal house-
hold and the Royal guard, and very little was spent by the Paithian
kings on public works or national monuments. Fergusson, in his
Hisforij of Arrhitectare. writes that Oriental architecture is practically
a blank from the conquests of Alexander the Great to the rise of the
Sassanian dynasty, and this shows that Parthian kings left very little
behind them in this respect.

With the exception of the Royal Guard, there was no standing
army : and similarly to the Achaemenians, when war was declared
the monarch issued orders to his vassid-kings and satraps, who
brought their levies to an appointed centre on a fixed day. The
expenses of these levies were borne by the respective provinces.

Although very little is known about the Parthian Empire and
its organization, it can be safely said that they inherited the traditions
of the Persians, and all their external institutions were borrowed
from the Seleuciil Empire. It can therefore be assumed that the
system of taxation remained much the .same as it was in the time of
the Achsemenians.

The Sassanian Empire (a.d. 226 to 641) ^

The system of taxation during the early Sassanian period was
divided into two main categories, namely (1) the land-tax, and (2)
the personal or poll-tax. The land-tax was called " Kharagh " and
the personal tax " Gesith ' . Later on the Arabs used the same terms
and pronounced them “ Kharaj " and “ Jiziah ".

^ With regard to this section T have consulted L'Empirt S<is.'ianid>'A, by
A (diiN’^cnst'ii fr Rawlinsoii’s The Seventh Ormt ()/nnto! Mtinnrrhij . the wnrhs mi
Masudi, Tabari, and Firdu>i

730

MOSTAFA KHAK FATEH —

The annual amount of the poll-tax was fixed once and for all. This
tax may have had its origin in the cash payments levied by the
Achfemenians, and its development into a fixed annual payment
may have been influenced largely by the tribute in cash paid by the
Greeks and Jews residing within the Parthian Empire.

The land-tax was based on an assessment of the produce, each
district or locality paying from one-sixth to one-third of the produce
according to the productivity of the land, and its proximity to the
town. The method of assessment of this tax often gave rise to
exactions by the officials, and discouraged the cultivator from
increasing his production. Also the varying conditions of the crop
caused the State’s revenue to vary from year to year, thus making
it impossible for the Government to make an estimate of its revenues
beforehand. It often happened that the revenues did not meet
the expenditure, and resort was made to special assessment which
was a compulsory contribution to defray the costs of a special
undertaking.

The abuses and disadvantages of this system soon gave rise to
a good deal of discontent, and to a certain extent contributed toward
the rising of the Mazdakites, who believed in an early form of
communism.

Kobad (Kawadh I), who reigned from a.d. 488 to 531, and was
at first a disciple of Mazdak, saw the evils of this system of taxation
and decided to change and revise it. But it was Khosrau I ( Anushirvan
the Just) who set himself to the task of introducing the new system
which remained in force for a number of centuries. In this new
system a fixed amount, payable either in cash or in kind, was sub-
stituted for the fluctuating tax hitherto m force j this change had the
great advantage of defining the respective positions of the taxpayer
and the Government in their relations towards each other.

Every jarib of wheat or barley paid one dirham (7d.) per annum,
8 dirhams was paid for every jarib of vineyard, 7 dirhams for every
jarib of alfalfa, five-sixths of a dirham for every jarib of rice one
dirham for e\er} four Persian palm-trees, or for six Aramaean palm-
trees. or for six olive-trees. In addition to this one-tenth of the produce
was also collected in kind. All other products of the land were exempt
from taxation.

These pa}Tnents applied only to the sown land, and tax assessors
had to ascertain every year which lands had been cultivated during
that year and which had been left uncultivated. This system of

TAXATION IN PEKSIA

731

annual survey involved the employment of a large stall, but it was
a great improvement on the past and facilitated matters considerably.
As a result of this method of assessment the cultivator was free to
work for his own benefit, select the land which gave him the best
return, and in short could be certain of reaping what he had sown.

On the face of it, this tax does not seem to have been heavy or
burdensome, but a good deal depended on the method of collection.
We have no information as to how this was done, and there is no
doubt that at times, when there was a bad crop, reductions were made.
But on the whole the new system greatly alleviated the condition of
the taxpayer and also brought in regular and at the same time larger
contributions to the Royal Exchequer.

The poll-tax was also reformed by Khosrau I. All males between
the ages of 20 and 50, except the nobles, dignatories, soldiers, priests,
and Government employees, invalids, and servants, were liable to
this tax. They were divided into various classes according to their
ability to pay, and payments varied from 4 to 48 dirhams per head per
year.

Khosrau had copies of the new tax regulations sent to the tax-
collectors and judges, and also had copies posted in all the provinces
for the information of the public. He also entrusted the judges with
the duty of seeing that justice was rendered to the taxpayers. The
judges of the different districts had to render an account of exemptions
and reductions allowable in each case, and the central Government,
after considering these recommendations, confirmed them when
necessary by issuing instructions to the local tax-collectors.

To these regular taxes is to be added a property tax called “ Ayin "
which took the form of presents or donations to the king. These
presents were sent to the king on the occasion of the feasts of “ NoRuz ”
and “ Mihrgan ”.

Additions to the revenue were furnished by the income from the
Royal domains and the royalties payable to the king, which amounted
to a considerable sum every year. The royalties were derived from
the mines, etc., amongst which mention must be made of the gold
mines of Pharangion.

Booty obtained in the course of the numerous wars formed an
irregular revenue which at times amounted to considerable sums
of cash, large quantities of jeweller}' and commodities, and even slaves.

The customs duties were also another item of revenue which
was paid into the Royal Exchequer.

7?, 2 .MOSTAFA KHAX FATEH —

The king's treasury in the year a.I). hOT contained al)out
168,000.000 niisqals of specie, amounting to aliout £lo.500.000 —
each niisqal being equal to one dirham. Beside.s this ca.sh, there
were large quantities of jewels and other precioirs stones, whicli
probably were worth an equal amount. Notwithstanding the
inces.sant and co.stly wars in which Khosrau II was engaged in. we
learn from Tabari that in the thirtieth year of his reign he had collected
in his treasury 1.600.000.000 misqals of specie or nearly £-16,500.000.
On the accession of the king all the money in the treasury was recoined
in the name of the new king, and all the archives of the Government
were recopied in the name of the new monarch.

During the Sasanian period there were frequent remission.s of
taxes in arrears, particularly on the accession of a king, in order
to make him popular. For example, Bahram V on the occa.sion of his
coronation ordered that tax arrears amounting to 70 million dirhams
should not be paid and that the land-tax of the first year of his reign
should be reduced by a third. During the famine in the reign of
Piruz, he exempted his subjects from the land as well as the poll-
tax, and oyen paid certain sums from liis treasury to ameliorate the
condition of his people.

The average amount of ta.xatiou during the Sassanid epoch was
600,000,000 to 800,000,000 dirhams per annum.

The state expenditure consisted of the cost of wars, the upkeep
of the Court, the .salaries of the Government employees, the cost of
constructing dams, encouraging agriculture, developing irrigation, etc.
W e read in Tabari that Ivhosrau I was constantlv improving the
water supply, constructing dams, promoting the growth of the popula-
tion by dowering the poor and introducing the system of compulsory
marriage for all, providing guards and posts on all the chief arteries
of trade, improving the means of communication, building bridges, etc.
In the aggregate the State expenditure must have amounted to a verv
considerable figure. The system of cash payments to the soldiers
which was introduced by Khosrau I added to the efficiency of his
troops, but was a drain upon the exchequer, as was also the cost of
providing them with arms.

Fkom the Arab Conquest to the Mongol Invasion (a.d. 641-1230)

During the early years of Islam there w'as no regular svstem of
taxation except Znkni or alms, which consisted of certain voluntary
contributions by the rich and their division among the poor

TAXATIOX IX PERSIA

733

Muhammad, imbued with a loftiness of purpose aud permeated
by a deep sincerity and conviction in his mission, preached the equality
and brotherhood of man. One of the first means employed to achieve
this ecpiality was the asking of volmitary contributions from the
rich, which later on developed into an income tax.

At the beginning of Muhammad's mission. Islam was purely a
religious movement, commenced with the sole purpose of propagating
the new teaching. Later on, however, when succe.ss and power came
to him, Muhammad was the ruler of Arabia and as such dealt with
laws, ordinances, and manifestos which laid the foundations of Islam
as a political power.

In the second year of Muhammad's flight from Mecca to Medina
(a.d. 621) two new sources of revenue were tapped ; one was
the booty gained in war, and the other the ./cyn. which consisted
of tribute or rent paid to the State by tolerated communities for the
right to work their land. This later on developed into a poll-tax.
The booty was divided equally amongst the warriors, while four-fifths
of the Zakat aud jizya were divided among the poor people, the
remaining fifth going to the Prophet. There were no books or records
kept of this revenue, and people simply gathered together in the
mosque and received their share.

The holy war against the border countries, which Muhammad
inaugurated, was the best means for making the new religion popular
among the Arabs, for opportunity was thereby afforded for gaining
rich booty. The movement was organized by Islam for religious
purposes and the propagation of Muhammad's teachings, but the
masses were induced to join it for quite other than religious motives ;
and here we see that a religion was accepted and fostered by the Arabs
mainly for economic purposes.

Immense sums flowed into Medina as a result of the Arab conquests,
and as it became impossible for the Caliph personally to administer
the affairs of the State, the supreme office w^as gradually put into
commission. Omar, the second Caliph, was the first to establish
a proper system of accounts for the public revenues. He instituted
different Government offices called divans, one of which was concerned
with regulating and administering the public revenues. This divan
recorded all the revenues in books, and paid to each citizen a sum
commensurate with the service that he rendered to the State, which
in general was sufficient to meet his expenses.

The soiuces of revenue also became more elaborate and were based

734

JIOSTAFA KHAX FATEH —

on five distinct lines, namely Zakat (alms or poor rate), booty,
(poll-tax). Kkanij (land-tax), and other taxes.

Zakat was derived from the following sources : (a) Animals, (b)
cash, (c) fruit-trees, (d) cultivated land. As regards the first it was
le\fied on camels, oxen, sheep, horses, mules, and donkeys on a pro-
gressive scale. The Zakat on cash, in which category were classed
gold, silver, merchandise, etc., was abont 2^ per cent per annum.
The produce of fruit-trees exceeding a certain fixed weight was taxed
as follows : one-twentieth of the irrigated trees and one-tenth of the
non-irrigated trees. The cultivated lands paid the same as the fruit-
trees.

According to the laws prescribed in the Qur an the Zakat revenues
were divided amongst those who had no means of subsistence, those
who did not have a sufficient income to meet their expenses, the
collectors of Zakat, those who were in debt, those who were fighting
for Islam, those travellers who lacked the necessary funds when
travelling, purchasing the freedom of slaves, and public works.

Those responsible for the collection of Zakat could distribute
it in such manner as they saw fit without authority from the Caliph.

Booty consisted of slaves, lands, cattle, merchandise, etc., captured
m war, and was divided amongst the warriors. As regards land
only that which was taken by force was seized and- divided up If
the landowners were willing to accept Islam, they were allowed to
retain their land and pay the usual taxes. One-fifth of all the booty
was the Prophet's share as long as he lived ; this he divided among

his family and the poor, etc. After his death this fifth went to the
State’s Treasiuy.

Jizya. Under this heading came annual tributes paid by different
countries to the Arab conquerors, and poll-taxes collected from the
non-Moslems. For example, in Egj-pt every adult person paid
two dinars per annum ; in other countries Omar introduced a system
on a sliding scale whereby the rich paid 48 dirhams per annum, the
nucidle classes 24, and the poorer people 12

Like the booty was also divided up in such manner that

one-fifth went to the Prophet, and four-fifths were divided amongst
the toy and those who fought for Islam. Omar instituted a reguL

Se s'aetor “‘o

n«r»i was the laud-tax. the basis of which remained in each
country which the Arabs conquered, the same as before.

TAXATION IN PERSIA

735

Omar, after the conquest of Persia, retained the tithe system of
taxation which had long been in force. He divided all lands into
three classes : (1) land cidtivated by Moslems, which paid one-tenth
of their product ; (2) lands taken by force of arms from the infidels and
cultivated by Moslems, which also paid one-tenth ; and (3) lands
cultivated by non-Moslems, which were taxed at a higher rate.

On the whole every jarib of land paid one-tenth of its produce
in kind, and in addition there was a cash payment which differed
according to the product of land, e.g. every jarib of fruit-trees paid
1 dirham, palm-trees 8 dirhams, cane sugar 6 dirhams, alfalfa 5 dirhams
wheat 4 dirhams, barley 2 dirhams, etc. In certain cases the land-tax
in kind was increased whenever there was a good crop, and reduced
proportionately when the crops fell below the average.

In principle Khara j was only levied on non-Moslems, but in practice
only Arab Moslems were exempt. In the twentieth year of the
Hijrah, the total amount of Kharaj collected in Persia was approxi-
mately 63 million dirhams, and in a.h. 85 this had increased to nearly
double that amoimt.

Other taxes in addition to the above were one-fifth of the produce
of mines worked, and one-tenth a transit tax or duty on all the
merchandise transported from one country to another for trade
purposes, which amounted in fact to a customs duty.

During the early years of Arab conquests, unbelievers were invited
to embrace Islam. If they followed a recognized sacred book such
as the Bible and were not idolators, they were given the choice between
becoming Moslems or submitting to the Moslems and paying the
jizya, in return for protection and their personal safety. If they
accepted Islam, their lives, families, and property were secure, and
they became henceforth part of the Moslem community. If they
refused these conditions and elected to fight their lives became forfeit ;
if they were defeated, their families were liable to slavery and all
their goods were seized.

The Persians, however, when they were attacked by the Arabs,
chose to fight them instead of submitting to their conditions. They
had a vigorous feeling of national pride, based upon glorious memories
of the past ; and notwithstanding the internal disturbances and
external disasters which had shattered their Empire, they had not
yet lost their patriotism. They fought against the Arabs in defence
of their hohest possessions, their nationality and their faith, but they
were defeated. The result was confiscation of their property, seizure

736

MOSTAFA KHAN FATEH —

of their land, and many other liardship.s. Per.->ia was reduced to
the position of a conquered state, its economic life was paralysed,
and consequently the ability of its inhabitant.s to pay ta.xes wa.s
lessened.

Islam did not succeed in assimilating the Persians, and it took
a long time before the new religion was generally accepted. Con-
sequently the Persians were made to pay very heavy taxes.

The first period of Arab coui(uest. which brought the coiupierors
unearned wealth, placed the Moslems in a privileged position. They
were a ruling caste and the non-Moslems had to pay the land and
poll-taxes to support them. In order to restrain the Moslems from
engaging in any other occupation except the war, and defending the
newly-won territories, the early Caliphs and e.specially Omar took great
care that Moslems should not be engaged in any occupation. As soon as
a non-Moslem embraced Islam, his land was distributed among: his
non-Moslem relatives, and he lived on the support he received from the
public funds. Such a system led to wholesale conversions to Islam ;
and consequently a large number of producers were changed into
consumers, and the revenues began to decline.

Then came the Omayyad dynasty, and soon after the reconstruction
by Abdul Malik Marwan of the Administration of the Empire on
Arab principles. In Persia, Persian up till that time had remained
the official language, but henceforth all officials were compelled
to know Arabic and to conduct their adraini.stration in that language.
The religious motives of the Arab conquerors had undergone a change
and an Arab Empire was established, in which the Arab element
ruled for the benefit of the Absolute monarchs of the Omaj’yad family.
A regular postal service was instituted for Government dispatches,
and the postmasters were charged with the task of informing the
Caliph of all important news. Oppressions and exactions increased
in Persia under the Omayjmd rule and various imposts were levied to
satisfy the ever-growing greed of the conquerors. They forbade the
newly-converted Persians to leave their land and enter the ruling class,
and forced them to undergo the treatment accorded to non-Moslems.
The ^oruz tax was revived and amounted to nearly ten million dirhams
every year , a marriage tax was imposed on all those who wanted to
get married ; a sort of stamp tax was introduced for all those who
subrmtted petitions , all the expenses of the Arab officials were borne
by the people , and besides the usual taxes collected during the early
period which were mentioned under the heading of Mohammedan

TAX ATI ox IX PERSIA

737

taxes, miiiierous other imposts were established wliieh absolutely
drained the resources of ruined Persia.

During the reign of Abdul Malik, a uiiiforin coinage was instituted
for the Arab dominions. The legal unit of weight was the “ dirham ",
weighing 47 '5 grains, and the dirham of silver became the unit of the
coinage. The gold coinage was the " dinar ". equivalent to 1 i dirham.
The coinage was supposed to be based on this legal standard but very
.soon, owing to a reduction in the weight of coins and alloving the
precious metals, it fell away from it and dinars became nominal values
for purposes of accounts and the computation of various taxes. The
taxes were at first based on the legal standards, but when the current
coin varied from the standards, the constantly fluctuating difference
between the value of the coin and that of the standards had to be
calculated. This sysstem of coinage was also re.sponsible for a good
deal of abuse on the part of the tax-collectors who demanded gold
dinars and fixed the ratio between dirhams and dinars as they pleased.
It often happened that the total taxes of a province were doubled or
trebled by this vicious method of calculation and brought some
provinces to the verge of ruin.

During the reign of Omar II part of these e.xactious which had
resulted in certain rebellions were .suppres.sed, and Persian Moslems
were allowed to benefit from the ordinary privileges granted to Arabs.
But his reign was a short one and the Arab officials who saw in him
an obstacle in their way of collecting wealth killed him, and his reforms
did not long survive him.

Under Yazid II. these e.xtortions increased more than before.
For example, we read that a certain official called Ma.slama had
pocketed the revenues of Khorasan and had failed to forward them to
Damascus. Instead of recovering these, his successor nameil Hobaira
levied another tax and ordered his siicces.sor to extort further large
sums of money from a number of the rich people of Khorasan.

Conditions in Persia improved, however, during the Governorships
of Khalid and Xasr. The latter instituted a fairly moderate system
of taxation whereby both Moslems and non-iloslems paid a fixed
tithe-tax, while non-Moslems paid a poll-tax in addition. This poll-
tax ceased to be levied on anyone as soon as he embraced Islam.
The average annual taxes collected in Persia (the provinces which
cover the present kingdom of Persia) during the Omajwads amounted
to about 130 million dirhams.

The injustices of the Omayyads. however, the luxury and wanton-

738

MOSTAFA KHAN FATEH

ness of their court, as contrasted with the misery of their subjects,
and their frequent extortions from Persians resulted in the overthrow
of this dynasty by the Abbasids who owed their success almost entirely
to the help of the Persians.

The system of collecting the taxes during the highly centralized
Uma}yad regime was that the Governor of each district collected
the taxes. After deducting the cost of collection, the Governors
paid the salaries of the Army, spent whatever was approved on public
works, and then remitted the balance to Dasmacus where the Caliph
resided. This was, however, changed afterwards, as will be seen
later.

Under the Abbasids the barrier that separated the Arabs from the
conquered nations crumbled away, chiefly owing to the fact that the
Arabic language, rebgion, and civilization were universally adopted
by, or rather forced upon, the subject races.

The heavy taxes imposed by the Umayyads had considerably
decreased the area of cultivation in Persia ; and one of the first acts of
the Abbasids was to encourage cultivation, cause the return of peasants
to the land; improve the system of irrigation, reduce the taxes and
abolish the inequitable imposts.

The main sources of revenue accruing to the Abbasid Caliphs
were the following : —

1. A great number of villages which had been confiscated by the
Umayyad officials became the property of the new rulers, and the
system of confiscating the properties of their own officials, who were
also in the habit of making such exactions, considerably added to the
properties of the Abbasid State. Furthermore, a large number of
landowners in Persia who had been suffering under the Umayyads
had nominally made over their titles to important Arab officials in
order to escape the heavy exactions of the State officials. For example,
a good number of people in Azarbaijan had their lands registered under
the name of Marvan-ibn-Muhammed, Governor of Armenia, in Zanjan
under the name of Qasim-ibn-Rashid and so on. All these lands
became later the property of the Umayyad officials and were con-
sequently acquired by the Abbasid Caliphs. So that the Abbasids
owned a large number of villages in Persia when they assumed
power, and the existence of the Crown Lands in a large scale dates
from their time.

This fact has been mentioned for the purpose of specifying that the
tax on Crown Lands, which was in fact the revenue accruing to the

TAXATION IN PERSIA

739

State, amounted in certain cases to as much as the land-tax collected
on privately owned lands.

2. The land-tax on privately owned lands varied in different
localities. In some provinces the State received a certain portion
of the produce, in others a fixed tax was levied in cash and in kind
according to the measurement, e.g. so much per acre ; again, in other
districts, the State and the taxpayer entered into a fixed arrangement
based on the survey of the land and its productivity. On the whole,
the second system was in vogue in most districts of Persia, and the
province of Pars w'as the most heavily taxed ; for example, 95 dirhams
was paid for every jarib of wheat, 118 dirhams fora jarib of palm-
trees or vegetables, 712 for a jarib of fruit-trees, and 123 dirhams
for a jarib of cotton.

3. The poU-tax was another source of revenue which was collected
from the non-Moslems. This had, however, considerably decreased
owing to the fact that most Persians had by this time accepted Islam.

4. Zakai or alms . — This tax, which in the early days of Islam
had amounted to a large sum, had been more or less replaced by
the land-tax and was a sort of voluntary contribution which later on
lapsed altogether.

5. All surface mines, which required no exploitation such as salt,
oil, etc., were exempt ; but other mines w'hich had to be worked
according to the then prevaihng system were liable to a tax equalHng
one-fifth of the product. In Khorasan, gold, silver, turquoise, mercury
were mined ; in Pars and Kirman silver, iron, lead, sulphur, all of
which paid this tax.

6. Road Tolls and Customs Duty . — These were not fully developed
under the early Abbasids, but amounted to a considerable sum in
the ninth and tenth centuries. All commercial goods transported
from one province to another for purposes of trade were subject
to a tithe tax. Such goods were not allowed to be sold before payment
of such duty, and then only through specially designated brokers
and under the supervision of the Government officials. Road tolls
were also collected on all merchandise passing between certain points.
One of the Arab writers (Ibn Hauqal) has stated that 1,000,000 dirhams
were alone collected during one year on goods sent from Azarbaijan
to Rei (Tehran).

7. Real Estate Tax . — This was a sort of groimd rent which was
levied on those persons who had built shops, caravanserais, public
baths, etc., on State land.

740

MOSTAFA KHAX FATEH --

8. Roijaltif on Mintinc] Coins . — There was no central mint for
the whole Empire, but local mints were established by authorized
private individuals who paid a fixed royalty to the State.

9. Other miscellaneous taxes, such as one-tenth of goods trans-
jjorted by ships in inland water-s, a fishing tax, a poll-tax on artisans,
etc. These were not considerable and very litth' information is
available as to their basis, incidence, etc.

The security and good CTOVcrnment established by the early
Abbasids, whose power depended mostly on the I’ersian element,
and in whose administration Persians held important posts, went a
long way to revive the economic life of Persia and brought them
handsome revenues from the Persian dominions. Notwithstanding
this, there were often the heavy e.xactions which exi.st under absolute
monarchy, especially in large empires (which hold under their dominions
such wide territories). For example, it is related that Harun ur-
Rashid was once passing through Hamadan, and was struck by the
poverty of the inhabitants. He que.stioned the judge of the district,
who said that all was due to heavy taxation which amounted every
year to about six million dirhams. The Caliph suggested a reduction
of 20 per cent, and the judge replied that this would only relievo the
people from starvation, and should the Caliph wish to ,see his subjects
in a better condition he must reduce the total amount of taxes by
50 per cent.

The greater part of the exactions, however, arose from the difference
in the weight of coinage, of which the tax-collector took advantage.
The latter usually demanded the heaviest coins in payment of taxes,
which often amounted in fact to something like a double taxation.
This injustice was to a certain e.xtent remedied by Huhtadi. who
fixed an average weight for the coins collected as taxes.

Other exactions not sanctioned by the Caliphs, yet collected by
the Governors, were defraying the cost of entertaining the Caliph's
officials when passing through a district, presents to the Governors
of the district on festival days, 5 per cent additional land-tax impo.sod
on those who refused to obey the orders of the Governors, extra
payments once made to the tax-collector which later took on the form
of regular annual payments, and all sorts of other petty exactions.

As regards the system of collecting the taxes, it was usual for the
Abbasid Caliphs to farm the taxes to the Governors, who in their
turn leased them to their subordinates. The latter also held the heads
of tribes or a few of the most influential people of each districL

TAXATION IX PERSIA

741

responsible for the actual collection. These people entered into a kind
of official agreement by which they undertook to collect the usual
taxes, thus saving the Governor of the district all the trouble and
expense connected with such collection and at the same time
guaranteeing the payment of the amount due. A few of these agree-
ments or letters of guarantee, which make excellent readings, are
quoted in full in a rare and impublished manuscript called “ Kitab-i-
Qum

This system of farming the taxes to Governors of provinces was
mostly responsible for the semi-independent character of such
Governors at a later period, and constituted the net income of the
Caliphs from these provinces after allowing due pro\dsion for the
defraying of the cost of garrisons, the salaries of local officials, etc.

As an example of what Persia paid to the early Abbasid Caliphs.
I quote here from Ibn Khaldun the revenues of those provinces which
were included in the present territories of Persia during the reign
of Caliph Mamun : —

Province.

Cash.

Dirhams.

Kind.

Ahwaz

•25,000,000

30,000 ratls of sugar.

Pars

27,000,000

30,000 ratls of rose water and
20,000 ratls of black olives.

Kirnian

4,200,000

Cloth material for 500 suits of
clothes and 20,000 ratls of dates.

Karaj

300,000

Makran

400,000

Gilan

5,000,000

Khorasan

28.000,000

2,000 bars of silver, 1,000 horses,
1,000 slaves. 20,000 suits of
clothes and 1,000 bundles of
silk.

Jorjan

12,000,000

Qumas

1,500,000

1,000 bars of silver.

Tabaristan

0,300,000

600 carpets, 200 cloaks, 500 suits
of clothes, 300 handkerchiefs,
300 brass bowls.

Pay

12,000,000

20,000 ratls of honey.

Hamadan

11,300,000

12,000 ratls of honey and 1,000
ratls of pomegranate juice.

742

MOSTAFA KHAX FATEH

Province. ('ash.

Dirhams.

Dinur and Nihavand 10,700,000
Masbazan and Reyan 4,000,000
Zour 6,700,000

Azarbaijan 4,000,000

In A.D. 873 the greater part of Persia fell into the hands of the
SafEarids, who are said to have exacted large sums of money from
the people. The ambitions of Yaqub ibn Laith and the wars waged
by his brother Amr must have cost the country considerable sums
of money. There are no records of any changes in the system of
taxation during their reigns but it can be assumed that their exactions
were heavy.

During the tenth century two semi-independent dynasties ruled
in Persia, the Samanids and the Dailamites. The Samanids are
on the whole noted for their good treatment of their subjects. The
Dailamites were nominally obedient to the Caliph, and Ali Bin Buya
paid for some years a sum of 600,000 gold dinars to the Caliph’s treasury.
During the reign of Azud-ud-Dawleh he increased the land-tax, levied
a tax on animals and introduced a state monopoly of all the ice and
snow in the country. Vassal says that the Kharaj of the territory
under Azud-ud-Dowleh’s rule was 2,000,000 gold dinars.

There is very scanty information about the system of taxation
during the Ghaznavids who ruled in Persia in the tenth and eleventh
centmies. It can be assumed, however, that owing to the Ghaznavid
conquests of northern India and the immense riches that resulted
from these, the Persians were not oppressed and the usual taxes were
collected on a fair basis.

Then came the Seljuks, during the reign of whom we read of the
extension of Justice and the prosperity of the people. Many new
lands came under cultivation, large numbers of dams were built,
numerous irrigation canals constructed, all of which are evidence
of the security which was prevalent at that time j consequently the
burden of taxation cannot have been heavy or inequitable.

The Seljuks were succeeded by the Mongols, who overran Persia,
massacring vast numbers of its inhabitants. The economic life of
the country was virtually destroyed and many areas which then went
out of cultivation have never since been under the plough. The
result was that the whole official class was wiped out, the
records were destroyed, the system of communications was rendered

TAXATION IN PERSIA

743

impossible, and the currency disappeared to be replaced by their
own crude system which was wholly inadequate to the requirements
of a highly organized and prosperous state such as Persia had been.

It was left to the Safavi dynasty after a lapse of nearly 150 years
to restore the national spirit and administrative organization of the
Empire, upon the memory rather than upon the foundations left
by their Seljnk predecessors.

That they were able to do so and that they succeeded in restoring
within a few decades the unity and the prestige which the country
had enjoyed under the Seljuks is due to the fact that during the
previous 150 years of anarchy the Mongols had not only failed to
devise any system of their own. but had been virtually absorbed by
the more intelligent and more virile race whom they had overwhelmed
and massacred but never governed. The Mongol Empire in fact
shared the same weaknesses and suffered the same fate as that of their
Greek and Arab predecessors and of their Afghan and Turkish
successors.

VOL IV. PART IV,

STUDIES IN CONTEMPORARY ARABIC LITERATURE
By H. A. R. Gibb
I. The ^Nineteenth Century

/^F the modern literatures of the East, that of the Arabic-speaking
” peoples has received singularly little attention in Europe. The
most probable explanation is that the small body of Europeans who
read Arabic with any ease are so occupied with researches into the
rich historic past of Islam and the Islamic peoples, that the present
holds no interest, or possibly no attraction, for them. But the fact,
whatever its cause, is regrettable. It creates a misundersAnding
in the minds of less qualified but more interested persons, a
misunderstanding which even years of residence in the East may
do nothing to remove. There is prevalent, indeed, in France and
Germany, no less than in England, a markedly negative attitude
towards neo- Arabic literature, which reaches its absolute point in the
dictum of a recent writer that “ Modern Egypt has no language, no
literature, no legends of its own ”. ' As it stands the statement is
untrue ; but for the tag it would be grotesque. Modern Egypt
has not yet indeed severed its connexion with the Arabic and the
Islamic world. Yet in the same work it is recorded ^ that “ Cairo
has two hundred and seventeen printing presses, which turn out on
an average one book or brochure a day ". Even granting the addendum
that “ Much of this is translation into Arabic of western fiction ”>
there is a substantial residue, to some part of which no unbiassed
critic would deny without examination the status of literature.

In face of this no apology is required for some attempt to describe
the character and tendencies of a number of works by recent and
contemporary writers in Egypt and Syria.® It is obvious that no study
of the social phenomena of any country can possibly be complete
without some imderstanding of the literature produced and read in it.
In the case of the Arabic-speaking countries their present literature

^ George Young, Egypt (London, 1927), p. s.

=> Ibid., p. 284.

® Except for a few scattered articles, the only European sources of reference are a
number of studies in various Russian journals by Professor I. Kratchkowsky (whose
personal encouragement I would here gratefully acknowledge), and the review pages
of recent numbers of the Miltheilungen of the Berlin Oriental Seminary (MSOS.),
due to Professor G. Kampffmeyer. See also MSOS., xxviii (1925), 249-52.

746

H. A. R. GIBB —

serves with special force as a criterion of the intellectual movements
now agitating them ; indeed there is no other by which the real can
be distinguished from the artificial so clearly and decisively. The field
is already so large that it can be covered only by long and intensive
study, and the present series of articles must be confined in the first
instance to modern prose writing. Modern Arabic poetry, like cla.ssical.
is a subject sui generis. A still more promising field of study which
awaits investigation is modern Arabic drama. ^ especially the plays
\mtten in the colloquial speech of Egypt, but such a study, if it is
to be anything but a theoretical exercise, demands a wider acquaintance
with the Egyptian stage than falls to the lot of most European students.
Even within the sphere of prose literature certain limits must be
fixed. It is fully justifiable to include in a classical " literature
technical and scientific works, since it is only as books that they
survive. In dealing with recent and contemporary literature, on the
other hand, all considerations demand the exclusion of technical
matter, unless, indeed, it possesses a literary value by reason either
of its style or of the influence it exerts. Nevertheless in a young
literature, standing often in close dependence on foreign models, these
limits must not be so strictly enforced as where a definite tradition
has been established. Arabic literature in particular must take into
account much that would not come within the scope of literature,
as it is understood in Western Europe.

It may be asked at this point by what right Arabic literature
is called a young literature. To all appearances it is entitled to claim
a history of thirteen centuries, a longer period of continuous literary
activity than any living European language can boast. But beneath
the apparent linguistic continuity Arabic literature is undergoing
an evolution comparable in some respects to the substitution of
Patristic for Classical Greek literature and idiom. Neo-Arabic
literature is only to a limited extent the heir of the old “ classical "
Arabic literature, and even shows a tendency to repudiate its
inheritance entirely. Its leaders are for the most part men who have
drunk from other springs and look at the world with difierent eyes.
Yet the past still plays a part in their inteUectual background, and
there is a section amongst them upon whom that past retains a hold
.scarcely shaken by never influences. For many decades the partisans

1 For this see Zaydin iv, 152-7 ; Muhammad Bey TaymOr UjUl)' (Cairo,

1922), esp. 22-6, 47-112 ; al-‘Af£qad CjUlk.. 259-62 ; BSOS.. ii, 255-6.

STUDIES IN CONTEMPORARY ARABIC LITERATURE

747

of the *■ old " and the “ new have engaged in a struggle for the soul
of the Arabic world, a struggle in which the victory of one side over the
other is even yet not assured. The protagonists are (to classify them
roughly for practical purposes) the European-educated classes of
Egyptians and S^Tians on the one hand, and those in Egypt and the
less advanced Arabic lands whose education has followed traditional
lines on the other. Whatever the ultimate result may be, however,
there can be no question that the conflict has torn the Arabic world
from its ancient moorings, and that the contemporary literature of
Egypt and S3’ria breathes, in its more recent developments, a spirit
foreign to the old traditions.

It is indispensable to examine in some detail the genesis of these
modern movements. During the nineteenth centurj’, which found,
at its opening, the Arabic world still slowly recovering from the nervous
exhaustion that followed its brilliant medieval career, and still closely
tied to its old traditions, there was a progressive infiltration of Western
ideas. ^ While the literarv' activities of the early part of the century
were thus merely a continuation of those of the preceding centuries,
a steady current of European, and more particularly French, thought
was being simultaneoush’ injected into the minds of two different
sections of the communit\’, in two different centres, and from two
sources differing widely’ in their aims and methods.

^ The most complete account of Arabic literature in the nineteenth century is
Pere Louis Cheikho’s aUAdab nl-'arahhja fi'l-qnrn at-td-^i'-'ashar (2 vols.. second edition,
Beyrouth, 1924-6 — a supplementary volume including wTiters Avho died between
1901 and 1926 is in course of republication from (d-Machriq. 1925-7). This work is
quoted below as Cheikho. The fourth volume of GurgI Zaydan's Ta’rlkh dddb al-
lughah al-'arabhja (Cairo, 1914) devotes the greater part of its space to the literary
organizations of the nineteenth century, schools, libraries, societies, etc. Keither
of these works offers a general study and analysis of the various movements. More^
detailed accounts of the principal writers are given in Gurgi Zaydan’s collection of
biographies (mainly reprinted from the journal al-Hildl) entitled MasMhir ask-Sharq
(second ed., Cairo, 1911), quoted below as M Sh. Similar biographies are scattered
through various Arabic periodical publications, complete sets of any of which £.ie
scarcely to be found in London.

There are no European studies of comparable scope. The sections devoted to
nineteenth century literature in C. Huart's Litterature Arnbe (pp. 404-35) and C.
Brockelmann's Gesrhichte der Arabischen Litteratur (voL ii. 469-96 ; pp. 241-50 of his
handbook) are little more than random catalogues of names and books, meaningless
when divorced from the movements that alone give them significance. English
works on Arabic literature treat exclusively of classical literature. A series of
articles from the pen of my honoured teacher, Shaykh M. H. ‘Abd ar-Raziq, in this
Bidletin (Vol. II. pp* 249-65, 755-62) has unfortunately remained uncompleted. An
excellent general analysis by Professor Kratchkowsky appeared in Vostok, vol. i
(Peterburg, 1922). pp- 67-73

748

H. A. K. GIBB—

In Egj'pt the principal sources from which European thought
was radiated were the technical schools founded by Muhammad
(Mehemet) ‘All, and the educational missions which he despatched
to Europe. These schools, modelled on European lines, often under
European supervision, had as their first aim the training of doctors •
administrators, lawyers and technical experts of all kinds, who were
necessar}- for the carrying out of the Pa.sha's ambitious projects. It wa.'
inevitable that many of the graduates .should be attracted towards
other sides of Western culture than those which they were primarily
studying, more especially towards French literature. Particularly
was this the case in the School of Languages, under the guidance of
the gifted Eifa‘ah Bey at-TahtawI ( 1801-73), ^ whose students trans-
lated in all more than two thousand works into Arabic and Turkish.
The effect on Arabic literature in Egypt was not immediate, but bore
fruit in the second wave of Occidentalism under Khedive Lsma’Il.
As a typical product of the advanced wing of this movement we may
take Rifa‘ah Bey's pupil, ‘Osman Galfd (1 829-98). ^ His principal
literary works were all translations of famous French books, Paul et
Virginie, the fables of Lafontaine. and a few of Moliere's comedies.
The remarkable feature of his work, however, was not the fact of
the translations, but their modernist spirit. Lafontaine he translated
into simple, unaffected Arabic ver.se, but Moliere into colloquial
Egyptian. The time was scarcely ripe for a step so decisive, but
the complete breach with the past which it illustrated was an indication
of the spirit of the age. “ Egypt. ' said her Khedive. “ has become
a part of Europe ; Egyptian literature should show its independence
of Asiatic and African traditions.

In Syria the westernizing movement was more rapid and thorough
among the Christian communities, particularly of the Lebanon.
Its agents were the missionaries and their schools, where the younger
generation came under direct European influence, strengthened in
many cases by subsequent study in the West, chiefly in France. In
its early stages the movement went rather too far in the direction of
westernization, and tended to produce a loss of balance.* The most

* M.Sh., ii, 19-24 ; Cheikho ii^, 8. An excellent study of him from the pen of
Muh. a 9 -Sadiq Husayn Bey appeared m as-Siassn, weekly edition, 28th May, 1927.

^Cheikho, ii4 100-2; Zaydan, iv, 245; BSOS., li, 256-7; Brockelmann. ii.
476-7 ; esp. Vollers, ZDilG., xlv (1891), 36 ff,

’ As a figure typical of many we may take Framsls Marrash of Aleppo (1836-73)
(Cheikho, ii^, 45-8 ; M.Sh., ii, 285-8). His works, which are chiefly on social and
philosophical subjects, but include one novel, were inspired by liis studies, not in
Arabic, but in French literature. Cf. Qustakfal-Himsi, V.lnha’ Halab ( \leppo, 1925),
pp. 20-30.

STUDIES IX COXTEMPORAEY ARABIC LITERATURE

749

remarkable S\Tian figure of this early period was the celebrated
(Ahmad) Faris ash-Shidyaq (1804-87)d Only his early education was
obtained in SjTia, and it is probable that a stronger influence was
exerted on him by the westernizing movement in Egypt, where he
worked for a time on the staff of the Official Gazette, afterwards spending
several years in various European countries. He was converted to
Islam in the fifties, while in the service of the Bey of Tunis, and settled
finally in Coustantinople, where the erstwhile modernist became one
of the champions of Islamic orthodo.xy.

The break thus suddenly created between the old and the new
in both the principal centres of Arabic literature seemed to be complete.
The Arabic literary world was split into two hostile camps, each
bitterly contemptuous of the other. On both sides, indeed, the
protagonists were in an artificial position. The adherents of the old
tradition were out of touch with the developments which were
revolutionizing contemporary thought ; they appealed only to a
narrowing circle of kindred spirits, and in so far as they remained
tenaciously conservative they were fighting a losing battle. The
protagonists of the new movement, on the other hand, as is often the
way with small groups, had run or been thrust too far ahead, and in
cutting themselves adrift from the past they were hacking at their
own roots. At this stage no original literary creation could be expected
of them ; they were still suffering from the bewilderment and lack of
mental adjustment caused by the suddenness of the revolution.
Western ideas had been too rapidly acquired to have penetrated more
than skin-deep.

After the Reformation, the Counter-Reformation. The more
far-seeing conservatives realized that simple immobility meant
ultimate defeat, and that if their old traditions were to count for
anjThing in the lives of their people, the past must be restudied at
its sources, and its values reaffirmed in living terms, adequate to the
needs of the age. The cobwebs spun by generations of imitative
writers during the last few centuries of stagnation and decay must
be cleared away. This revivalist movement also showed itself in both
Syria and Egypt, but again in different fashions. In Syria it took the
form of an Arab revival — a throw-back to the historic Weltanschauung
and methods of the first Arab centuries. This school is linked with the

' M.Sh. u, 81-92 ; Cheiklio, ii®, 86-8 ; Huart, Literature arabe, 408-9.

750

H. A. R. GIBB

name of Nasif al-Yaziji (1800-71), ^ its founder and inspiration. The
purpose to which he dedicated his life was to restore pure classical
Arabic to its old status, and sweep out all disfiguring modernisms in
style and thought. He stands out as indisputably the greatest Arabic
scholar of his time, and his influence extended far beyond the limits
of Syria . Nevertheless his work was a. tour de force in so far as he rej ected
all accommodation to the circumstances of his age, and his school,
continued after his death by many of his pupils, notably his son
Ibrahim (1847-1906), ^ was unable to maintain a standard henceforth
impracticable. Nasif was indeed one of the “ pillars ” of the modern
Arabic renaissance, but not in the sense that he determined the
direction which it was to follow ; rather that it was largely due to his
lifework that the Syrian school, which played so great a part in the
following decades, was saved from the danger that threatened it of
declining into a pale reflection of a culture foreign to its natiue and
traditions, and recalled to a better appreciation of its own history
and hterature.

■While Yaziji was thus striving to stem the tide of modernism,
there was growing around him in Bayrut itself another school of writers,
whose influence eventually outweighed his and gave to S}’Tia the pre-
dominant position in Arabic letters which it enjoyed in the latter
half of the century. ^Tiile associating itself with his aim of reviving
the ancient learning of the Arabs, it sought also to assimilate the
elements of value in Western literature and literary technique.^ The
principal leader of this school was Butrus al-Bustani (1819-83),* a
pioneer in many branches of literary activity, and founder of the first
Syrian National School . The breadth of his interests, visible even

M.Sh., ii, 9—18 : Cheikho, ii*. 27—35. See also Chenery, The Assembhes of
al-Hanri (London, 1867), 98-101 ; Kratchkowsky, Vostok, ii, 91.

* M.Sh., ii, 119-36 ; Cheikko, ii*, 38-43. To the works there enumerated there
is now to be added the selection from his letters, etc., published in Cairo in 1920 under
the title of ^.3-jUI

* Of the many institutions which contributed to the spread of Western studies
in Bayrut, the Syrian Protestant College (now the American University), founded in
1866, stood in the closest relation with the leaders of the literary movement and
exercised the most far-reaching influence. In its early years it was directed by a
group of notable scholars, the most remarkable of whom was Dr. Cornelius van Dvck
(1818-95; see M.Sh., u, 40-54 ; Cheikho, ii*, 4), a close friend of Butrus al-BustLi,
and author of a number of educational works in Arabic, chiefly in the physical
sciences. For the American Press (1834). the Catholic Press (1848) and other
printing presses in Syria prior to 1870 see Cheikho, i*, 48, 76-8.

* M.Sh., ii, 25-32 ; Cheikho, ii*, 126-7.

STUDIES IN CONTEMPORARY ARABIC LITERATURE

751

in his comprehensive (and clearly-arranged) dictionary of classical
and modern usage found a field of expression in his

Encyclopaedia S ), the first of its kind in Arabic.

It was left unfinished at his death, four additional volumes, bringing
the total up to eleven, being afterwards added by his literary heirs
and executors, his son Salim (1848-84),“ and distant cousin Sulayman
(1856-1925).^ Sulayman al-BustanI is the outstanding representative
of the Christian SjYian community in the last decades of the century,
with all its eager, many-sided activities and restless wanderings.^ A
successful journalist, merchant, statesman (he was for a time IVIinister
of Commerce in the Turkish Government), poet, and inventor, his
supreme service to Arabic literature was the translation of the Ih'ad
from the original into Arabic verse — the first sustained attempt to
present a masterpiece of classical literature in a form which the Arabic
worhl coidd assimilate.®

Yet another great service to Arabic, perhaps the greatest of all,
was rendered by the Syrians of this intermediate period. WTiile
Egypt had had its Journal Officiel ( ^ j-'' ) since 1828, it

could boast of no non-official journal until 1866, when Shaykh Abu’s-
Sa‘ud founded the bi-weekly Wddi'n-jSll at Cairo. The earliest news-
papers due to private enterprise appear to have been a number of
ephemeral journals which appeared in Sjuia between 1855 and 1860,®
but the distinction of being the first regular non-official journal of
standing issued in the Arabic language belongs to al-Jaicd’ib, founded
at Constantinople in 1860 by Ahmad Faris.

The example once set was not long in finding imitators. Under the
favourable conditions of Isma'iTs reign a host of journals sprang
up in Egj'pt, most of them doomed to early extinction. With few
exceptions the proprietors and editors of these journals were Syrian

^ See on this Dozy, Supplement aux Dictionnaires arabes, p. xi.

“ Cheikho, 127-8 ; Zaydan, iv, 274.

® Kratchkow'sky in the Bagaly-Festschrift of the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences
(Kiev. 1927) ; al-Mackriq, xxiii (1925), 778 ff.

^ The social and intellectual effervescence of the Lebanon between the sixties
and nineties, which is one of the most remarkable phenomena in modern Arabic
history, still awaits a historian.

® On this see Kratchkowsky in article cited above (note 3), and review by Prof.
Margohouth in JRAS., 1905, 417-23.

® Zaydan. iv, 64-5. For a list of works dealing with Arabic journalu-m see BSOS,,
11. 257-8.

752

H. A. R. GIBB

Christians, graduates of the schools of Ba\Tutd The part played by
journalism in the development of modern Arabic literature is almost
impossible to over-estimate. The journals not only supplied a school
for the training of young writers, but impelled Arabic style along a
line of evolution to meet the daily needs of the press. The old literar}^
style, the creation of a small elite, involved, periphrastic, and laden
with obscurities, was out of touch with modern needs and expression,
and unfitted to serve as a medium for organs whose existence depended
on obtaining the widest possible range of readers. Even the less .stilted,
but still severely academic style of Bustani and his school, was
impossible. Something else was needed. By tradition and all the
inherited instincts of the Arab writer, the colloquial was ruled out ;
moreover it would have placed a fatal obstacle to the expansion
of their area of influence outside the narrowest local zone. The task
which lay before the journalists was not an ea.sy one, and their problem
could not be solved in a day. In its earlier stages the language of the
journals was, in the eyes of Arabic critics, a very model of poverty
(rakakah). Syrian writers showed a tendency to cultivate fluency at
the expense of style, and incurred the reproach (still laid at their door)
of using unduly Eiuopean turns of phra.se. But as the press developed
it began to acquire a power of expression and a flexibility that Arabic
has scarcely known in its long literary hi.story. For this gradual
improvement journalism was greatly indebted to the growing strength
of the new literary movement in Egypt, to which we must now turn.

The revivalist activities of the conservative leaders in Egypt were
timid and hesitating when compared with the bold antiquarianism
of YazijI. The principal reason for this was undoubtedly that, whereas
the Syrian movement was almost entirely the work of Christians
stressing the Arab element in their history,^ the Egyptian movement
was the work of Muslims. The former could throw off the incubus

' "'•t {Manor

XVI (1331), 875). See also the chapter La Presse by Achille Sekaly Bey in the volume
entitled L'Egypte {Cairo, 1926), especially pp. 431-2 ; ■ II est generalement adnus

que 1 element syrien a joue un role preponderant dans la creation et le developpement
de la presse periodique aussi bien que dans la renaissance des Lettres arabes en Egypte.
Jusqua ces dernieres annees, ses journeaux ont montre le plus de vitalite, d'imtiative.
d esprit d organisation et de progres. Mais, apres la guerre surtout, ces qualites ont
commence a se manifeater parnu Telement purement egyptien.”

^ The fact may be accepted without prejudice to the ultimate results of ethno-
graphical research into the population of the Lebanon.

STUDIES IX COXTEMPOEARY ARABIC LITERATURE

753

of five or (if they liked) ten centuries with light hearts ; to their Muslim
contemporaries there were theological reasons for walking more
warily. When iaqild is erected into a dogma, only the boldest spirits
dare pry into what lies behind. The classical revival found its most
prominent representatives m the field of education. The analogue
of Xasif al-YazijI was Shaykh Hamza Fathallah (1819-1918),^ for main-
years chief inspector of Arabic in the Government schools, who “ loved
the Arabs and the Arabic tongue, and considered that God had endowed
it with every distinction {mazlyah). that every form of modern civiliza-
tion which was now being revived had been anticipated by the Arabs,
and that its name had a synonym in their language.’ He was one of
the delegates from the Egyptian government to the congress of
orientalists at Stockholm in 1888.- The delegation was headed by
‘Abdallah Pasha FikrI (1834-90).^ the Egyptian Minister of Education,
whose literary style is sufficiently indicated by a current saying
comparing him with the famous Badi' az-Zaman of Hamadhan. the
popularizer of rhymed prose.* Xevertheless, Fikri Pasha was a man
of more enlightened views than Shaykh Hamza, and ranks justly as
one of the pillars " of the revival, together with his colleague and
successor in office, the more famous ‘Ali Pasha Mubarak ( 1823-93). ^
The reputation of both ministers rests, in fact, less on their literary
works than on their activities as educational reformers. By their
joint efforts the Kihedivial Library was brought into being, while
‘Ali Pasha Mubarak was the founder of the Ddr al-'ulum, the first
higher training college in Egypt outside al-Azhar. It is not a little
due to the influence of these three scholars that the teaching of Arabic
in the Government schools has retained to this day a strongly con-
servative character, in striking contrast to the curricula in other
departments.® A very considerable part of their work, however,
would not have been possible without the aid of the printing-presses,
which from the time of Isma‘Il began to publish the great medieval

^ .See nl-Waslt by Shaykh Ahmad al-Iskandan, pp. 339—12.

- On hi3 qasida see Goldziher’s remark.s m Ahh. Arab. Phil., i, 173.

^ J/.XA.. 11 , 305-10 : Cheikho, 95-6 ; al-\Vasit, '333-5.

* 1 ‘ J

® M.Sh., ii, 33-9 ; al-Wasil, 335-7 ; Cheikho, ii®, 97 ; BSOS.. ii, 755-6 : ZDilG.,
xlvii (1893), 720-2 ; and review by Goldziher in WZKil., iv. 347-52.

‘ See on this subject the pungent criticisms of Dr, Taha Husayn
(Cairo, 1927) pp. 2-13

754

H. A. R. GIBB —

dictionaries and to broadcast the works of medieval Arabic
writers.!

The movement of revival found its way even into al-Azhar,^
where it was to gain a strong adherent in the person of Muhammad
‘Abduh (1849-1905), 3 freshly up from his village of Mahallet Xasr
in the Delta. The young shaykh would probably have been a notable
personabty even if he had gone no farther, but the course of his life
and interests was radically changed by his contact with the fiery-
spirited Jamal ad-Din “ al- Afghani Under his influence Muhammad
‘Abduh began to study modern European works, and the mystic in
him gave place to the reformer. He combined in himself, as none of
his predecessors had done for many centuries, the Muslim and the
rationalist ; the aim which he set before his eyes was to restate the
truths of Islam in terms of modern thought, and to recharge the moral,
social, and intellectual life of Egypt with fresh energy, derived not from
vain efforts to uproot the past, still less from attempts to restore the
past, but by fully accepting the past as the foundation of national life
and thought, and building upon it by the aid of the vivifying elements
in the rationalistic and progressive culture of the M"est. These ideas
he expounded in a long series of treatises and articles, the language
and style of which sounded a new note in journalism by their masterly
blend of the strength and colour of the old idiom with the flexibility
of the new.

Another factor which contributed greatly to the elevation and
modernizing of Arabic style was the establishment of learned and

^ The Arabic writers themselves have not been slow to recognize the debt which
the classical movement in the East owes to European Orientalists during the nineteenth
century, by their editions of classical Arabic texts and their researches into the history
and literature of the Middle Ages. It is not too much to say that, but for the facilities
they placed within the reach of all (aided by the piratical activities of Egyptian
publishers) a great part of classical Arabic literature would still be a closed hook to
the majority of modern Arabic intellectuals. See also Cheikho, ii“, 72 ; and especially
M. Kurd ‘All in Mijallnh aj-mnjma‘ al-'arabl (Damascus), vol viii (1927),

4.3.3-56.

^ Rissalat al Tawhid (see note 3), pp. xviii-xix.

’ A considerable literature has already arisen round Muhammad ‘Abduh, both in
Arabic and in European languages. The principal biography in Arabic is in vol. viii
(1333) of al-Mandr. An excellent biographical sketch from the pen of Shaykh Mustafa
•Abd ar-Raziq will be found in the preface to the French translation of his Ri.salat
at-TawhU (Parrs, 1925), together with analyses of his works and other biographical
references.

! M.Sh., ii, 55-66 ; M. ‘Abduh in al-Jami'ah, vol. v, 122-9 ; I. Goldziher, art.
“ Djamal ad-Din ” in Encyc. of Mam. with citations of authorities. See also an
article by Shaykh Mustafi'Abd ar-Raziq in as-Siasm, weekly edition. 4th June, 1927.

STUDIES IX CONTEMPORARY ARABIC LITERATURE

755

literary societies, both in S}Tia and in Egypt, ^ followed in Egypt by
the establishment of political societies, as a result of the impetus
given by Jamal ad-Din to the movement for “ freedom The
pohtical societies especially, in accordance with their founder's methods,
served as training grounds for journalism and public speaking. Their
members not only took leading parts in the constitutional agitation
which accompanied the "Arabist mov'ement between 1880 and 1882,
but also introduced into Arabic journalism a new and fruitful principle.
This principle was to appeal to and stir up the masses, in order to
enlist their support for the aims of the agitators. The outstanding
figures were the Christian Adlb Ishaq of Damascus (1856-85) ^ and
the Muslim "Abdallah Nadim (1833/4-96),^ both disciples of Jamal
ad-Din. The former in his journals Misr and At-taqaddum created
a style based on French rather than on Arabic models (he had received
his early education at the famous Lazarist school in Damascus),
which by its vigour, simplicity, and avoidance of all affectation,
speedily gained an admiring audience. Nadim was more remarkable
for his talents as an orator and poet. He was the Tyrtaeus of the
movement. Yet he too made his mark as a journalist, both in the
humorous journal At-tanklt ivaH-tahkit (“ Raillery and Reproof ’’)
of the ‘ArabI days and the short-lived Al-ustddh in 1892-3. In these,
as in his orations, he relied not so much on a simplified literary style
as on the ordinary colloquial language.* No further evidence is
needed for the influence and efficacy of this new weapon than the
abrupt termination of both journals by the arrest and expulsion
of their editor.

The thirty years which followed the British occupation were
marked by an amazingly rapid development of the material basis of
literature. The restoration and expansion of its commercial prosperity
and the relative freedom of expression which Egypt enjoyed, contrasted
with the increasingly repressive regime in Syria, gave to Egypt an
uncontested primacy in the Arabic world. Scholars, men of letters,

1 Zaydan, i'’, 78-104.

- M.Sh., 11 , 75-80 ; Cheikho, ii*, 133-5.

3 M.Sh., ii, 105-12 ; Cheikho, ii^, 99-100.

* Even before Nadim the colloquial had been used for nationalist propaganda
by the Jewish journalist James >Sanua ( l^L, y author of the notorious

Travels of Abu Kaddara J j ojliaj — sic), a weekly broadsheet

lithographed in Paris between -August, 1878, and March, 1879, and of its con-
tinuation, the monthly broadsheet Abil Xaddarn.

756

H. A. R. GIBB —

journalists, all flocked out of Syria into Egypt, and with the union of
the two parent stocks thus consummated, there is no cause for wonder
that a plentiful progeny of journals, societies, and printing-presses
should have sprung up everywhere, and have everj'where found material
to keep them in constant activity. The British connexion, moreover,
introduced a new element into the ferment of ideas. The study of
English literature, both in the higher schools and by students in this
country, did much to widen the Egy'ptian outlook, and has had in
particular a marked influence on several outstanding figures in con-
temporary letters.

Of the many scores of writers of this period there are few who need
detain us by reason of their services to Arabic literature or the influence
which they exerted on their contemporaries or their successors.
The first decade, in the literary as in the political field, formed a period
of recovery and stocktaking after the fevers of the preceding years.
In the second there was a renewal of energy and of controversy. The
third was marked by the rise of a new generation, with whom begins
contemporary Arabic literature in the strict sense. There was not at
first any change in the relative positions and activities of the parties.
The uncompromising conservatives had their Shaykh Hamza, with his
Azhar-trained shaykhs or Dar al-‘ulum graduates supporting, by
conviction or opportunism, his educational policy. The reform
movement, though led by Shaykh Muhammad ‘Abduh, had to face
the bitter opposition of the “ orthodox ”, who were supported by the
Khedive,! and the Mu’ayyad imder the editorship of Shaykh ‘All
Yusuf (1863-1913),^ an attempt to organize world-wide Muslim
opinion in support of the religious and political aims of its promoters.®

^ Cromer, Modern Egypt, li, 180 note (one-vol. ed., p. 600, n. 1).

2 Himi, xxii (1914), 148-151 ; Manar, xvi (1331), 873-8, 947-56; Machriq, 1926,
225-6 ; al-‘Aqqad, al-Fusul, 207-13.

^ There is an interesting passage in the long decree of judgment given by Shaykh
Akmad AbuT-Khatwah (a leading modernist, d, 1906 ; see Manar, ix, 880) against
Shaykh ‘Ali Yusuf, in a suit brought against him by Shaykh ‘Abd al-Khaliq Sadat
(on whom see Cromer, ibid. 178, one-vol. ed., 598). The passage deserves to be cited
)n its entirety, not for its severe castigation of Shaykh ‘All, but as an ex cathedra
statement of the attitude of the Shar" to the Press. (Quoted from al-Liwa, 1904, No. 3,

pp. 43—4.) ..,.j ^ ^

V lAftj A-j U o ^ S-Aftj

‘A-_ili Ajlt

STUDIES IN CONTEMPORARY ARABIC LITERATURE

757

The name of Shaykh Muhammad ‘Abduh has acquired among the
present generation a prestige so great, that it is of some importance
to gain a precise idea of the results of his lifework. In his own view,
as we have seen, the principal object of his endeavours was to modernize
Muslim religious thought.^ In so far as Muslim religious thought is
to he judged by the teachings of its authoritative representatives,
the body of Azhar-trained shaykhs, it must be admitted that as yet
(for things may be vastly changed in a few years) there is little sign
of his success. His real disciples were found among the laymen,
more especially the European-educated classes, and that in two
directions. In the first place he and his WTitings formed, and still form.

aIAjL

I . a j (3 ^ Sajc*

Is isLt 'aj\^ (..5^ A— 1

JS-Afc ‘wiJi A-L^

VI ALhs- Asl^ aI* AA^^lj ^UJI

Ia j^J a a) ^Jc. ijLis:*:!— i A*)

a-L-j a-L-j i3!>I>-Vl

.. . ^ A3 A*.# aIc- t ^ OU/LLl

ij^ A* VI ‘ik.j'. A- a5j

A^^C 1 ^^Jc- Ali3l^ -A-^

IJjtj aJ2;>a- 4 ji ij ijj_ jb

Aji..ljJI a-'u*J1j [\£-j aLUI ^y* U1 VI V

^ J

>Aac- (3 A^c--aj

j) aAc- ^y* t-iyUiaj! ijOK 0-Aft (_j I4.

u^, ^ ^ ^U)l (3

liT L«A1C- is llLi? ^

A*..A. i A3l^c-ia]l AjtlS . 3a^A»

1 Few would subscribe to Cromer's dictum : “ I suspect that my friend A) du . . .
was in realty an A^ostic ” {op. cit., ii, 180; one-vol. ed., C99). He was rather a
Mu'taz.lite; cf. R'ssalat al-Tawkid, xlviii, Ixii, Ixiv, Ixviii, Ixxxiv ; and Goldziher,
Die Richtunjen der islamischen Koranauslegung (Leiden, 1920), 322 ff.

758

H. A. R. GIBB —

a shield, a support, and a weapon for those social and political reformers
of whom Qasin Bey Amin was the chief. By the authority of his name
they were able to gain acceptance among the people for those of
the new principles for which they could not have gained a hearing
before In the second place he bridged, at least temporarily,
the widening gap between the traditional learning and the new
rationalism introduced from the West, and made it possible for the
Muslim graduate of the Western universities to prosecute his studies
without being conscious of a fear, or incurring the reproach, that he
had abjured his faith. With the removal of this inhibition Muslim
Egypt seemed to win a release of energy. Between the opposition
parties of modernists and conservatives there came into existence
a new third party, to which the majority of present-day writers
of standing belong. All of them are in var3dng degrees the heirs of
Muhammad ‘ Abduh ; he, more than any other single man, gave modern
Egyptian thought a centre of gravity, and created, in place of a mass
of disconnected writings, a literature inspired by definite ideals of
progress within an Islamic framework.

The Mushm community produced in the nineties two other re-
formers whose work was destined to have a great influence on Egyptian
thought. It is a melancholy reflection that political intrigue, by setting
these two men in antagonism, did much to weaken the force they might
have exerted on their contemporaries. The Kurd Qasim Bey Amin
(1865-1908),^ the champion of women's rights, seemed to have accom-
plished but little at his death, but his work has lived after him.
Mustafa Pasha Kamil (1874—1908),® the reorganizer of Egyptian
nationalism, gained a greater immediate success, though the movement
eventually flowed into other channels than those he dug. Both earned
a place in literature as the continuators of the direct style, initiated
by the journalists of the ‘Arabist movement. The influence of
Mustafa Kamil’s “ tearing prose in his journal al-Lmv. can still be
traced in the Egyptian press. Qasim Amin has a stronger claim still.
His limpid, effortless st^ le has all the simplicitv of great art. He
sought solely to con\ ec his feelings and descriptions to the reader s
mind in the most natural and appropriate terms, without sacrificing

1 Dr. Husayn Bey Haykal, Fi awqat al-fardgh, p. 116.

^ M.Sh.. 1 , 335-347 ; Haykal, op. c,t.. 96-148 ; Marhriq, 1926, 224-5 ; Kratch-

kovsky. Kasim Amin, ^ovayazhenschinn, sappl. to Mir I^lama i (.St Pet
= J/.iS'A., 1 , 319-325 ; Haykal in «<!-S!aas«, weekly ed., ISth June lO'’?

* The phrase is C. H. Becker’s {Der Islam, ii, 408). ’ ~ '

STUDIES IN COSTEMPORABY AEABIC LITERATURE

759

elegance and grace, and there are passages in his works that take their
place among the masterpieces of modern Arabic writing.

Side by side with these movements the old activity in the work
of translation continued with redoubled vigour, strengthening the
hands of the reformers by carrying the new ideas of Europe ever deeper
into the mind of Egypt. Of the many translators of this period the
one whose work was most effective in opening up new \dstas to the
Arabic world was Fathi Pasha Zaghlul (1863-1914).^ Himself a lawj’er,
his earliest translation was Benthani's Principles of Legislation,
followed in later years by translations of the sociological works of
Desmoulins and le Bon, to each of which he added a preface applying
their principles to Egyptian conditions and urging his fellow-country-
men to measures of reform.

Meanwhile the Syrian colony too continued to exercise a considerable
influence, especially on journalism. The services rendered to scientific
education in Egypt by Ya‘qub Sarriif (1852-1927) through his journal
al-Muqtataf received universal recognition on the jubilee celebrations
of that journal in 1926.'^ As a formative influence on Egyptian
thought and literature, however, he yields to his fellow-countryman
GurgI Zaydan (1861-1914).® A self-made man, Gm-gi Zaydan represents
the inexhaustible capacity of the Syrian for study and assimilation
at its best. The list of his works, and the variety of subjects of which
they treated, is not likely to find a match in any modern literature.
He did more than any other writer to spread a knowledge of Western
ideas and history, but was withal a devoted student and admirer
of old Arabic history and literature. However superficial some of his
works may appear to specialists, they cannot but admire his general
grasp and wide knowledge, and must admit that none was better fitted
to present it in a form acceptable to a society so constituted as that
of Egypt, S}Tian though he was. By his score of historical romances,*

* xxii (1914), 6J8-32. J/NON., xxix (1926), 249-51. A collection of hia
articles, mostly of the class called (“ Reflections ”), on aspects of social life,

was issued under the title of jirVl.

- It was founded at Bayrut in 1876 and transferred to Cairo in 1885, on account
of the Turkish censorship. On S.irruf see now Prof. Margoliouth m JRAS. 1927,
9;i7-8.

Zaydan, iv, 323-6 (appended by his sou) ; if.J/.d/., iv, 837-45.

* Two have been translated into French, one into German, and several into other

urient.'il languages (see ^ ^ hlj J, pp. 1-2). A detailed account of

these and other contemporary Egyptiannovels is given by Kratchkowsky, Istoricheskii
rom'in, etc., in Journal of Russian ilinistry of Education, June, 1911. 260-88.

VOL. IV. PART IV. 50

760

STUDIES IN CONTEMPORARY ARABIC LITERATURE

his five-volume history of Islamic civilization/ his four- volume history
of Arabic literature * (to mention but the principal of his many works),
above all by his monthly journal al-Hildl,^ he was Egypt’s school-
master out of school. Coinciding with the third, and most intense,
period of national awakening and assimilation, it is fully open to
question whether his activity was not even more effectual than
Muhammad ‘Abduh’s in leading contemporary Egyptian hterature
along the path which it has followed.

While the Syrians in Egypt thus continued to play a decisive
part in the moulding of neo-Arabic literature, in Syria itself the
creative impulse was all but extinguished. The later years of Sultan
‘Abd al-Hamid and the rule of the “ Committee of Union and Progress ’’
allowed no scope for independence of thought, and kept all publica-
tion under a remorseless censorship.^ Egypt’s gain is the measure
of Syria’s loss.

Yet Syria was still to enrich Arabic literature from a direction
entirely new and unexpected. Egypt was not the only, nor even
the principal, centre of the Syrian diaspora. For the hundreds of
Lebanese emigrants that settled in Europe and the thousands in
Egypt, tens of thousands settled in the United States and in Brazil.®
In the New World too, Arabic newspapers and Arabic literary circles
were foimded. The new conditions of life inevitably roused new
interests and aptitudes, which endeavoured to find expression in new
literary forms. It was not until the early years of the twentieth
century that the Syro-American school found itself, and began a
literary activity that could not fail, in view of the close relations
maintained between the emigrants and their native land, to attract
attention and find an echo in both Syria and Egypt. In their case
the break with the past was complete and irrevocable, and they and
their followers form the most distinctive school in contemporary
Arabic letters.

1 For translations of this into Persian. Turkish, Urdu, French and Enelish, see
nl-Hildl, xs (1912), 567-8. ®

^ Cnticisms by Haykal, Fi awqat al-faragh, 221-47 ; al-Machriq, 1911 582-95 ;
1912, 597 ff. ; 1913, 792-4. ^

’ First published in 1892. A selection from his articles in this journal was published
under the title of in 3 vols. (Cairo, 1919-21); review

by Cheikho, al-Machriq, 1921, 157, 715-6.

‘ Cf. Cheikho, ii^, 68, 4-6.

> There were also scattered colonies in other parts, e.g. in Santiago (Chile). For
Syrian emigration see also Cheikho in al-Machriq, 1910, 926 ff. The Syrians now
resident in the United States alone number, at the lowest estimate, 200,000

THE AGASTYA SELECTION OE TAMIL SAIVITE

HYMNS

By M. S. H. Thompson

J^EVARAM (Q^njnrrrLd), a condensed and figurative expression,
means “ a garland of verse addressed to God with the added
idea that devotion is the “ thread " on which the several “ flowers ”
or verses are strung. It thus forms a very fitting title for the devotional
songs of the three saints, Appar, Sundarar, and Sambandar, the
greatest of the sixty-three exponents of the Saivite religion in the
Tamil cormtry.

The traditional accounts of the poet-saints state that Sambandar
composed his first verses at the age of three, and was only sixteen
at the time of his death, that Sundarar was eighteen at the time of
his translation to heaven, and that only Appar, who is said to have been
a great traveller, lived to a good old age— eighty-one.

The songs of the Tevaram are for the most part grouped in hymns
of ten verses each, called padigams, and except for about 6 per cent
of them there is a refrain which gives the name of the temple at
which each was sung. The number of temples mentioned in this way
is 274, of which no less than 190 were in the Chola Kingdom, with
two in Ceylon.

The authoritative version of the padigams, the traditional accoimt
states, was preserved in a cell at the temple at Chidambaram, ^lien
the king, Abhaya-kulasekhara Chola (J 2 ^uuJ ^svQ^arr Q^rr^
Luasrrj-rT^rr), had the cell opened, the cadjan was found to be
covered with white ants. By careful treatment with oil the padigams
we have at the present day were rescued. The priest Xambi Andar
Nambi (^uuj!uj/rfirsn_T/f to whom the padigams were entrusted,

arranged them in seven groups, and provided metrical lives
of the authors, while a woman of the minstrel caste and the
descendant of the musician who had accompanied Sambandar on
some of his tours noted the chant to which each padigam was to be
sung. This is the Adangal-rnurai (jifi.du<aseh that is “ the

works comprising the Canon ".

The Tevaram is said to have been compiled in the eleventh
century. It was at any rate during a period of Saivite revival, for we
afterwards hear of a set-back to the Saivite cause. This was during

762

M. S. H. THOMPSON—

the reign of King Anapaya Chola {ji^rgurruj Qs^rr^ LD«'T/rTg/r).
This king showed a leaning towards Jainism in his study of the Jain
work J ivaka-cliintamani His Prime Minister,

a Yellala by caste, a devout Saivite and the builder of a temple,
took him to task, when the king, to justify himself, said that he had
turned to the J ivaka-cliintamani because there were no Saivite books
in Tamil. The Prime ilinister had then to tell him of the Tevaram
and of the metrical lives of the priest Xambi Andar Xambi, which he
read and expounded to the king. The king was converted, and the
Prime Minister, retiring to the temple at Chidambaram. \tTote elaborate
lives of the saints to serve as a background to the Tevaram. These
lives form the Perlija-furanam , and are in pleasant verse. An abstract
of the work was later made by one of the learned Brahmans of the
temple, but the compression is ruthless, and the book provides
little more than a “ table of contents ” to prefix to the larger work.

Perhaps one of the most interesting works compiled for the
popularization of the study of the Tevaram is what is known as the
Agastya Selection. This selection consists of only twenty-five
padigams, but it is claimed for it that he who recites it

gains the same merit as is gained by reciting the whole of
the 8,000 stanzas of the Tevaram.^ The sage Agastya, who, says
tradition, learned Tamil from one of the sons of Siva, is

venerated as the “ father of Tamil ”, and the inclusion of

his name in the title of the work was no doubt intended

merely to disarm criticism— the criticism of the orthodox, whom
any attempt at curtailment of a work of such sanctity as the Tevaram
would naturally revolt and antagonize. The following account is,
however, usually given of the circumstances that led to the compila-
tion of the work. Sage Sivalaya ^ was as good as he was learned,
and long he laboured to ma.ster the Tevaram. It was, however, a
task beyond his powers. Though it was with sorrow in his heart,
he repaired to the temple at Chidambaram, and there he spent many

‘ The following table may be of interest ; —

No of

No. of

No. included

Author.

padigams in the

pad ‘.game

in the

original Teinram.

extant.

Aga.stya Selection.

1. Appar.

49,000

312

2. Sundarar

37,000

101

3. Sambandar.

16,000

384

102,000

797

® Lit. Thf Temple of fiiva.

THE AGASTYA SELECTION OF TAMIL SAIVITE HYMNS

763

days in prayer and meditation before the mystic Hall of Gold. Then
one day it was revealed to him that if he went to Sage Agastya, in the
Podiya Hills (in Travancore), the great longing of his heart would
be satisfied. To the hills he went, and after three years spent in
prayer and penance, the sage appeared to him. taught him the whole
of the Tevaram, and selecting twenty-five padigams from it for
particular attention, assured him that in them were found all the
essentials of the Saivite religion.

Unlike most other works in Tamil, the selection does not begin
with an invocation, but with a metrical table of contents, followed by
an introduction, also in verse, in which the following analysis of the
selection is given (here tabulated) : —

Section.

Subject.

No. of
padigams.

Siva’s Grace ......

1-3

II.

Spiritual Aid .....

III.

The Truth of the Five Letters {^LUffleVTtu ’

) 5-8

IV.

The Sanctity of the Temple . . . ,

9-11

Siva's Form ......

12-16

VI.

The Sacred Feet ......

17-19

VII.

Worship .......

20-22

VIII.

Humility .......

23-25

The illustrative verses appended to this paper may, in some
measure, explain the purpose of this eightfold division. Hete, however,
it may be stated that the purpose of Sec. II is to emphasize the “ inward
grace ” bestowed by an outward sign, viz. the Sacred Ash of Saivism,
while Sec. Ill emphasizes the power of the ejaculatory prayer. The
Periga-piiranam account states that fourteen of the sixty-three Saints
attained salvation through grace, thirty through worship, and nineteen
by loving service to the devout.

The last padigam in the selection is the Tiru-to)ida-togai
(^(30 C'^/rsvsTL^ Q^rrcTKX, lit. “ The sum of holy service ”) of Sundarar.
It begins : “ I am the servant of the servants of the Brahmans who
live at Tillai ” (= Chidambaram), and gives the names, with
appropriate epithets, of sixty-two of the sixty-three saints. Devout
Saivites recite this hymn before sunrise every morning.

The Agastva Selection contains most of the best known hymns,
though in the selection made for the “ Heritage of India " series only
eighteen of the seventy-nine verses selected are from this selection.
It cannot, however, be denied that the compiler of the Agastya
Selection, whoever he may be, had a keen critical sense, and was justified

^ Translated ■■ A bou to Siva ’ and Hail. Si va

764

M. S. H. THOMPSON —

in stating in his introduction that “ those who recite the Agastya
Selection will be as those who recite the whole of the Tevaram, sung
throughout the wide world by the matchless Three

The illustrative verses that follow' are a fresh selection, and are not
found in the selection made for the “ Heritage of India " series by
Messrs. Kingsbury and Phillips.

Illustrative Verses

The sacred ash and the beads worn round the neck and the head
are the outward signs of Saivism or the religion of Siva. In Saivism
Siva is the supreme God ; in Vaishnavism or the religion of Vishnu
he is only one person of the triad Brahma, Vishnu, ^iva. §iva is
worshipped under twenty-five forms, each manifestation having its
own devotional aspect. In the verses that follow he is referred to under
some eight of these marlifestations. There is besides reference to what
are known as “ the eight deeds of prowess ”, commemorated at eight
famous temples in South India, two of which are mentioned in verses
Nos. 6 and 8.

^iva is worshipped both as having a form and as not having one.
The “ form of grace ” depicts him as riding on his bull Nandi with his
consort Uma at his left side. As Nataraja (lit. “ Lord of the dance ”)
he is represented as dancing. He has three eyes, the right eye being the
sun, the left the moon, and the one in the middle of his forehead fire.
His hair is matted in the ascetic way, and on it are the crescent moon,
the Ganges, and one or more cobras. He wears a garland of konrai
(cassia) on his head, and round his neck, which is dark, hangs a garland
of skulls. At his waist he wears either an elephant’s hide, a tiger's
skin, or a very scanty loin-cloth.

§ 1. The Lord's Grace

These two verses are from Sundarar's hymn of self-surrender. The
padigam was sung at the temple of TiruvenneynaUur, where Siva
manifested himself to him under “ the form of grace ”.

1 . 0^ Quitqh^§I(^ QuxttI

Qtuemi^ifmrCyxhsii Cin/fl rgena C^0rrtu

usmT(««?/r Q0murrfy CruswrC'mruj/yAjQj/i/r

frrmrjgrj} -snrcrrruJfeirfltuA) QevGmevrcvirQui.

0, thou who wearest the cool garlands and the crescent moon !

0, thou who hast a form like fire ! 0, thou who didst laugh so

THE AGASTYA SELECTION OF TAMIL SAIVITE HYMNS

765

that the fire burnt the enemies’ three cities ! 0, Master, who

dwellest at the abode of grace, Venneynallur, south of Pennai, where
the sand-banks are — being thy slave, can I still say I am not thine \
three cities were the three castles of three vainglorious
Asuras, which Siva reduced to ashes by merely laughing.]

2. LierrCevtu^d <«SD/r <sscDeJI^ cndsiufTp

ut(5t ^<asLji uetrLD/rLOsTryfl

C’urtKj&Tsr^ Q^evTurrA) QcxJcmQswrtu ^AQi/T[r(^L ^enpuj
(YTT(^r OevTLn <s/r6Yr«u QcvQerrevrevrQiM.

Can I say that I am not the slave of my Lord of Arur, dwelling at
Vennejmallur, south of Pennai the beautiful, which, having received
the water that falls from the clouds, with its waves for hands digs
a course for itself through the land, hmling around many great
and sparkling gems, praised by all.

§ 2. uenrruflevT exirrevn-gj/, Spiritual Aids

This verse is from a hymn of praise sung at the temple at Madura
by Sambandar.

3. ^^(yxvflev rrevvflcu^gl^

^4$ltULnrmj£/ ^^2/

uiTCU cJlevfltu^

^(snjrrm currujrrdT^(^^Q^.

What gives heaven is the ash, what is put on by the sages is
the ash, ash is the truth, what the great ones praise is the ash.
what bestows devotion is the ash, what is sweet to praise is the
ash, what gives all enlightenment is the ash — the sacred ash
of Him of holy Alavai [Madura].

§ 3. The Truth of the Five Letters

The first verse is from a hymn by Appar, the second verse from a
hymn by Sundarar.

4. ^AxViScJlerTdiSg/ evl^eh Qa(Suug/
cjlcrrdag/ Q<^rr^ iLferrerr^
ueufu<s cJJendiSBg/ uev(§mi<asnremu^
rBA)sxi<xcJ}erTd<s^ ^LndSJnjrriuQev.

The light in the house destroys darkness ; the light in the
word brings enhghtenment ; the light in many places is for many
people to see ; the fight of the pure in heart is “ Hail, Siva ! ”

766

M. S. H. THOMPSON —

5 . Cs^LCiQurrQevTrf <fmL. tunrtu^rfl Lfrr^^ Qiij^^S^2ev Qa^si^sQ^iu

cuiiiL/fUT/Bj@^fafr£oTU urrigsthtcaf^^ QiXtrL-i^cru-ti

QisrrLiiulm (?ldj& @iL?si) (3^fOUi/nJiUj)ffD/7'(5 ij/rsw4ii«Ci*T(5(yii-ji
rgu^uQorr iqSfw LEspdSlQ 2 /(^ Qs^rrAgii ^rr^LnffSfcurriuQcv.

0, thou whose tresses shine like pure gold, who bentest thy
bow that fire might rise in the three cities, who placedst on thy
left side her of the sweet tresses — 0, ^iva of Pandikkodimudi,
where the peacocks dance while the cuckoo sings on the branches
above, even if I should forget thee, my tongue would say “ Hail,
giva ! ”

§4. (?<srriJJfip}pLh, The Sanctity of the Temple
No verses need be quoted ; it may merely be stated that one of
the padigams (by Appar) given in the selection consists of stanzas
in which the names of the famous temples of South India are skilfully
woven into song, and have the refrain, “ There we may see the Lord
of Kailasa ” [giva’s abode in the Himalayas].

§5. The Form of Siva

The verses are by Sambandar and Appar respectively.

6. CcLKh2en CoJig^^rfr LSens^iurTfr cJlrf}Q^nrCL.rT(^as^eviki.x^
^6YT(25LDl«YrLD/rf3T LD(rfIuj/r/f aj-L/f Qurrtp 9cr>\- a(Sevrij,sd
aehcrr rg@CcuchTL.2evujrrit <s5L|^/f inujTCTrrLD
iJ]eh2eyTLD^uj(ifier:>LUjrr!TnjC!TU^ Cu(^LLrrsim^a(?en.

He who is on the white bull, with a large ear-ring shining in
one ear, He who holds the jumping favTi while his radiant locks
shine, He of the white skull with its furtive grin, He who lives
at the burning-ground at Kadavur, He who has the crescent moon—
He is our Lord God.

7. urr2eYTiLievDLd <sQpQ<srTiki ^uucwldtu

nJ/rgcYriL/srJLuqewrA) cu^C^^ev/r^ vutuppIsbSeu ^fyrgy
sYT rreYTSitsm- Sl^tpiMuev^'^iTi^i-A) cSsewL/rp

lJSsytujstjl <«ss6TST<ssYrfrp iflshEevru Qutu^Q^rre^i-T ds/rsvuTu

G’^ehQem.

If with His anklets and power to rule [the heart], they have
seen with clouded eyes the dance of the Siva of the mystic Hall
at Tillai [Chidambaram], where the areca palms \vith their shoots
stand high, houses stand close together, and where on all sides
stand the fields into which the water pours with its fish— what is
there then for the lowly devotees yet to see i

THE AGASTYA SELECTION OP TAMIL SAIVITE HYMNS

767

§ 6. The Sacred Feet

This verse, by Appar, is on the temple at which the poet-saint
received enlightenment as a result of the prayers of his sister, who
grieved to see him a Jain.

8. jC'.S^^^TLQSYJ/rUJTLClLJZ

(?^(£puj «Ajl2evT(IJLDLQp2
Qurrl^ffrcUTS^u CuTshgycrtjiurdi
^ffDdFUJ fueb^vevLfi

U-li^njIrrcimfS (rLDT5W(?c£JjCl_TOTC(£p«iJOJTOJLS
iLi(^Ccush'^enT!TU ui-ir0 cui^

^(^ev^eDcas^ C^err ^.tlcwcwg!

^(^oSTilL/Tfyr^ C^^C,3^fUf5Tfyr4!.

The feet that are as the red lotus of the Goddess of Wealth,
the feet that become more and more like honey to the elect, the
feet that are to the -wealthy as the touch.stone of their gold, the
feet that are able to make worthy the praise of the devout, the
feet that in form do not match one another, the feet that indeed
have no form at all — the feet of Him of Tiruvadigai of the south
Kedilam country [South Arcot], the feet of our King of
Tiruvirattanam.

§ 7. j2j(^<^^2evT, Worship

The first of these ver.ses is by Appar, the second by Sundarar.
Kalhukkunrani ( = the hill of the vulture) is not far from Chingleput.
9. cuTevT^^rrf Qurpgii Qurpir^

nj^C ^evTpsh Li@00rruj (?urp^

y,«7T^CT5^ ^d@(ij^L.(?ev Qurrpn^

Qiurrrk)SJiu^n)rriLj Qurpi^

cUTT^0 C^erFIQcu GuTpi^

G^nj(epuj ^evrQpili Ourppl
<mrreTST^§ujTUQii<s^^inu Qurrpp}

<sujl2ev LoEevujTGeTrr Qurrpp} Qurrpr^.

Hail, ambrosia to which the dwellers of the skies bow ! — hail,
thou who hast come and entered my heart ! — hail, thou body
that takest sin away ! — hail, thou that rosest high as fire ! — hail,
thou that gavest enlightenment as sweet as honey ! — hail, thou
that standest God even of gods ! — hail, thou that desirest to dance
with the fire of the brnning-ground ! — hail, thou Lord of Mount
Kailasa !

768

THE AGASTYA SELECTION OF TAMIL SAIVITE HYMNS

[Once ^iva assumed the form of a pillar of fire, and not until
Brahma and Vishnu had prayed to it did they learn its depth and its
height — not until Siva had revealed himself to them.]

10. C^rrQ^LSIaflevT evflens^um^Quj

iIlpiii<gQ<srTdror)p,^,fonL.ujCcsrihismLj!!TrTesfli-LCi
^prass^CfiLj0iMsnfl ds^rl^^sD/fij QssTsimLfi^
aprL^Ceii^2eYTUj(^cJI^0em a(^d@evTp(?La.

Bowing low and singing sweet songs, go worship at cool
Kazhukkunram, where the white waterfalls rush down with din and
roar, hurling precious stones of many colours and pearls, the
holy place of our Lord with the bright garlands of konrai (cassia)
and the head of matted hair.

§ 8. Humility

These verses are from a padigam sung, by Appar, at Tiruvarur,
the modern Tiruvalur of the Tanjore District.

11. JH(Q^£/LiiCurr(j^ ^ffn/riUTUTruLDfiTsT/f ^puiaeirgu

nJ(Q^§} ^letsT^riQeTST Ctushgi/ oj/r^^^ (?njrg)@mT(gC«T(?en/r

Curr(^^g/^ ^ciiQpcnL.^ Q^n-emi.ifd(^^Q$iTcmL.!TrTCji qem
ervflujQiM.

May I hope for the blessedness of being the servant of the
servants who perform penance to reach the Holy God of Ariir,
with its trim walls — I, who, withdrawing myself from the community
of the Jains, who do not speak at meals, grieving and meditating,
hailed Him as Lord ?

12. ffTO(«ujI«ij)(5 fr)je>nsT ^yt>/ ikj ssT^sULOeTrsTCTO/rfijltL

(giLULiCrs^ <«mr4i/Hj@(unju Qun-^ (?^p2/<«@(yisv!iT(5C<*/r(?«n/r
aoeuujevreTmfl evujmrT@f^^(^QpevLurTevrg 2 /d®u
C'urriLjiu^Tulev're'UL^^ GgrevvrL'fd^^ C^/rsTSTUir/nki l/sw

«T!rr?aj(?LD.

May I hope for the blessedness of being the servant of the
servants of the Feet, (they) whose love for the Holy God of Arur,
surrounded by the fairest of fields, is not false — I who, having
left the commumty of the greedy Jains, who eat, standing, the
rice placed in their hands, have seen the way of life and have come
here to “ live ” 1

DRAVIDIAN GERDER-WORDS
By EomN H. Tuttle

TN Les langues du monde Bloch describes the two genders of Gondi
as representing the oldest Dravidian gender-system. This idea
is wrong. Kanara and Tamil have three genders in the singular,
male-personal (mascnline), female-personal (feminine), non-personal
(neuter) : and two in the plural, personal and non-personal. The same
basis is implied by the other Dravidian gender-systems. ^In Telugu
and northern Dravidian a formal confusion of n\asculine singular and
feminine singnlar, as explained below, led to the use of the neuter
to express the feminine singular. The eastern languages, Telugu and
Kurukh-Malto, keep the old plural-system, with masculine and
feminine alike ; but in Gondi and Kui the use of the neuter for the
feminine singular has resulted in the use of the neuter for the feminine
in the plural also. In the treatment of gender Gondi and Kui are the
least conservative of the Dravidian tongues, aside from Brahui,
which makes no distinction of gender in its demonstratives.

The five simple vowels, i, e, a, o, u, with the emphatic variants
7, e, a. 0 , ii, were apparently used in early Dravidian as demonstratives
and also as interrogatives, the latter being perhaps distinguished by
a high tone such as we employ to give an interrogative sense to isolated
words. The use of various vowels as interrogative bases is preserved
in Kui, and less perfectly in Tulu. The interrogative particles of the
literary Dravidian tongues, e, a, d, are probably relics of the older
practice. European languages have an interrogative particle written
eh ; similarly most of the Dravidian languages selected e as the general
interrogative basis. The demonstrative o-basis is not represented
in many varieties of Dravidian. Latin weak o and weak ii are widely
levelled in Romanic ; perhaps a parallel development confused
Dravidian o and u, used as adjectives with weak stress. Outside of
Kui we find two or three general demonstrative bases : i (this), a (that),
and less commonly uA

^ I use c for a neutral vowel like that of English bakery ; j = consonant* i ;
C = Bohemian d’ ; 6 = th in English thin ; » = Arabic hamzah ; N = voiceless n ;
R = voiceless r.

CG. = Comparative Grammar ojihe Dravidian or South Indian Fainily of Languages^
by R. Caldwell (1913, reprinted from 1875); US. = Ungarische Sprache, von S.
Simonyi (1907).

770

EDWIN H. TUTTLE

The Kanara-Tamil demonstrative bases are a, and obsolete
II, said to be intermediate to i and a in sense. Gender-words are
made from each alike, the stems of the ordinary a-forms being avan-
m.. aval- f., avar- m.f.pl., ad- n., av- n.pl. Kanara has the nominatives
avanit and ava for older avam ; avalu for older aval ; avaru for older
avar ; adu ; avu ; the double plmals avar(u)gal and avugal{u) ; the
obsolete plmals ava{n)dir, avaddir, formed with a suffix which, like
-gal, belongs properly to substantives ; and the doubled plmal avaravar
(all of them). Tamil has the nominatives avan, aval, avar, adu, avai,
and the double plmals avargal, avaigal ; also a plmal adugal from adu.

The development of the demonstratives involves the history of s.
Ancient s has been lost in southern Dravidian, and is partially lost
in the northern tongues ; existing s in the south, and sometimes in
the north, is a derivative of the palatal occlusive c. In borrowed
norms Kanara has -e (< *-ai) and Tamil has -ai where the Aryan
nominative has -d. The apparent change of -d to -ai caused Caldwell
to assume that Telugu -a repre.sents the oldest form of the native
ending seen in Kanara tale, Tamil talai, Telugu tala (head) and other
such words {CG., 1.36). But in loan-words -ai corresponds to the
Prakrit oblique -de or -di, not to the nominative -d ; and native -ai
came from *-as. parallel with Italian poi < pout. The s of *talas
is kept in the Dardic derivative thos (head), found in Garwi, a Dardic
tongue which has th < tr in tJid (three) and similarly th < tl in thos <
*tlds < *talos (JAOS.. xlvi. 177). I formerly supposed that Kui
tldu (head) implied a development of Dravidian *talas from older
*talos. But Kui prdu (rice), corresponding to Malay beras or bras,
indicates a change of -as through *-asu or *-dsu to -du in Kui. final u
being added and medial s lost as in Kui mrdu < *mirdu < *midru <
*)mdr (daughter) beside Gondi rnidr and Brahui masir. We may there-
fore assume a Kui development tldu ■ : *talasu < *talas ; the plmal
tldha is analogic for *tldska, ancient s being normally kept before a
consonant in Kui. A normal h <sm seen in Gondi taldhk, the plmal
of tald < *talas. Dardic *talos came from Dravidian *talasu ; develop-
ments of the type *talos <, *lalasu are common in Dardic, as in
Kashmiri bad- (big) with the nominative bod for *badu.

Many of the Dravidian languages use r (< iv) us a liiatus-filler :
some of them also use j, chiefly in connexion with palatal vowels.
In Kanara avam and Tamil avau. v has taken the place of a lost s.
Likewise aval represents *asal. The older form of avar was probablv
*ahar. Kanara ava and avaui ' with ui for a nasalized

DKAVIDIAX GEXDER-WORDS

771

hiatus-filling are normal developments; avaun and Tamil avan
are perhaps analogic forms based on the stem, though thev mav be
the continuants of prevocalic *(tsa)i. The Hungarian accusative-
ending -t represents a demonstrative (i’S.. 387) ; likewise the accusa-
tive-endings of Kanara and Tamil seem to be reductions of *asan ;
Kanara -n, older -otit <_ *-ah)t < Tamil -ai < *-as < *asd.

Kanara -a and -a»i would thus represent an ancient contraction of
*asan before vowels, with further alteration before consonants, while
Tamil -ai apparently sliows the pau.sal treatment. The Kanara
variant -an. from prevocalic *a!<u. has become -an{H)u before consonants
parallel with the change of avar to avarn.

An old variant of Tamil adn is ahtu. derived from *hatu or *Jiadii,
with h added as in the Kurukh and Kuvi words described below.
The basic consonant of the neuter singular .seems to have been d ;
but all occlusives became voiceless in early Tamil, ami probably in
Kanara too. Afterward sim])le occlusives were voiced between voiced
sounds, .so the ba.sic quality is hard to make out. The stem of the
neuter plural seems to represent simply the demonstrative vowel ;
an uninflectod a or av ’(with hiatus-filling v) is used in early Tamil,
and the corresponding Tamil verb-ending is -a. It may be suspected
that after suffixes were added for the personal gender-forms and for
the neuter singular, the simple basic vowel was found sufficient to
express the neuter plural. Kanara avu may thus preserve a record of a
period earlier than the di.stiuction of pronouns and adjectives. Tamil
aval < *awas is the historic accusative used as a nominative ; it is
not treated as an ordinary stem, but is replaced by an inflexional
stem avaRR- : acc. avnRRai, ^en. avaRRin. The R of early Dravidian
seems to have come raainlv from I or r in contact or in combination
with a voiceless sound ; spoken Tamil has Ur or tt corresponding to
what is written as RR. Apparently Tamil avaRR-, beside Kui avask-,
is derived from the contracted form of *aiiaskal (pliualized

*awas) before vowels. Thus avaRRai is made up of the same elements
as its equivalent avaigalai, the accusative of avaigal.

A root meaning “ look ” or “ see ", apparently of the form *snitd,
is the source of Kanara nod-, Tamil nokk- {<.*ndd<j-), southern Tulu
tu-, northern Tulu su-, eastern Tulu /(«-, Telugu cue- (< *tudc-), Malto
tund- (> *snund-). Kui sud-, Gondi hud-, hur-, sur-, Brahui hur-.
Ancient initial sn became sN outside of the Kanara-Tamil group.
Brahui has h < hN < sN beside s kept before a vowel in sal- =
Kurukh -Malto il- (stand). Elsewhere N became t or zero. Most

772

EDWIN H. TUTTLE —

varieties of Gondi have changed ancient s (and s < sw) to h. Tulu
has jmdar < '^'pitar (name) against Kanara-Tamil *pecar < *picar <
*jntar (BSOS., IV, 575). Tnlii shares the change of sn to sN, and
lacks that of *pitar to *picar. These two lines of development clearly
separate Tulu from Kanara-Tamil. So little is known of Kodagu
that it is hard to settle its position among the Dravidian tongues ;
its numerals seem to be mostly borrowed from Tamil or Kanara.
But from Kodagu peda (name), which has lost final r in accord with
ibba = Tamil iruvar (two persons), it appears that Kodagu stands
outside of the Kanara-Tamil group and may be closely related to
Tulu ; Kodagu nd<l- (see) is a loan-word from Kanara. Cole's grammar
tells us that animals are neuter in Kodagu and that neuters have no
plural, but muddles the matter by giving the declension of feminine
paju (cow), pi. pajuva, and of masculine p&ri (buffalo), pi. pdrija.
If the names of animals have natural genders, contrary to ordinarv
Dravidian principles, we may assume that Aryan influence produced
the change. The Kodagu demonstratives are given as avan-, nom.
ave m. ; aval-, nom. ava f. ; ajan-, nom. avu m.f.pl. ; adu n. ; and
parallel f-forms. The stems of the singular may have been borrowed
from Kanara, and avu from the Kanara neuter plural, as applied to
animals. The stem of the pural may be compared with Tulu at- (n.).
or with Aryan ^ana (folks).

In Tulu, as in Kodagu and modern Kanara, the demonstrative
adjectives are 7 and d ; but the Tulu gender-forms include a derivative
of the M-basis, the sense, however, being confused with that of the
i-basis. The gender-words from the a-basis are dje for *d < *asan m.,
dl < *asal f., dr and dkulu m.f.pl., avu or au n., aikulu n.pl. It is
remarkable that the masculine and feminine forms lack the hiatus-
filling V found in the other southern tongues. Hiatus-filling tv was
evidently first used in contact with o-sounds and M-sounds, and
afterward in some of the Dravidian tongues extended to other vowels.
Tulu restricted the use of hiatus-filling w to its original position. It
developed *d from *asan, in accord with I for *m = Kui mu (thou) ;
but as it regularly has the masculine ending -e = Tamil -an after a
consonant, the absence of the usual ending made *d seem abnormal.
The -e was therefore added, and produced dje with hiatus-filling j
before a palatal vowel. Apparently dkulu has k < rk, and thus
corresponds to Tamil avargal. Tulu keeps d <t in pudar (name),
but has lost ancient d in am or au beside Tamil adu. This word is
written as avu, but seems to be pronounced au {CG., 251) ; it has

DRAVIDIAN GENDER-WORDS

773

the inflexional stem ai-, perhaps corresponding to Tamil adin-, used as
a variant of ad-, the stem of adu.

The Tulu gender-words having the sense of the i-basis are imhe m. ;
itnbal. itnbolu, and mol, or molu f. ; imber. mt'r. and mdkulu m.f.pl. ;
indu and undu n. ; undekulu n. pi. The other Dra vidian tongues
show a general symmetry in the demonstratives formed from two or
more bases. The lack of symmetry in Tulu is connected with the use
o! hiatus-filling iv. Tulu confused the meanings of the adjectives
* 1 . 7. and *u, *u, and then formed a set of f-demonstratives parallel
with the normal w-forms. The masculine *Hsan became in one dialect
*ume, with m for nasalized hiatus-filling tv ; and in another *uve with
V < A blending of these forms produced *iimve. which became
*umb€ and developed analogic *imhal and *umber. The apparent
root was no longer a simple vowel, but a vowel with a following nasal,
and *udu changed to undu before intervocalic d was lost. By a normal
development Tulu would have formed *7 < *isnn. *11 < *i aj. *J>-
*ikar ; but because of the sense-confusion these words were adapted
to the M-series and became hnbe, imbal, imber. The variant imbolu
seems to have o because of the following u, parallel with maronu.
a variant of the accusative maranu from mara (tree). The form undu
produced analogic indu for *idu. which would have made *iu and
perhaps *7 by an independent development. Besides its regular
forms, indu has shortened ones with initial w, as netta for the genitive
indetta or indeta. Evidently mdl(u) could have come from a parallel
treatment of imbolu, and likewise mer from imber. It is also
possible that rrwl(u) and mer came from older forms having
simply m, instead of later ones with mb. The normal *ume may have
developed analogic *umal and *umer before it produced *umbe,
the basis of *umbal, *umber, and of imbe. imbal. imber. The plural
mdkulu is based on mol, parallel with dkulu beside dl.

In Telugu declension the genitive is commonly the same as the
inflexional stem, which may differ from the nominative. The modern
a-demonstratives are vddu, gen. vdni m. ; vdru, gen. vdri m.f.pl. ;
adi, gen. ddni f.n. ; avi, gen. vdti n.pl. A variant of vdru is vdndlu,
gen. vdndla, from vdni treated like a substantive. The 7-forms are
vldu, vini ; vlru, vlri ; idi, dini ; ivi, vlti ; and vlndlu, vindla. In
early Telugu the long vowels of the masculine nominative singular
were nasalized ; the neuter had variants which will be considered in
connexion with the interrogatives. In Telugu, as in Kanara-Tamil.
medial consonants were lost and a hiatus-filling w was added in the

774

EDAVIN H. TUTTLE—

derivatives of *asan, *asaL *isan, *isal. *ahar, *iJiar. Stress-displace-
ment. accompanied by assimilation (i-i for i-a), allowed the initial
vowels to disappear. A final n has been added after -r. as in modern
Kanara. But in the derivatives of *asan. *asal. *isan. *isal. the
final sounds tended to disappear, as they have done in the Kodagu
nominatives. The participle injdu (being) was added to form a
nominative ; *-amindu, *-alundit. A later assimilation or dissimilation
levelled these. Following a change of feminine ^-nhindu to *-ahundu.
or of masculine *-anundu to *-aluiidu or *-anindu, the loss of weak a
caused the two endings to become a single form *-andu. or *-andrii
which later changed to *-andu. Likewise *-initndu and *-ilundu, with
i as explained above, became *-indu. A permanent remedy for the
sense-confusion was evolved in Teliigu as in northern Dravidian ;
the neuter was used to express the feminine singular. The t of vCtti and
vlti corresponds to the RR of Tamil avaRRin, ivaRRin, as is shown
by Telugu vti = Tamil ctRRin, the genitives of fni = ddru (river).
The -i of adi and avi is discussed below, in connexion with the Kui
neuter.

The northern Dravidian tongues have changed ancient n to n,
except in the groups nt and nd. From Kurukh asan = Tamil avan
*a8aii (there) it appears that ancient a is kept between vowels in
Kurukh-Malto. Kurukh has the demonstratives as < *asan m. ;
ar < *ahar ni.f.pl. ; nd f.n. ; ahrd n.pl. ; similarly 7.?, Tr. Id. ibrd,
beside the adjective 7 ; and has, hdr, hud, huhrd. beside the adjective
a, which indicates greater distance than 7. The added h came from
Kolarian influence : Santalihas ni (this), ini (that near by), hini (that
further away), and other sets of demonstratives with h marking
remoteness. The lack of h in the adjective u may be explained by the
generally weaker stress of acljectives ; or perhaps u is a compromise
between weak-stressed *u, and emphatic Hit. Initial s has been lo.st
111 Kurukh-Malto ; ahrd came from Aryan sarva (all), combined with
native d ; ibrd and hubrd are analogic forms, developed after *sabrd
lost its s. Malto has ah-, nom. dh m. ; ad-, nom. dd f.n. ; dr m.f.pl. ;
and parallel 7-forms ; the ancient medial s became h as a final, and by
analogy replaced medial s in the inflected forms. In Kurukh-Malto
apparently the masculine *asan and the fenunine *asal became *asa ;
the neuter was then adopted for the feminine smgular. The Malto
distinction of adin (acc. f.) and ade (acc. n.) seems to be derived from
the declension of substantives, Avhich have the accusative-ending
-n for persons beside -e for things.

DEAVIDIAX GEXDER-WORDS

775

Gondi and Kui show developments essentially like those of the
Telugu demonstratives, followed by a disappearance of the feminine,
as explained above. Most varieties of Gondi have lost the basic
adjectives, and use the pronouns instead, in accord with the general
Dravidian method of forming English-like noun-compounds. In
Trench's grammar (1919) we find the Gondi forms on-, nom. dl or
dr m. ; dr or ork m.pl. ; tan- or adden-, nom. ad n. ; awen- or avvehk-,
nom. au n.pl. ; en-, nom. el or er m. ; er or erk m.pl. ; ten- or idden-.
nom. id n. ; ivven- or iwehk-, nom. iu n.pl. Evidently the d-forms
might correspond to Kanara avan-, avar, or iivan-, uvar ; but the a
of ad seems to imply a Gondi change of *asan to *awan, *aun, on-.
The hiatus-filler is, however, lacking in en- < *isan and er < *ihar.
The -k of the plural, as in Gondi substantives, corresponds to Kanara-
Tamil -kal or -gal. The r of the plural represents ancient r, as in
mard = Tamil maram (tree). The r of the singular is derived from
dr or dr, as in nur = Tamil nudru (hundred). The variant I is perhaps
derived from dl through I, a soimd now lacking in Gondi. Kanara
has generally lost checking nasals after weak vowels, as in eradu =
Tamil irandu (two) and in the plural avadir mentioned above, beside
analogic avandir with n restored under the influence of avan-. So
too in Gondi, after a s uffix like the one used in Telugu was added to
masculine and feminine nominatives, *-anun4u and *-ahindu developed
into a single form, *-andru or *-andru or *-andlu, and then lost the
nasaL In the forms ad and id the d is kept because of final position,
against the medial I <d in parol < *polar < *pudar < *pitar (name).
The dd-forms may indicate a reaction, imder the influence of the
nominative, against the normal change of medial d to 1. Dravidian
tan (self) is perhaps represented in tan- and analogic ten- ; if so, it
marks the partially feminine sense of the Gondi neuter. The forms
au and iu agree with Kanara avu and imi. The AA:-suffix corresponds
to Kui sk.

From Friend-Pereira's grammar (1909) we learn that Kui has the
adjectives i (this), e (that), a (that further away), o (that furthest
away), with the emphatic variants 7, e, d, 6. The gender-words based
on e are given as evandzu, genitive-accusative evan{n)i, possessive
evandi m. ; evaru, gen.-acc. evar{n)i, poss. evardi m.pl. ; eri, gen. -arc.
era(n)i, poss. erandi n. ; evi, eviska, eriska, gen.-acc. eva(n)i, eviska{n)i,
eriska(n)i, poss. evandi n.pl. The hiatus-filling v of the masculine may
be left out. If the v of the neuter plural is a hiatus-filler, as I have
assumed for the Kanara-Tamil and Telugu forms, it must be an

VOL. IV, PART IV. 51

776

EDWIN H. TUTTLE —

older development than that of v in the masculine. Kui -andzu,
in accord with mundzi = Tamil mundrii (three), represents *-andru
or *-andlu. developed as in Gondi from the masculine and feminine
endings. The nasal kept in Kui, contrary to Gondi, may imply an
early stress-displacement, or perhaps it was lost and then restored
from the general stem, parallel with the Kanara development of
avandir beside normal avadir.

Beside the regular intervocalic r < d in eri. Kui keeps d after a
consonant in the possessives, which have a sense corresponding to the
English distinction made in hers and theirs : the formal relation of
evandi to evan- is the same as that of eri (< *edi) to e. The form
eviska is a double plural like Tamil avaigal : the s may correspond
to that of Tamil *ai(as, e.xplained above. In the grammar of Letch-
majee (1902) we find eri n.. rvi and evaska n.ph. with a distinction of
genders in the accusative : neuter era. with the plural era, and
feminine erdni. with the plural evaskani. Probably -iska came from
-aska under the influence of -i. If the accusative-ending -a corresponds
to Tamil -ai < *-as. we may assume that stress was displaced in sub-
stantives like *talas, but not in *edas and .similar pronouns, where
the sense of the initial vowel tended to preserve its stress ; main-
stressed *-as kept s (and later became *-asu). while weak *-as made
-a. just as Latin de post makes Italian dipoi with i for s after a main-
stressed vowel, and also dapo with stress-displacement and no trace of s.
The plural enska from eri follows a regular type of substantive-
declension, that of female-personal names, which are neuter in Kui :
Letchmajee gives aja-ska (mothers), aygi-ska (si.sters), aygo-ska (aunts).

Friend-Pereira tells us that Kui uses kogavi for small animals,
kdgavi or kogau for small things, and kogavi or kogaska or kogaviska
for small female persons. This statement explains the neuter-ending
-1 found in Telugu and Kui. The same ending is common in Dravidian
animal-names : Tamil has eli (rat), kodri (sheep), kon (fowl), nari
(fox), pandri (swine), ptdi (tiger). This -i of substantives was adopted
as a pronoun-ending in Telugu and Kui. and perhaps in Gondi, which
seems to have lost various final vowels. The historic meaning of
Telugu adi and Kui eri is “ that animal ; but as animals are regularly
neuter in Dravidian, the -i became simply a suffix of the neuter.
Kui -au. as in kogau, may correspond to Kanara avu.

Kuvi, as described in Schulze's grammar (1911), is much like
Kui. Its verb-forms have a peculiar localizing suffix : hijadu (give
me), hottateri (they came running), beside the simple imperative

DRAVIDIAX GEXDER-WORDS

777

Jndu (give) and the simple past hotteri (they ran away). The demon-
strative adjectives are 7 (this), e (that), he (that further away), hu
(that furthest away). The stems of the gender-forms agree with those
of Kui, except that d is kept in the neuter singular. The treatment
of the feminine shows a mixture of the Telugu and Kui systems :
the ma.sculine plural and the neuter plural are both used for the
feminine.

Brahui dd (this) is derived from Afghan dd ; the history of e (that)
and intermediate b is not clear. Afghan e may be the source of defective
7- (him, her, it). Genders are not distinguished.

Initial e and e interchange with je, je, in southern Dravidian.
Lengthened e sometimes becomes d. The interrogative basis e therefore
has the variants c. je. je, d, jd. Kanara uses <7, dva, jd, jdva. for the
older adjective e. Gender-forms are old deam and dvavam m.. dval f.,
dr m.f.pl.. dvudu n., dvuvu n.pl. ; modern ni., jdcalu i.. jdru

m.f.pl. ; old e, em, en, modern enii n. The development of *ehar to
*er and dr. without a hiatus-filler, broke up the usual symmetry of
gtmder-forms and allowed va to be considered radical instead of suffixal
in *evan, dvan-.jdvan - ; va was added to the adjectives, and the ending
of *evadu became -udu, with a assimilated to the final vowel. The
forms with initial j have variants with initial d, apparently developed
from ad{u) in the question ad *evan (who is that ?) : the neuter is
sometimes combined with a masculine in Dravidian, as in German
(wer ist das i). The neuter enu looks like an accusative made from the
adjective e before the distinction of adjectives and substantives
became settled.

Corresponding to the adjective e, Tamil has evan, eval, evar, edu,
evai ; a parallel jd-senes with jdr (often reduced to dr and used for
the singular) as a variant of jdvar ; neuter edit, enna, evan, and en.
These last two seem to be basic e combined with *asn, the prevocahc
form of the accusative-ending.

Modern Telugu has the interrogative adjectives e and emi, with
the gender-forms evadu (gen. -ant) m., evaru (gen. -ari) m.f.pl., edi
(gen. deni) f.n., evi (gen. veti) n.pl. ; also a feminine evate or evarte
and a neuter emi. In early Telugu the plural evaru has the variants
evaru, evvaru, evvdru, eru ; the masculine singular has parallel variants,
but with a nasalized vowel before d in the nominative ; edi has the
variants edi, eddi. ejjadi. ejadi, with corresponding plurals, and similar
variants appear in the demonstratives ; addi. ajjadi, djadi. The use of
dd and vv came from emphasis, like parallel changes sometimes heard

778

DRAVIDIAN GENDER-WORDS

in English {come mon ! for come on). Perhaps emphasis also changed
e- to ejja-, eja- ; or the j-forms may mean literally “what that".
The ending of evarte seems to be Aryan, like that of Telugu kumdrte or
komdrte (daughter), connected with Sanskrit kumdrl. Probably emi
Came from *embi or *embi, in accord with pamu = Tamil pamhn
(snake), and is related to Tamil embar (where).

Tulu has the adjectives vd, dd, and the pronouns jer m.f., ddtie,
dddavu n., and another neuter written as ovu or vovu. Evidently
jer corresponds to Tamil jdr ; ddne, with a dialectal variant dzdne <
*djd .... developed d as explained above, and produced dd.
Apparently dddavu is a loan-word from Kanara davadu, conformed
to Tulu avu. The o-basis is represented in vd < *d, as ancient initial
w makes Tulu h ; and in {v)ovu, which is inhected like avu.

Kodagu has the adjective je, with gender-forms corresponding
to those of the demonstratives, except for the plural dru ; and a neuter
jenne. All of these may have been taken from Tamil.

Kurukh has the interrogative pronouns ne (who) and endr (what).
The n of ne seems to have come from a change of *asan *e to *asa ne
(what is that person ? = who is that ?), when *asan became *asa.
Malto has ne- (who), and indr- (what).

Kvu has the interrogative adjectives ini, eni, ani, isti, esti, asti,
osti, and the pronoims imbaie, ombaie, umbate (who), ina, ena, ana
(what). The ending -a has the variant -ari, and forms its inflexional
stem by adding r. The jn6-forms, used for both numbers, have the
plural-like inflexional stems imber-, omber-, umber- ; they seem to be
connected with the adverbs imba (here), emba (there). The same
7»f>-element, reduced to 6, is seen in the interrogatives of Gondi, bdl
or bor m., and bad n., which are inflected like the demonstratives
ol, dr, and ad.

Brahui has changed ancient short e (and short o) to a, and has i
for a recently shortened e. Thus it has three vowels for basic e and e
in der (who), gen. dinnd < *dernd. and ant (what). The form der,
used as singular and plural, corresponds to the southern plurals,
with d added as in Kanara : the Brahui demonstratives have the
variants dad, dd, ed, with -d keeping the form — though not the meaning
— of the old neuter.

THE GENDER OF ARABIC INFINITIVES IN URDU
A Complete Guide to the gender of 7tearly 1,000 nouns
By T. Grahame Bailey

T)LATTS’S Urdu Grammar contains rules to help in determining
the genders of nouns. As it was published in 1873 and has not
been revised since, one would expect that here and there some restate-
ment might be necessary. This short article deals with the Arabic
infinitives commonly used in Urdu. Platts gives seven forms (see
especially pp. 25-9), pointing out that six are generally masc. and one
fern. In every case but one there are exceptions. The student therefore
has an uneasy feeling that perhaps the exceptions are nearly as
numerous as the examples, and that in any case unless he knows all
the exceptions, the rules are of little value. These Arabic infinitives
give to Urdu between 900 and 1,000 nouns. It is impossible to say
exactly how many, for a hard and fast line cannot be dra\vn. Some
writers, like AbuT Kalam Azad, overload their writings with little-
kno'wn Arabic words, others employ far fewer. I will here state the
rules and endeavour to give every exception. About some u'ords
authorities differ.

One broad rule to cover all others may be stated thus ; nouns of
the form tafil are fern., and nouns of the following six forms are masc.,
ffdl, tafa“ul, taja'ul, inji'dh ifti'dl, istif'al. Directly derived from these
and closely resembling them are some nouns ending in -a (i.e. -ah
with h not pronounced), which are masc., and in -at which are fern.

Let us take them in detail.

(1) Form II, Approximately 230 of thisform are found in Urdu
hterature in addition to forty which end in -a or -at, such as tasjiya,
taqviyat. The 230 are all fern, except one, ta'viz, amulet, which is masc.
Most of them are abstract nouns, but even those which are not, with
the exception of ta‘viz, are fern. Thus Tasli.s, the Holy Trinity ;
tahsil, which often means a tahfilddr s house or court of justice ; tahvtl,
capital, deposited funds ; tasnhn, a fountain in Paradise (made masc.
by one poet, Shu'ur), are fern.

About twenty-eight connected nouns end in -a. All are masc.,
but tahayya (for tahiyya), salutation has both genders. The word
taMliya, letting go, evacuating, is wrongly given fern, by Platts’s Diet.
It is masc. Approximately twelve end in -at and are fern.

Quadrihteral words belonging to Form II are all masc. They
include words like tabaMtur, walking proudly, and fancy words like

780

T. GRAHAME BAILEY

takashmur, to act like or become a Ka^mlri. There are about nine
of them.

taqayyad, fern., urging, insistence, is probably an alteration of
taqld < taqyid.

(2) Form IV, if‘dl. About 131 words ; all masc. except eight.

This number does not include about twenty-five derivatives in
-at or -a; see below.

The eight exceptions are : —
isldh, correction. ifrdt, abundance.

ilhdh, importunity. imddd, help.

imldJc, property (rare). inshd, composition.

izd, pain. irsdl, rent remitted to headquarters.

When irsdl means merely “ sending it is not used as a noun ; it
is then part of the verb irsdl-karnd. send, or irsdl-hond, be sent : imld,
dictation, is sometimes fern.

There are about seventeen derived nouns ending in -at, all fern.,
e.g. ijdzat, permission, and about eight in -a, all masc.. as irdda. m.,
intention.

The following is a list of words to which Platts has given wrong
genders. The genders marked here are the correct ones : —
iksd, m., numbering. idbdr, m., turning back.

7/d, m., paying. Tmd, m.. sign, hint.

ijlds, m., session. ifrdl, f., abundance.

irsdl, i., rent sent on. imldk, f., giving possession to.

imddd, f., help.

He allows both genders to ihsd and ijrdl ; itnddd is correct in the
Gram, but wrong in the Diet. Conversely idbdr is right in the Diet.,
but wrong in the Gram. ikrdh, m., aversion (rare), andirdd, citing,
which he gives as fern., have both genders.

(3) Form V, tafa ul. About 173 words plus fourteen ending in
-7, 187 in all. The former are all masc. except three, and the latter are
all fern. The three exceptions are ; —

tavajjuh, f., attention. tavaqqu‘, L, hope.

tamarind, f., desire.

Platts has tavazzu, L, prayer-ablution, but it is not used in Urdu.

There are a couple of derived nouns in -a which are masc. They
bring the number up to 188.

(4) Form VI, tafd ul. About eighty-one. Twelve end in -7 and are
fern. ; three derived nouns end in -a and are masc. The remaining
sixty-six are all masc., except tavdzu‘, politeness, consideration.

THE GEXDER OF ARABIC IXFIXITIVES IX URDU

781

(5) Form YII. inji'al. About thirty-five, all masc.

Platts's Diet, gives imbisal. gladness, fern. It is found both masc.
and fern. The poet Hali makes it masc.

(6) Form VIII. ifti'al. About 130. Masc. with ten exceptions, of
which six end in -a. The fern, nouns are : —

ihtiydj, need. ihtiijdt. care.

istildh, conventional usage. announcement.

And the following in -d : —

ibtid-d. beginning. i?lifd, being elect (rare).

ts^ihd. longing. iltijd. petition.

iktifd, sufficiency. ihtidd, being guided (very rare).

intihd, end.

Platts tsTongly gives vtirdz as fern. The following are both masc.
and fern. : iltifdt. courtesy : iltimds. reque.st ; imtiijdz. distinction :
tstindd. leaning on (rare) ; ibtild. affliction ; i'tmd. anxiety,
sympathy : iqlidd, imitation.

It will be noticed that of the nouns ending in -a all the common ones
are fem., viz. ihtidd, iltijd, intihd, iMihd,

(7) Form X, istifdl. About sixty-eight ; masc. with the following
four exceptions : —

istVddd, capacity. istid'd, supplication.

istirzd, seeking to please (rare). istimddd, asking help.

The following have both genders : istisnd, exception, isti^nd,
wealth, independence, isti^fdr, asking forgiveness.
isti^fdr is generally pronounced asta^fdr.

PI. Diet, gives m. gender to istisnd, isti^fdr (so also Gram.), and to
istimddd (correct in Gram.), istikrdh, m., aversion, is correct in the
Diet., but wuong in the Gram.

Further, seven derived nouns ending in -at are fem., and five ending
in -a are masc. Adding them to the sixty -eight already mentioned, we
get eighty for this class.

To sum up : I have dealt with about 950 nouns, which may be
divided approximately as follows : —

Connected with Form II 280
„ „ IV 155

V 190
VI 80

„ „ VII 35

., VIII 130
X 80

Total

950

782

THE GENDER OF ARABIC INFINITIVES IN URDU

Of these 870 are Arabic infinitives and eighty are directly derived
nouns ending in -at or -a.

The following simple rules govern them.

Feminine.

All ending in -i No exceptions.

,, ,, „ -at No exceptions.

The form taf‘ll One exception, viz. tajviz, amulet.

Masculine all the rest. Some exceptions as below.

Details of Masculine Types.

Quadriliterals of Form II
Derived nouns in -a
Form if ‘SI .

„ tafa“ul

„ tafSul
„ inji‘a.1.

„ ifti‘a.1
„ istif‘dl

All masc. ; no exceptions.

Eight exceptions given above.

Three exceptions, tavajjuh, tavaqqu‘,
tamannd.

One exception, tavdzu‘, f., politeness.

No exceptions.

Ten exceptions, given above.

Four exceptions, istid‘d, isti‘ddd, istimddd,
istirzd.

The phrases in Platts’s Gram., p. 25, 11. 19, 20, “ a few more words
that end in t or a,” etc., and that on p. 26, 11. 17, 18, “ a few words
ending in -d or t ” should be omitted. I do not think that in either case
there is a purely fern, word ending in t, and those which end in -d are
about equally divided.

If we omit words of the forms if‘dl and ifti‘dl we have 720 nouns
with only nine exceptions ; even if we include these two forms
with their relatively numerous eighteen exceptions, the total is
only 27.

A few words, not Arabic infimtives, may be mentioned in conclusion.
Platts gives wrong genders to the fern, nouns injil, Gospel ; afvdh,
rumour ; tardzu, balance (correct in Grammar). ha,nafsha, violet, which
he makes fern., is both masc. and fern.

ENGLISH WORDS IN PANJABI
By T. Grahame Bailey

rriHE details of philological processes are generally lost in the
mists of ohscurity, and most recognized linguistic development
is difi&cult to follow because it took place hundreds or thousands of
years ago. We must often have wished for the chance of hearing one
sound change into another, and the wish is usually vain. But in the
case of English words in India it is frequently possible to see them
entering the country and watch the changes taking place. We can learn
valuable lessons from the detailed study of one Indian language. I
have therefore taken Panjabi and given a list of nearly 400 English
words which have been incorporated into it. This first article contains
the words with their Panjabi equivalents in two dialects. In the second
I hope to analyse the words and draw conclusions.

English words in India may be divided into three classes. First
there are words which have been wholly assimilated and are known to
every villager. At the other extreme we have a large number, an
indefinite number, of words used only by educated Indians in con-
versation or books. They are recognized as foreign words and those
who use them try to pronounce them as in Enghsh. Np object would
be served by making a list of them. A man once said to me with much
bitterness : “ merd fddarinld men vdif nu bard bwdli ^rlt kardd e (my
father-in-law treats my wife very badly) ” ; or we may hear mce
bard lonli fil harnd ed (I feel very lonely). Such Panjabi does not help us.

But there is a third class, viz. technical terms used only in
connexion with certain professions or pursuits or amusements. We
have military, legal, and scholastic words, or it may be words relating
to canals, railways, or games. These words are, it is true, employed
by illiterate people, but their sphere is limited. They are difficult
to deal with, for one does not know exactly how many of them to
include. To take one example, most English military terms are found
in the si'pdhVs vocabulary, but only a few are fully naturalized. I
have had to exercise my judgment in the matter.

A word as to the preparation of this fist. I first wrote out the words
as they are heard in Northern Panjabi, and sent them to Dr. Banarsi
Das Jsen, who belongs to Ludihana and speaks the southern dialect.
He very kindly sent me a further list including about sixty words

784

T. GRAHAME BAILEA’ —

which I had not thought of, and gave his own pronunciation of my
words. I in turn added the Northern pronunciation of his new
words. Frequently there is no difference between us. To give his
forms and mine separately would involve a lot of needless repetition.
It is sufficient to indicate the general line of divergence. It is entirely
characteristic of the two dialects.

Where the Northern has The Southern tends towards
Id, g Ich. g

f, V (faint dento-labials) ph, b

s s OT ch

I I

yi 11

Dr. Banarsi Das has no M or g, and uses / only when it is assimilated
to a following ( or d ; his w, too, is rarer than mine. The ordinary
system of transliteration has been followed except that sounds usually
written au and ai are represented by aw and cb. This is to prevent the
common English distortion of them into the “ ow ” of “ howl ” and
y ” of “ style Dr. Banarsi Das’s as is [.ve], mine is pure
monophthongic [ae].

About a dozen words are taken from a Bengali list prepared by
IVIr. Sutton Page.

List of English Vords

act (legal), celcat, ikat.
agency, aja'nsi.
agent, ajanf.

Africa, afn'kd, phari'kd.

America, amn'kd.

American, mdrkin (a cloth),
allowance, alawns, laws.
appeal (legal), ajnl.

April, aproeV.
artichoke, Jidthicok.
assistant, aslant' , aslant'.

August, agast' (dental t).

B.A., hi'yye.
ball (for play), bdl.
bamboo cart, ba'mhu kdt (bamboo
alone is not used).

IN Panjabi
1 banyan (a vest), banwn' , banedn'.
bank (money), bank (? Port.),
baptize ; bceptdiz ‘and, be baptized,
barracks, bdrak, bdrag.
barrack-master, do. -mdstar,
-mdstar ; his place of work,
do. -mdstri, -mdstrl. A b.-m.
is a transport agent,
barrister, bdlistar, balistar ; his
work, bdli'stari, baW start.
bat (for play), bat.
bearer, ba‘rd.

bearing, barahg' (letter without
stamp, person without ticket),
beef, bif.
belt, bill.

bench, banc, bine, brine.

ENGLISH WORDS IN PANJABI

785

Bible, boebal, hdihal.
bicycle, bdishxl', bd'isikaV .

I billet, bilti (way-bill, etc.),
bioscope, bdiskop.
biscuit, biskut.

blotting, bldtih, blotting-paper,
board, bod.

boarding, bodiii, bodaii (hostel).

boat, see gunboat.

boil, bal ; ‘ddbcel, hard boil ;

‘dfbcel, half boil, i.e. boil soft,
bomb, bamb (? Port.) ; see " bum-
ball

boot, but.
bottle, botal.
box, bakas. haks.

bowl, boU-gald,s (bowl-glass, i.e.
finger-bowl).

braces, bresaz ; see “ gallowses."
brake, birk, brek (guard's van,
etc.)

branch, brdnc.

brandy, brdtidi.

breast, see “ double ".

breeches, birjas.

brush, burs, burs, burch.

buggy, ba‘ggl.

bugle, btgal.

bulldog, bulddg.

bull-terrier, bull, bull-kuttd.

bum-ball, bump-ball (in cricket).

bamb ; see “ bomb ”.
button, batan.

cake, kek.

calendar, kala'ndar.

camp, kampu, kamp (? Port.).

canister, knastar, kana'star (? Port.

canastra, basket).

•car, see “ motor ’ .

card, kdt (postcard),
castor oil, kastarce'l. kastrce'l.
catch, kcec.

catching house, kdnji hawd (pound
for stray cattle),
cement, si’ milt, sTmint, sir' mat.
centre, sentar aict (run out,
stumped).

certificate. sdtTptak. sd'fiphi'tak.
chain, cren.
chalk, cdk.

chance, cdns. cdnas ; o‘nd cdns
miled. he gave a chance
(cricket),
cheque, cikk, cik.
chief court, clpkot.
chimney, cinuil, cimnl.
chocolate, cakle't, cdkolet.
chop, cap ; see ‘‘ potato ”.
Christian, (? Port.),
cigarette, sigrat.
civil surgeon, sival sarjan.
class, kids, kalds.
clerk, kldrk, kaldrak. Mark.
cloth, kaldth. kildth.
club, kalaf ; kalaf Mar, club house,
coach, koc ; coachman, kocvdn.
coat. kot.
cocoa, koko.
cofiee, kdp.
collar, kdlar.
college, kdlaj.
colonel, karnce'l.

commander ; kamdniar afsar

(C.O.)

commission, kamlsan, kamisan.
commissioner, kamisnar,
kamisnar.

committee, kame'tl, kame'ttl.
company, kawmpani, kampanl.

786

T. GRAHAME BAILEY

compounder (medical), kam-po'dar,
kampo'tar.

conference, kdnphrms.
congress, kdngras.
constable, kd'nstehal, kanste'bal.
copy, kdpjn, kujn (note-book,
copy-book),
cork, kdk, kdg.
cornflour, kdrnflawr.
couch, kawc.
council, kmcsal.

court, korat (court of ward),
c. fees, kot fis, kot phis ; see
“ chief
cream, kirm.
cricket, kirkat.

croquette (for eating), kurkat.
cufi, kaff, kaph.
cut piece (tailoring), kat pi's.
cutlet, katlas.

dead-house (mortuary), ded ‘aw's.
December, dsa'mhar, dasa'whar
(dental d).
decree, di'gri.

deputy, diptl ; d. commissioner,
dipfi kamisnar.
diamond cut, dcemal kat.
diary, dceri.
dictionarj’, diksnri.
director, darekUir, darcektMr.
dish,

dispensary, dispensri.
distant signal, ddsi sahgal.
doctor, ddgddr, ddgdar, ddkdar,
ddktar ; abstract noun, ddgddri,
ddgdari, ddkdari, ddktari.
double, dahal (strong, excellent) ;
dabal rofi, Engbsh bread ; dabal
bres, double breast.

dollar, ddlld.
down, see “ signal ”.
dozen, darjan.
drawer, drdz, draj.
drawers, pair of, drdz, drdj.
dress, dares, dres (d and d).
dresser, daresar.

dressing, dress! (levelled ground
etc. : dental d).
drill, cloth, daril.
drill, military, (kiril, dalel (dental
d in latter).

driver, engine-, ddiraivar.

engine, iTian, anjan.
engineer, anjl'nyar, anjnl'r,
a'njnlr, anjnl'ar, a'njniar.
entrance (exam.), entrwns. antrces.
European, ijurpin, zurbJn.

F.A., effe, wffe, wpphe.
fail, f el, fe‘l, phel, phe‘l.
father (priest), /ddar.
fashion, fcesan, phwsarh.

February, /armn, pharbari.
fees, /7s, phis.
fire, verh, fwr, feel.
fireman, fcermcen, fairmcen.
first class, fastklds, phastklds,
phastklds.

flannel, faldlcen, phaldlcm.
foot (measure), jiU, fuU, phutt ;

foot-rule, dufuttd.
football, fu^dl, phu^dl.

? forme (printing), farmd, pharma
(? Port.).

France, frdns, phrds, frdnsis ! ;

French, phrasissi.

French beans, frdslm.
frock, frdk, phrdk.
fry, fral.

ENGLISH WORDS IS PANJABI

fryingpaiij fraipdn.
ixalong, f arid' g, pharldii.

gaiters, getas, gcetas.

“gallowses” (braces), galas,
gcelas.
gaol, jel
gas, gees.

general (military), yornffiZ'.
general, adj., yanraZ.
gentleman, jee' ntalmcen,
jcBrytarman.

German, jarman.

Germany, jarman! .
gilt, gilt, gilt.
gingham, gegam.
girder, gddar.

glass, galas, gilds (usually of
metal); see “bowl”,
grace (for bills), glds, gilds.
gravy, grehhl.
gross (12 dozen), guras.
guard, railway, gdd.
guard, military, police, gdrad
(prob. Portuguese),
gunboat, aganbot.

half, see “ boil ”, “ plate ”.
hall, ‘dl.
halt, ‘dU.

head (of canal), ‘ed, ‘csd.
headmaster, ‘‘ed- or ‘ced-mdsUir
or mdskir.

headquarters, ‘edkudtar.
high, ‘dd.

high school, ‘di skid.
high court, ‘di kot.
hit, ‘itt (noun),
hockey, ‘dkki, ‘dki.
holder, ‘anjdar (pen).

787

hot case, ‘dt'kes, ‘dskst.
hotel, ‘oUil (hotel, restaurant),
house, see “ catching ”, “ dead
hurricane, ‘arikan (lantern).

inch, wncl, inci, inc.
inspector, insp-ittar, -ektar, -iktat.
intermediate, intar, inhirmintam.
Ireland, cerland.

Italy, itll.

jacket, jdkat.
jam, jdm.
jam-puff, jdmpap.

January, janvari. janbari.
jerk, gark.
judge, jajj.

July, jidd'i, juld', jawld'i, jaivld'.
June, jun.

kettle, ketU.

lamp, lamp (? Port, lampada).
landau, Icetido.
lantern, Idltcen.
late. Id.

lecturer, lekeardr.
lemonade, lamne't, lamle't.
licence, lasa'ns.
lieutenant, laftcen, lafta'nt.
line, Icsn, Iwn.
local, nokal, lokal.
lord, Idt.
lower, har.

M.A., emme, cemme.
ma'am, mem.
macaroni, makruni.
machine, masin, masin.
magistrate, maj'istret.

Malta, mdltd (orange).

788

T. GRAHAME BAILEY

manager, nKenjar, mane' jar.

March, mdrac, marc.

mark, marled, mark (trade mark ;

? Port.).

market, mdrhit.

marmalade, mdmlet.

master, mdstar.mdstar’, see “head"’.

matches, mdcis.

mate, met (head workman).

May, mai.

meeting, mitih, mitaii.
member, mimbar ; mimbrl. mem-
bership.

mess, miskot (officers' mess). The
Zenana Mission House in
Dalhousie is called miskot be-
cause it was once an officers'
mess.

middle, midaJ.

mile, mil, mcel (? Port, milho).
mill, mill, mil.
mince, mins.

minute (60 seconds), mint, mined.
miss (lady), miss.
mission, misan.
missionary, misnarl.
money order, maniddar.
monitor, mani'tar, mnltar.
motor, motar.

motor-car. motokdt, motarkdt.
municipal myunispal.
municipality, myunispcelti.

necktie, naktd'i.
note (bank), not, lot.
novel (story), ndval.

November, navambar.
number, nambar, latnbar, nambar,
lanibar ; lambarddr (etc.), village
headman,
nurse, nces.

October, aktiibar (dental t).
officer, afsar.

omlet, mdmlet ; see “ marmalade .
operation (surgical), apresan,
apresan.

order, ddar ; see “ money ”.
orderly (military), ardali, ardaU.
out, awt (cricket) ; see “ centre ’.
overcoat, uvarkot.

papa, pd'pd.

parade (ground, or manoeuvres),
pare't.

parcel, pdrsal.

party, pall, parti, pdlti (team),
pass, pds.

passenger, psanjar, pasa’njar
(passenger train),
pencil, pilsan, pilsan.
pension, pinsan, pinsan. pilsan.
peppermint, pippalmmt.
phaeton, fitan, phitan.
phenyle. fancel. phancel, pharncel.
photo, foto, photo.
pin, pin.
pipe. paep.
plague, pale'g, pleg.
plait, pale't, plet.
plaster, plastar (dental t).
plate, pxde't, plet ; ‘d/ plet (half-
plate). cheese plate,
plate-layer, pleti'ar.
platform, pletfdrm. pletphdrm.
platoon ? jxiltan.

poach (eggs), poc ; poached eggs,
andd poc.
police, puls, pulas.
polish, polos.
polo, polio, polio.
porter, potar.

ENGLISH WORDS IN PANJABI

78&

postcard, poskdt.

postmaster, posmdstar, posmdstar.
pot. pat.

potato-chop, pate'^r cap.
poultice, puUas.
pound (money), pdwd.
powder, podar.

president, prezldant, prejiduint,
parizaml.

press (printing), pres.
primary (school), prcemrl.
pudding, phutVn, putVn.
pump, papp, pamp.
putty, phuti'n, puti'n, pafi'n.

Quaker Oats, kuekar ot.
quarantine, kurdfin.
quarter, kudtar (for quarter plate,
i.e. tea plate) ; see •• head-
quarters

quinine, kunce'n, kurce'n.
quorum, koram.

rail, rel.
ration, rdsn.
ream, rim, rim.
recruit, rarigrut.

report, ra'pat, ra'bat, rapo't ; rabti,
rapti, ratbi, reporter (village),
resident, rezidant.
rifle, rafal.

round (pohce), rdwd (dental d).
rubber, rabar, rabat.
ruler, rul, lul (pencil or ruler),
rum, ram.

run through, ran thru.

sauce, sds.
sauce-boat, sdsbot.

school, skill ; skulli, adj.

Scotch, sakdc, skdc.

Scotland, sakdtland, skdtland.
second (time), skint, saki'nt.
second (class in train), sekan,.
scekan.

second (course in meal), sikan.
secretary, skattar, saka'ttar
(dental t).
semolina, samlVnd.
sentry, santri (dental t).
September, stambar, satambar
(dental i).

sergeant, sdrjan, sdrjant.
servant, sarvanti (servants'
carriage),

session(s), sisan. sisan.
signal, sahgal, sufigal, sihgal.
signal, down, do, ddwn.
slate, sale't, slet.

sleeper (railway), sllpar, sTlpal.
slipper, si'lpat, slipat.
soda, soddd, so‘ddd.
speech, sapVc. splc.
spell, spell (for noun “ spelling ').
stamp, astdm, astdm.
station, sate'san, stesan, tesan,
tesan, aste'tan.
stew,
stool, tul.
study, stadi.

stuffing (in duck, etc,), said' pin,
stdpih.
sub-, sab.

superintendent, suprinteiidant,
suparda'nt.

tapioca, tdpiu.
tar-coal, tdrkol.
tax, tikas, tigat.

790

ENGLISH WORDS IN PANJABI

team, tim.
tennis, tcenis.

thermometer, tharmdmtar,
tha'rmdme'tar.

third class, thadd kalds, thard kids
(r is a fricative cerebral),
through, thru.

ticket, tikat, tikas, tigat ; batiktd,
without a ticket,
tiflin, tipan.

time, tern, tcBm ; batemi, lateness
for {be-tem-l).

timepiece, tcemfis, tcBmpis.
time-table, toBmtehal.
tin, tin.

toast, tos (dental t).
tomato, tamdJtm.
tray, trel (dental t).
train, taren, tren, trwn.
treacle, trlkal, tarlkal.

trump (in cards), tu'rap (dental t).
trumpet, tu'ram (dental t).
trunk (steel), tarafik, tradk.
tub, tap.

? tumtum, tamtam (pony trap),
tumble, rambaUambal (scrambled

eggs).

tunnel, tandal.

turpentine, tdrpin (dental t).
twill, tul, iull.

upper, apar.

vermicelli, varmseli.
via, md, vdyd.

V.P., vtpl (value payable).

waistcoat, vdskat, baskat.
warrant, vara'nt, bara'nt.
whiskey, viskl, biskl, huSkl.

Additional Words

custard, kastar.
gap, gceb.
recess, rasw's.
shed, skidd.

THE PBOXUXCIATION OF MARATHI

By A. Lloyd James and 8. G. Kaxhere

rpHE pronunciation recorded in this article is that habitually used
by one of the writers, whose native language is Marathi. It
represents the pronunciation of a native of Bombay who has for many
years lectured in his own language in the principal cities of the Bombay
Presidency. It is not an attempt, therefore, to represent the colloquial
pronunciation of Marathi, but of the style of language in vogue in
learned circles in public utterances.

The vowel sounds in this pronunciation are shown on the diagram
in relation to the cardinal vowels recorded by Professor D. Jones on
H.M.V. Record B.801 (The Gramophone Company, Hayes, Middlesex).

Front

The cardinal vowels are indicated by black dots, and the Marathi
vowels by red dots. There are in addition two diphthongs, au and ai.

All vowels and diphthongs may be nasalized ; in the case of e it is
to be observed that nasalization has the effect of lowering appreciably
the tongue position, giving the effect rather of e.

VOL. IV. PART IV.

792

A. LLOYD JAMES AND S. G. KANHERE —

Inasmuch as the length of vowel sounds is a very important feature
of the language, it is well to observe at the outset what appears to
be the principle governing the distribution of length.

The vowels i, e, a, o, u. y are always long, while i, o, and a are always
short, ui appears always in conjunction with either r or 1, and is short.
It appears long only in the names of the letters ealled respectively
nnikor and lra:kar

I and 0 are the short vowels corresponding to i and u respectively ;
9 is the short vowel corresponding to a. When a word consists
orthographically of two syllables each containing the vowel a. e.g.
^aga, the final vowel is dropped, the word becomes monosyllabic,
and the vowel is lengthened. This lengthened vowel constitutes
the very characteristic Marathi sound y.

= ^yg (world).

The diacritical marks known as am and aha are usually counted
among the vowel signs of the language.

am, a dot over a vowel letter, indicates either that the vowel is
nasalized, or that it is followed by a nasal consonant. It is, however,
often entirely ignored in pronunciation.

e.g. aba (mango).

= mantra (formula).

W hat decides which value is to be given to the dot is not clear
®-g- is pronounced dehat = in the body,

whereas is pronounced dehanta= end of bodv. death.

aha, two dots written after the vowel, indicates a strong emission
of the vowel, followed by h or even x.

dohkha (pain).

It is to be observed that more attention is paid to “ am ” and “ aha ”
in the literary style of pronunciation than in the colloquial, and that
nasalization of vowels is frequently omitted entirely. There is no trace
of nasalization in the Marathi records 5541 A.K. and 5542 A.K.
presented to the School of Oriental Studies by the Government of
Bombay.

aha is represented in the colloquial language by a doubling
of the consonant.

IS not pronounced dohka but dokkha.

THE PRONUNCIATION OF MARATHI

793

The consonants are shown in the following table : —

Bilabial Dental Alveolar Retroflex Palatal t Velar Glottal

Dental

Plosive

Unaspirated p b

Aspirated ph bh

Afiricate

Unaspirated

Aspirated

t d t <1

th dh . ^h (^h

b dz ^ ^

tsh dzh ^ (%h

Xasal

m IT) n

Lateral

Unaspirated u 1 • ]_

Aspirated (v)

k g

kh gh

Rolled

r (l)

Fricative

Semi-Vowel

There appears to be some uncertainty as to the distribution of the
a&icate sounds, one symbol — — doing duty for te and and one —
^ — for dz and

It would appear that the dental affricates are never used before
front vowels, or before the semi-vowel j ; they are likewise never used
in Sanskrit and Hindostani words. There are cases of words written
alike but having different meanings, according to the value given to
the letter. Thus : —

tsar = grass.

^ar = four.

= heavy.

= stupid man.

Similarly

(king).

ra^okai^e (to the king).

The stop element of the voiced affricates is very weak, at times

794

A. LLOYD JAMES AND S. G. KANHERE

almost inaudible, and the alveolar affricates are often palatalized,
resulting in an appreciable palatal off glide, j.

TTWT^% rajjoka^e.

q appears before r, o, or oh, J g s h dnj saqrakgaq = protection,
saquhitQ = text, saqjyi = doubt.

kaqsg = bracket, snqhe = lion, sgqdnja = designation.

u. This differs from the sound so generally heard in India by having
a secondary velar articulation, giving it something of the sound of
w : when preceded by h, e.g. tehuo (then) it is aspirated and sounds
almost like English v with the secondary velar articulation.

[. This is a subordinate member of the ^ phoneme and is used
in all medial positions, except when a consonant follows. The Marathi
speaker is unaware of any difference between his medial sound and
his initial or final sound, but to the trained observer the difference
is considerable. To obviate the use of an extra symbol we have used
^ throughout the transcriptions.

= lokjatse (of wood).

= pg^lQ (fell).

’sft’SWTTT = tho(^kjat (in short).

The following passages represent the slow deliberate style of
pronunciation used in dictation.

ijugra^i Jakti phor mothi ohe. ti kiti mothi ohe

he apnos soqgta jeiior nohl.
f «t»iwt WTT MTfTr.

ux tjatil sgrua ugstu ijugrong otpgnng kelju

ohet.

ap(g)lg postgkonlsg

hapatxts pgha ;

hg kgjafee

IIT;

kele

ohe ?

lok^ateg. pxn tg

^ja ^ha^a^ja

lak4,atee

5*11 ^IIWT

kelg

ohe,

tg kon,i

otpgnng kelg,

iJugronE.

’3rrt,

IRT,

THE PRONUNCIATION OF MARATHI

795

jhafepramai^e sgrua ugstunfea sambgndhg tja^oka^eb

irr^TWTW 3rr'^rR»%^

potato.

hi ^amin

ux dzha^E, d6i\gxr ux

paruxt,

aiii

ft ^*T>T

f ?JT^. f

fff,

flTtrir

nadja ux

samuddra, hi

sarua iJuaraiiEts otpanna

keli

ahet.

^9?. f!

frr^f-

manogjE,

d:anau(a)r£,

pakgi, ittjadi prar\i i/uaronefe

»»3^.

W*lTfT.

fsnff UTirt

otpanna

kele ohet.

•n»v •s

^fH.

ijoaratfja Jaktine

gauat ru&te, dhanja

piktE

ai\i

fff \IT3I

tffif

3ITtW

^ha^cma

phole ux

phaj^E jetat. pans

tote

pa^ito

fiif f

fi* ffTf- fTfWt

iftf trrf^cfr

ux tjatfafe sattenE uara uahato.

^ (JTT^r’g ^TTT WfTift.

serua

^agas dei^ora ha siirja

paha.

«*

^JTTSff ^3%^ fT 95

ffr.

nasta

txr apxn

uab (a) Id nasto,

dzha^E

^fTT

13Ti

ua^h(a)ll

nastl. to

surjahi ijuaronets

otpanna

kela.

f^flt'. ft

ffft

tasafe ratri ahlad

dei^ara ^andra ux bamaloxare

tare

TT^

fWlTT f

frt

hehi tjauE^ otpanna kele.

ijuyr apt^ola disTt nohi, pxii apTu, dzE kahi karito

t£ sarua tjola distE.

?f (?rraT

796

A. LLOYD JAMES AND S. G. KANHERE

to saruauTr mamota karito, aiii saruon^a sambha^ karito.

^ ^«fr, ^ftrr wae

osa thor

UT majaj^u
q ^T^rrag^

dzo

iJOTT,

tjala apyq

nittja

(?rraT qnqw

bho^auE.

The might of God is very great. How great it is we cannot tell.
This world and all things in it are created by God. Look at our book-
case ! \\ hat is it made of ? Of wood. But who created the tree

the wood of which is used for the bookcase 1 God. In this way He
is the creator of all. This earth and trees, hills and mountains, rivers
and oceans, all are created by God. Human beings, animals, birds
and all other beings are created by God. The grass grows through
His power, and so does corn, and through His power the trees blossom
and bear fruit. He sends the rain and through His command the wind
blows. Look at the sun which gives light to the whole world. We
should not live, nor would the trees grow were it not for the sun.
That sun was created by God. Also the moon that refreshes us at
night and the sparklmg stars also have been created by God. We
cannot see God, but He sees whatever we do.

He is kind to all and protects all. We should love Him who is
so great and kind.

eka dhangarapa/i pugkT^ menc^hre uy kokrg hoti.
tjatfa feorapoiuatfi ujauastha to phor feoi^gli |;hera.

Mt’^rr <fr istt

ekhadja nmn^hras kiigoa kokras kfihi a*ar dzhala,

tYT to tjala otijTi *8pe. doggrauw bo^htona ekhade
7TT oEiT^T ’^ifH’snr

kokru tholdE tYT to tjoln khondjouw ghei.

THE PROXUXCIATIOX OF MARATHI

797

sorojqja, to tja meiK^hra^i uf kokra^i po|;fa porapromai^e

WT ^ ifrzwT

nigo rokhit ose. tjapramoriEts meiK^hrE uy kokiE ronat

TT^fT ^ TT^

fearyt o'sta tjona randzauin^jasa^hi to paua u&aui uy

WfTt rfY TT^T ^

tjon^a koutuka^i gai^i gai. oJa prokors tja menc^hrana oy

(?rNrr ^g^TTf ^nt;. ^jit ^ ^

kokrona phar sukh hot 3sljamu]^E ti feaqgli gobgobit

cbhall hoti. matra tjona sauazapasun upadrYU hou naje

(*rpn ^

mbai^un ratritja ue|_i to dhangar tjona meiK^bua^jat kondun

TT'ft^T taol rfr visT^n: <9t^n

tbeuit ase.

tethE pa^un ti khujal *hdp ghet. menij^huadja^ja at

TT^ wr^

©X ^

tYT kaj pYn aspassoddha sa^as phirakta jet nase. kaki,

<7T w ^ri *1^.

dhangarafee kuttre tja^jasabhoiguti rakbYi], karit phirYt asYt.

^ WTWrwf^fflf TT^ f^T<T ^€7f.

o^ja^ljauYr to dhangar mE^huadjabE dor ugh^i teuha

atil saroa meni^hrE uy kokiE baher pa(|_un rondt barauajas

ilST ^ ^IT T'RtT!

&at.

wr<T.

aso Irr-gm pogkY^ dtUYs bolla hota, UY sarua menc^hrE

WT 5*^35 ^(IT, ^

UY kokrE araniijdt robiU hoti. pYu tjamadhjE ke

^ TTfW^ W

798

A. LLOYD JAMES AMD S. G. KANHERE

ally^ UY murkha kokru hots ; tjola men^uodjat rahaiiE

^ ^ ftH ; (irr^rr Tfro

au^enasE hoim tja^ja monot bhalbheltets uifear jeu lagle.

ft^«r aiwr »T^fT ?rm%.

There was a shepherd who had many sheep and lambs. He looked
well after their food and drink.

He was watchful if any sheep or lamb was ill. If any lamb was
tired while climbing a hill, he would take it on his shoulder. In a word,
he looked after those sheep and lambs just as if they were his children.
Also, when the sheep and lambs were grazing in the pasture, he would
play his flute to amuse them, and sing songs of tenderness towards
them. Thus the sheep and the lambs being very happy had grown
very fat and healthy. At night he used to lock them up in the fold
so that they should not be harmed by any wild beast. They slept
happily in the fold. Not only inside the fold but even in the vicinity
of it no beast could venture, as the shepherd s dogs used to guard the
fold ... all around. In the morning the shepherd opened the gate
and all the sheep and lambs came out and went to the pasture.

Thus it was going on for days and days, all the sheep and the
lambs had lived in the field. But there was one silly and stupid
lamb. It did not like to live in the fold and had foolish ideas.

Ill

nnoai muggus.

eka bamE ek moggos palile hote. tjo moggsala tifea

phor l3[a laglela hota. tg ti^ja ghari ekhadja

malgpranu ^E uagrt ase ; jhamolg tja gharat sapokir^atfi

; ITT?* (*rT

egdi bhiti naw. eke diuji asg &httle ki, ti boi

opljQ tonhja nmlola badseuYr niiuun poi^i oiiauajas
di'sH

THE PROXUN'CIATIOX OF MARATHI

799

ngdiuTT geli ; itkjat ek motha sap gharat /irun tja

^TtfT OT

badzeuYT fea^hu lagla. mogsa^i drmgti tja&UYr Ratals,

^5 ^Twr. ffs siT5(^-?: wTfrr^,

molala ha feaunar ase pohun tjone tab(^tob sapauYr o^i

fT TT^XinT ^5f xiT^*r (ITR rTT^^jfTW ^TRT^T

ghatli, oi^i tjatfi khondoj^I karim tokili ! mola^i oi ghari
^Tfw ^t^>3oTf ’sit

jete to doratYb moggos ti^ja driugtis pa^ls ; tjalSE tod

?fr ij-sir; aiTif

roktone bharlele hote. apla parakrym tila dakhuntja —

karitafe dzanu kaj t£ ti^ja t6ndak(^e pahat rahile !

^ W frT’^T ^IfTfr TTf^lr !

PYu tila ase oatlt kl, mogsane a(d)z ap(a)lE mul

xnsr ■^Ir wreir ^1,

morun khalle ! teuhd tila dso rag ala, tja^ja cfehapatjat

^oft WV TT»F ?3qT2^tfT

tmE bharlela honda mogsa^ja dokjauyr |_akila. tja mulE

»TT%^T ITIT m

mogsalSE dokg pho^un tE tatkaj^ marTH paulE.
jWR W fTf^T35 JfTTir xn^if.

po^hE

ti boi

badze^auY^

dzaan

pahata,

td sapal^e

tuk^e

•«v»

3«

xtITW,

kY ^rrxn^

ti^ja driugtis pa^le, uy

mulahi

khojal

ni^lja^E

tila

a^haj^un

alE.

^liSckjST

teuha

bi^orja

nnoni mugsaba

apYi^

ugafe prai^

ghetla

wai^rr^

’^jTxnjT uTTir

800

A. LLOYD JAMES AND S. G. KANHERE—

3 SE poliun tila pharvts dohkha dshals. ti mhanoli, “ mi

krti otaue|j)3iia kela ! 4!3j_o mackha rag ! kiti goni madshE

^fTrftaEq^rr tut! ftirfY wsft

moqgos ! tjanE sap morim mQ<^hja ba^as uabauilE ! asE

OTir intr ??TT*n ^t3bt^ ^

'*V*

asta aui^oronE mi tja garibatso ujartha (%iv ghetla ”.

III

The Faithful Mongoose

A woman had a Mongoose. She was very fond of it. The Mongoose
lived there just like a child. And therefore there was no fear of any
snake or reptile.

One day it happened that the woman, putting her baby to sleep
in a cot, went to the river to fetch some water. A large snake crept
into the house and was climbing on the cot. The Mongoose caught
sight of it and seeing that the snake was about to bite the baby, it
jumped, and cut it into pieces ! The woman came home and saw the
Mongoose at the door, with its mouth covered with blood. The
Mongoose fixed its eyes on her as if it was .showing its valour and
bravery. But she thought that it had eaten her baby ! She was filled
with anger and in her frenzy she dashed the pitcher on the head of
the Mongoose. The head of the Mongoose was broken and it died on
the spot.

The woman went to the cot and saw the bits of the snake and also
the baby fast asleep. She was very sorry for killing such a faithful
Mongoose. She said to herself “ How impatient I was, woe to my
anger ! How good was my Mongoose. It saved my baby by killing
the snake. I killed that poor thing through sheer stupidity.

The opening sentences of Record 5541 A.K. are as follows ; —

aple antaxkarim he aple ghTT hoi. tjabe dhani, atmorampont,
sanmattmala, dnjonarkapadYk, uagaire omol alaqkor, tjon^a kha^injat
abet. j(h)Q aplea gh(a)rat, mTn ha darua&a ahe. tjauvr anek
lok dsamle abet, uy tjani baher agdi, kalla mania ahe. hjastYU ,

THE PRONUNCIATION OP MARATHI

801

appii dsauii, tjatil sadi^an sstil, tjas daruadza Dgh(^un at ghetia
pahi^e. ut 6ze dDg|;3 lok, atil oastufee, ^aoriakarma karnjas ale
astil, tjas hokolmi laule pohi^e.

This passage, dictated in the pronunciation analysed for the
purposes of this article, was as follows : — •

aple ontoxkarTn he aplc ghyr hoi. tjalse dhani atmarampant,
sanmatimala dnjanarkapadTk ugaire amol alaqkar tjd^a kha^mjat
ahet. hja aplea gharat mm ha daruadza ahe. tjaum anek lok
dsamle ahet, ut tjdni boher agdi kalla mania ohe. hjastm apn^
dsaun tjatil sad^m astil tjds darua&a ugh(^un dt ghat(a)lE pahi^e
UT d:e dog^a lok dtil uastutse ^auriakarma karnjas ole astil tjds
hoklon lauile pahit^e.

GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE JAHAl DIALECT,
SPOKEN BY A NEGRITO TRIBE OF ULU PERAK AND
ULU KELANTAN, MALAY PENINSULA

By Pater P. Schebesta
(T ranslated by C. 0. Blagden)

Introductory Note

TjlOR typographical reasons the Jahai words and phrases in the
following grammatical sketch have been transcribed from the
Anthropos alphabet into the script of the International Phonetic
Association. The two alphabets do not strictly correspond, and it
seems desirable to add a few explanations of some of the sjTnbols used.

The a is about midway between cardinal vowel No. I (French
“ dame ") and No. 5 (the French negative *’ pas "). the e about No. 2
(German “ Reh ”) ; the e about No. 3 (French “ est ") ; the a is like
the Malay e, a neutral vowel generally rather forward and moderately
high (in some cases, e.g. in lag^, it is something like the i in the English
word “ fin ") ; the o is a dull o tending towards u (closer than o and
not as far back) ; the o is about No. 7 (French “ eau ”) : the o about
No. 6 (German “ voll ") ; the o is about the English o in “ not ” ;
the u is about No. 8 (French “ ou ”) ; the ae is between the e and the
English a in “ hat ”. The oe is described as an open German 6, the y
as resembling the German u but shorter. I suspect that neither of
these Jahai sounds is a true front rounded vowel, but that both (whether
more or less rounded or not) are somewhat behind the front position.
The combinations made up of two vowels are diphthongs, retaining
the proper sound of the first vowel, the second one being subordinate.
The i and 5 are nasalized i and o, respectively. The x and u are semi-
vowels (like the English consonants y and tv), respectively.

The c and j are used here to denote not true palatals, but palatalized
alveolars like the corresponding Malay sounds usually written ch
and j, respectively ; the "d is retroflex ; the x is nearly as strong
as the German ch, in “ ach ", and therefore has more friction
than the final h of Malay, to which it otherwise corresponds ; the ji
is the nasal corresponding to the above c and j (in Malay written ny) ;
the q is the velar nasal, in English and Malay written ng ; the n is
further back than the last and is described as being pharyngal ; the r

804

PATER P. SCHEBESTA

is generally lingual, sometimes uvular : the rr is a strongly rolled r ;
the ts is a combination of t and s.

In rapid connected speech long vowels are sometimes shortened
and the glottal stop (?) and the neutral vowel a are often omitted.
The syllabic stress being on the final syllable tends to reduce the
vowels of previous syllables to the neutral vowel, especially in the
case of the vowel e.

C. 0. B.

a babo;, “ woman."

Vowels

e te;g, “ to sleep.”

E eg, “ to give.”

3 tamkal, “ man, husband.”
i serig, “ bad, lazy.”

0 cebox, “ magic stone of quartz used by the Hala.”
0 babo:, “ woman ” ; to:b?n, “ tree.”

0 tob?n, “ water.”

D mn?, “ nose.”
u cub, “ to go.”

se ia paeN, “ we ” (1st person plural, exclusive).
OB boeg?n, “ cord of urat batu fungus.”
y gyd?n, “ they ” (3rd person plural),
ai pai, “ thou ” (2nd person singular),
aei aei, “ father.”
ei keid, “ to cut."
ei brabei, “ to marry.”
oi hapoi, “ palmleaf thatch, atap.”
ui gigui, “ to thunder.”
au bakau, “ flower.”

oen boeu, “ big.”

i hid, “ to rain ” ; muid, “ to eat fish.”

0 5d, “ dog.”

1 ia:, “ grandmother.”
u uog?n, “ child.”

a, e, i, 0 , u, are often followed by a glottal stop (?) at the end of a
word or of a syllable.

Consonants

b bauaij, “ coco-nut monkey ” (Malay herok).
c cad?n, “ foot.”

'd 'daruji, “ white ant.”

GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE JAHAl DIALECT

805

d de (a preposition),
g galog^n, “ rafter."
h ha (an interrogative particle).

X cebox, ■■ magic stone.’’
j jenhorl, “ toothless."
k kenmo?, “ name.”

1 la:b. “ to wash."
m mako^, “ egg. ”
n naxdo?, “ hillock.’’
ji haji, “ mouth.”
q aq, “ this."

N NOg, “ to sit."

p pacog, “ a kind of pain in the back."
r raqgup, “ jews’ harp.’’

IT pardarr, ” to climb high.’’
s salog, “ quiver.’’
t ta?a?, “ pith of plants.”
ts tselaijka, “ collar-bone.”

rl gorl, “ tualang tree ” ; jenhorl, “ toothless.” (An I is faintly
audible after the r.)

The glottal stop also occurs after b, p, d, t, g, k, and n, whereby
the consonant in question (especially g) becomes hardly audible, or
(as is usually the case) is followed by an obscure nasal release, symbolized
con%'entionally by n, e.g. cad^n, " foot ” ; galog^n, “ rafter.” In
man?ra^, “man. person. Xegrito,” the glottal stop after the n practically
cuts up the word into two words.

The initial of a word may be a vowel or a consonant ; so may the
final, but a final glottal stop (after a vowel) is much commoner.

Stress and Tone

The stress accent falls on the last syllable of a word. I believe
I have detected tones in certain words ; —

High Level Low Level

”Io?, “ part of a blowpipe.”

io?, “ bough.’’

"nus, “ sleeping mat.”

nus, “ lip.”

"lE?, “ I ” (1st person singular).

IE?, “ we two ” (dual, inclusive).

"he?, “ we ” (1st person plural.

_he;i, “ we two ” (1st person dual.

inclusive).

'eg?, “ to give.”

eg?, “ belly.”

"gus, “ to rub fat into the face.”

gus, “ to come down.”

806

PATER P. SCHEBESTA —

Numerals

The only true numeral known to the Jahai is nai. “ one They
derive their other numerals from Mala}', and count dua?, tiga?, ampat
(“ two, three, four ”), etc., with the stress on the final syllable. There
is nothing to show that they ever had other numerals that have now
been superseded by Malay equivalents.

There is, however, a word ber, sometimes rendered “ tw'o ”, but
it really means “ younger brother ", and so embodies the sense of
“ the other ”. The word for “ many, much ” is kob^n ; for ‘‘ how

many ”, maisi

Pronouns

1. As Subject : —

Personal.

Singular.

Dual.

Plural.

1st

'iE’

iE’ (inclusive)

'hE’ (inclusive)

he:i (dua) (inclusive)

ia psBN (exclusive)

2nd

pai

ui(x) (exclusive)

JUX (exclusive)

gyd’n

3rd

o’

[as 2nd dual]

[as 2nd plural]

(1) iE’ cub iE’ bola’ I

go I self = I am going

alone.

(2) ha pai ob^n pai ge;i ? Interrogative-particle thou wilt thou eat ?
= Do you want to eat ?

(3) uog^n o’ te:g. Child it sleeps = The child is sleeping.

(4) oi ! he’ ia cub ba hob. Ho-thou ! We will go to forest =
We’ll go into the forest {or go out) ; (including the person
addressed).

(5) oi ! ia pasN ia cub ba hob : (the same, but excluding the person
with whom one has been).

(6) ia paeN cub ba aq, gyd’n cub ba ani. We are-going this way,
you are-going that way.

(7) gyd’n mon’ra’ gyd’n kobys. They men they dead = Those
people are dead.

(8) hei cub ba hob. We-two are-going (in)to (the) forest.

(9) is’ poNSEg’n kE jux, “ uix dua’ cub ba hob.” I say to you-two,
“ you-two are-going (in)to (the) forest.”

(10) knE’ sideh, o’ potis. Sideh's wife, she (is) sick.

(11) karei o’ gyr ba krpe:g’n. Karei, he is-thundering up above.

(12) o’ te:g o’ kasEg’n knE’ o’-t-ani. He slept it formerly woman
she that = Formerly he had that woman for a wife.

(13) iE’ ob’n os ia taqkux. I want fire to light (a fire).

GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE JAHAl DIALECT

807

(14) le^ ed^Ed? har t-ani. I know way that = I know that way.

(15) hs^ ia cub ba dag^n. We are going to the (Malay) \’illage.

(16) baro? t-ani sd^Ed^. Coco-nut-monkey that he knows =
That coco-nut-monkey is clever.

(17) ola ! baranti pai ! Hallo ! Stop, thou ! (Addressed to Karei,
asking him to stop thundering.)

(18) pai ueg ba aq ! Thou, come here !

(19) lE^ ii^. I won't.

(20) ola ! cub ! hE^ ia ueg ba hapa. Hallo ! Come ! We are
going- back to house (= home).

(21) lemo^, ja o? ueg cad?n ho:b^ ? Lemo, has he returoed from
forest ? = Has Lemo come back from the forest ?

(22) ui (or uix) cub ba gri?. You-two are-going to Grik.

Note . — ai is used regularly as a mode of address, singular and plural,
e.g. oi ! mcNid loi ! “ You (there) ! Don’t run away ! ”

The pronoun is often repeated in the sentence, particularly when
an auxiliary verb is used.

The dual and plural, inclusive and exclusive, are in common use.
The inclusive dual, where the speaker includes himself, is expressed
by _iE^ (with the low tone, to be distinguished from "ie^, “ I,” which
has the high tone) and _hei. The latter is the commoner, and the
combination Ie hei also occurs.

When a person is speaking to or about two others, to the exclusion
of himself, he uses ui, or more rarely jux ; the latter is used with
reference to two persons who are not present.

The inclusive plural is hE^. The speaker includes the person to
whom he is talking. WTien using the plural ia pseN, the speaker excludes
the person to whom he is talking or in whose presence he is.

(23) iii kix-kox. Both kill-each-other.

(24) ui uix blaga^ (or uix batano^). The-two (buffaloes) butt one-
another.

2. As Object : —

The same pronouns are used, but they follow the verb on which
they depend. As a rule the accusative has no preposition, but some-
times it is preceded by the same prepositions, kE, de, ba, etc., as the
dative.

(1) Ie? puas ia balajar kE(d) pai. I (am) tired of learning with
thee.

(2) bule paNSEg^n kE(d) Ie^. (He) can talk to me.

(3) iE^ paNSEg^n kE jux. I speak to you-both.

VOL. IV. PART IV.

808

PATER P. SCHEBESTA

(4) eg d-ie’ os ! Bring me fire !

(5) eg o^-t-ag ba (or kE(d)) ie?. Bring this-(one) to me.

(6) eg he^ o?-t-ani jehut nai o^. Give us that (cigar), (we want
to) smoke one.

0 ? represents “ it ” ; and he^, “ we,” has been omitted before jehut.

(7) eg o^-t-ag ba le (or eg d-ie’ oM-ag). Give this to me.

(8) mantra? o^-t-ag ha ja pai el ? jaie^el. Man this in^erro^otii’e-
partide has seen you ? Has I seen = Has this man seen you ?
He has.

(9) el ba ked (or el ked o?). Look at him.

(10) kobet seueluol, o? malig^n nasi ked ie^, aket eg ked o^ tomako^.
Old (woman) WTinkled, she stole (boiled) rice from me, do-not
give to her tobacco = The wrinkled old woman stole my rice, don’t
give her any tobacco. (This was said in jest by a young man to me
about his mother.)

(11) samamu^ tabo^ ie^ (or ke-die^). Semambu, he beats me =
Semambu beats me.

(12) ie? taba? ke-d o^. I am beaten by him. (But also “ I beat
him ”.)

(13) 0 ? malig^n, ie^ tabo^ ba o^. (If) he steals, I (shall) beat him.

Occasionally, in animated speech, the pronoun occurs before

the verb, e.g. die’ eg le ! To-me give, partide-of-empliasis ! Presumably
die’ is a contraction of de -f ie’.

3. Possessives : —

These are formed by postfixing the personal pronovm. which is
sometimes preceded by the preposition ke.

(1) ha kenma’ pai ? Interrogative-partide name thou ? = What is
your name ?

(2) kne’ o’ ueg cad’n hob. Wife he return from forest = His wife
has come back from the forest.

(3) uog’n kE(d) o’ nai. Child of he one. (Or uog’n o’ nah
Child he one) = He has one child.

(4) uog’n pai tiga’. Child thou three. (Or uog’n kc*d pai tiga’.
Child of thou three) = You have three children.

(5) uog’n gyd’n tiga’. Child they three. (Or uog’n kE gyd’n
tiga’. Child of they three) = They have three children.

(6) eI k£ mid ie’. Look at eye I = Look at my eyes.

(7) ie’ hegiig o’ kej togkog’ ie’. I fear he (will) cut-ofi neck I =

I am afraid he is going to cut off my head.

(8) o’ gusoN ke dada o’, o’ gusoN ke poto? o’. He smears (it) on

GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE JAHAI DIALECT

809

breast he, he smears (it) on forehead he = He smears it on his
breast and on his forehead.

4. Demonstratives {Pronominal and Adverbial) : —

aq = “ this ”, ani = “ that ”, un (sometimes uq) = “ that yonder ’!
(more remote).

These are linked to the pronoun or noun that they follow by means
of -t-.

(1) baro^ t-ani That coco-nut-monkey is clever.

(2) karja t-aq he(^) serig. Work this we shun = We shun this
work.

(3) man^ra^ o-t-un ua kabys. Man he-that is dead = That man is
dead. Cf. 2 (5-8), supra.

(4) ia paBN aq ia paex cub ba hob, gyd?n t-ani gyd?n cub ba dag?n.
We here, we are-going to (the) forest, you there, you are-going to
(the) village.

aq, ani and nn are at bottom words indicating place, “ here,”

“ there,” and “ yonder at a distance ”. They are also used as simple
locatives, e.g. : —

cub ba aq = come here.

cub ba ani = go there.

cub ba un = go yonder (a long way off).

cub ba aq ha paNSEg^n = come here, we-will have-a-talk-together.

(5) brui (hE^) ia cub aq ia gei. In-the-evening (we) are coming
here to eat.

(6) lasEb^n cakEi ba ani. Rain big there = The rain is heavy
there.

(7) bakut mid-kata? ba un. Hot sun there = The sun is hot there,
ba uii = in the lower reaches, or at the mouth, of a river.

ba utyrc = in the upper reaches, or at the source, of a river,
ba oto? = in the East,
ba ON = in the North,
ba apo = in the South,
ba tob?n kata? = in the West.

5. Relative : —

(1) iE? ioi ba dag^n ba gob ; kopening ob?n ua e1 na de; man?ra?.

I bring to house preposition stranger ; European want to see
what do Negrito = I am bringing the stranger into the house ; the
European wants to see what the Negrito has done.

I regard na here as a relative. But as a rule the relative is not

810

PATER P. SCHEBESTA —

expressed, the relative clause being merely co-ordinated with the
principal clause.

(2) 0 ^ ba te:g ked babo: ie?, i£? dena^ pasat duit 25 rengget. He
go sleep with wdfe I, I compel (?) pay money 25 dollar = I compel
(anyone) who commits adultery with my wife to pay 25 dollars.

6. Interrogatives : —

makcn = who ? mai = what ?

(1) maken o? de;1 Who he do = Who did (it) ?

(2) maken de uog^n ? Whose child ?

(3) maken pai el ? WTiom thou see ? — WTiom did you see ?

(4) mai orr ? WTiat (did) he command ?

(5) mai de: ? WTiy (did) he do (it) ? and WTiat (has) he done ?

maisi = how many ? leba-te; = where ?

(6) maisi nanked^n ? How many people ?

(7) leba mantra ’-te: ? Where (is the) man ? or Where (are the)
people ?

The usual interrogative particle is ha.

(8) ha mantra ^ gyd’n hegig ke gob ? Interrogative-jxirticle Negrito
afraid of stranger ? = Are the Negritos afraid of strangers ? or
Why are the Negritos afraid of strangers ?

To which the answer is : —

(9) bara gyd^n ia bisa^ ke gob. Not they are accustomed to
strangers = They are not used to strangers.

(10) ha pai cub ba dag^n ? Int.-jxirt. thou go to village ? =
Axe you going to the \'illage ?

(11) mai pai ob^n? What thou want ? = What do you want ?

Substantives

1. N timber : —

As a rule the plural can only be distinguished from the singular
by the context or by the addition of a word meaning “many ” (kob^n).

Some words denoting persons have plural formations : —

(a) by infixing r after the initial consonant ;

(b) by prefixing ta ; or

(c) by both methods together, e.g.
woman, babo: (sg.),brabo:, tabrabo: (pi.),
youth, kejDX (sg.), karajox, takarajux (pi.),
man, bakes (sg.), brakes, tabrakes (pi.),
person, mantra? (sg.), taman^ra? (pL).

man or woman having a child, mauog^n (sg.), mrauog?n, tamrauog^n (pL).

GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE JAHAI DIALECT 811

old man, kabet (sg.), krabet, takrabet (pL).
child, ked?n (sg.), taked?n (pL).

(d) more rarely the plural is formed by means of the prefix peN,
pe ; e.g.

tree, toib^n (sg.), peNtoib^n (pL).
child, uag^n (sg.), peNuag^n (pi.).

This plural denotes children in general, whereas the plurals
taimnuog?n, minuog^n (from the same word nog^n) denote children
belonging to one family.

son (or daughter)-in-law, mensau (sg.), pcNmensau (pi.).

In the last two cases the dual is certainly meant, so that pen may
also be a dual prefix.

grandmother, ia: (sg.) ; ia:, peNia: (pi.),
grandfather, ta: (sg.) ; ta:, peNta: (pi.).

(e) in one or two cases the plural is formed by infixing na (or a)
after the first syllable, e.g.

light, day, kato? (sg.) ; kanato? (pi.),
husband, tamkal (sg.) ; tamakal (pi.).

A few words of relationship have special plurals : —
mother, boe (sg.) ; mn (ph).
father, aei (sg.) ; baa (pi.).

But these two plural forms are used by the Jahai to denote aimts
and uncles, respectively, both in the singular number and in the
plural, so that they are not really plurals of boe and sei.

Although, apart from the above, no plural formations were dis-
covered and the plural as a rule is identical with the singular, many
(though not all) substantives usually undergo a change of form when
following a numeral or the word for “ many ” (kob^n).

The change is uniform in ty'pe and consists in inserting the infix
n after the first consonant, e.g.

after nai (1), dua (2), tiga (3), etc., we find

hnapa from hajia, “ hut

hnali ,, hali, “ leaf ”

manako? ,, mako^, “ egg ’’

kanarsi „ karei, “ thunder

kanerob „ karob, “ mat made from bamboo ’

kanapoN „ kapoN, “ elbow ’

kanaco ,, kanco, “ grandchild

gnanun ,, ganun, “ bamboo "

manisei ,, misei. “ moustache."

812

PATER P. SCHEBESTA —

As appears from the above examples, the infix is also sometimes
accompanied by modification of the vowels or even transposition of
a consonant. The n often appears as a prefix, accompanied by the
appropriate vowel, e.g.

naia: from ia:, “ grandmother ’’

nata: „ ta:, “ grandfather ’’

naxio „ io?, “ bough (where the glottal stop of the
singular is represented by x in the prefix),
nagcog ,, cog, basket ”

, nongorl ,, gorl, “ tualang tree "

i nodniid „ mid, “ eye "

f namto:b?n „ to;b^n, tree "

j nonuog^n „ uog?n, “ child

ii nomkEd^n „ ked^n, “ child," e.g.

i maisi nomkEd^n? “ How many children ? ”

> The following undergo a somewhat peculiar transformation : —

i knaxpox from kolapo?, “ .shoulder-blade ’’

siiurl „ iurl, ‘‘ ghost of a dead person.”

I Such changes of form after numerals, etc., occur as has been

i shown, in a good many words, but not in all ; as a rule there is no

change, e.g. od “ dog ”, taju “ snake ”, tomkal “ husband ”, raqgup
‘ jews harp ”, palEs “ the palas palm ”, mensau “ son- (or daughter-)
in-law ”, lente:g “ tongue ”, |uog “ tiger ”.

It often happens that after a numeral either the singular or the
special plural form may be used, e.g. ampat to;b^n or ampat namtoib^n,
’ “ four pieces of wood.”

Examples of the use of the plural

I (1) gyd^n tabrabo: cub ba ho:b uai ta^a^. You women go to (the)

! forest (to) get pith-of-plants.

I (2) ba:x peNto:b?n t-ani. Bring pieces-of-wood those = Bring those

; pieces of wood.

! 2. Gender ; —

■ As a rule this is indicated by adding babo; “ woman ”, or tamkal

“ man ”, e.g. uog?E babo: “ girl ”, uDg?n tomkal “ boy ”, though for
both of these, and also for certain animals, separate words exist to

i indicate sex, e.g. oi gn ! “ You, boy ! ” oi mi ! “ You girl ' ”

: 3. Case

) (a) Nominative

; The nominative comes first ; usually the subject is repeated by

; a pronoun.

GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE JAHAI DIALECT

813

(1) kne^ pai ueg cad^n ho:b. Wife thou return from forest =
Your wife has come back from the forest.

(2) uDg^n ie? teboeu. Child I big = My child is big.

(3) karsi o? gyr ba krpe:g?n. Karei he thunders up above =
Karei is thundering up above.

(4) bano? o? balls ba te;. Quiver it fell to earth = The quiver fell
on to the ground.

(5) knE^ sideh o? patis. Wife Sideh she sick = Sideh's wife is ill.

(6) kn£? te:g, uag^n te:g kakg^n hapa. (The) woman sleeps, the
child sleeps in (the) hut.

(7) baro^ a^ Nag karpe:g?n iux jehu?. (The) coco-nut-monkey he
sits up-in (the) boughs (of the! tree.

(8) juag 0 ^ tampux ua kab caga?. (The) tiger he came to tear-in-
pieces Cago.

(9) tab^n a? jidi^ kakg^n pria?. (The) water it is-boiling in
(the) pot.

(10) man^ra^ mapu ua gel ? Man when will eat ? = When will the
man eat ?

(11) ta-pad?n a^ de; ganun, Ta-PMn he made bamboos.

(12) mantra? gyd’n Nag ke mala. Negritos they live at Maio =
The Negritos live at Maio.

(13) ki as a^ goi. Smoke fire it pricks = The smoke of the fire
pricks (the eyes).

An order like the following is exceptional : (14) a^ hid hujanpanas.
It is better to say hujan panas a^ hid. Rain hot it falls = It is raining
while the sun is shining.

The nominative can also be expressed by putting the preposition
ka before the substantive, but in that case the predicate is put first
and the subject follows, e.g. : —

(15) a^ de; ka ta-pad^n ganun. Ta-Pedn made bamboos.

(16) a^ arr ka karei, a^ air ke juag ua kab ke mantra?. Karei
commanded, he commanded jarejposition (the) tiger to tear-in-pieces
jyreposition (the) man = Karei commanded the tiger to tear the man
in pieces.

(17) sigai ka kemujiin kakg^n kod^n. (The) benzoin-incense is-
fumigating in (the) grave.

Peculiar expressions, in which the subject follows, are : — •

(18) a^ iid-iad kui. He has a headache (kui = “ head ”).

(19) a? patis eg^. He sick belly = He has stomach-ache.

(20) a? patis hap. He sick tooth = He has tooth-ache.

814

PATER P. SCHEBESTA —

The word patis is regularly an adjective. Perhaps the substantives
are used as genitives.

Note. — It is not impossible that the substantive with the preposi-
tion ka may sometimes be not a nominative but a sort of instrumental,
e.g.

(21) i£^ gos ka taji aue:i. I split with (the) knife (the) rattan.

In that case the example (16) above would read “ It was ordered
by Karei, it was enjoined upon the tiger etc., which would make
the use of ks juog (in the dative) more intelligible. But as a rule the
ka construction has to be regarded as a nominative.

(22) ja 0 ^ ue:g ba hapa ka karei. Already he return to house
prepositio^i Karei = Karei has gone home.

(23) 0 ^ loi ka karei. He ran preposition Karei = Karei ran.

(24) bulan o? kab ka caqkei, ja d? patis ka bulan. Moon it
devoured preposition toad, already it sick preposition moon = The
moon is being devoured by the toad, the moon is already sick.

Another form of the nominative is preceded by the preposition
de, but I seldom heard it. In this case too the subject follows the
predicate, e.g. : —

ja cub de pai, ja sadap de pai, ja de pai ha sumpig’n. Already go
preposition thou, already at-ease preposition thou, already preposition
thou particle stick-flowers-behind-the-ears = You have gone, you are
now in peace, you are adorning yourself with flowers.

Other examples are given in the appended texts.

(h) Genitive

The genitive is expressed by putting the determining word after
the word to be determined.

(1) hapa man^ra^ ajo^. Hut Negrito small — The hut of the
Negrito is small.

(2) kilad karei cakei. Karei’s lightning (is) big.

(3) 3^ lauan ke kro? karei. He pushed'(it) into Karei's back.

It is not clear whether there is also a genitive with de :

(4) kilad de karei. “ Karei's lightning-flash.”

The dative is formed by adding the preposition ke, or occasionally
de, or without any preposition.

(1) 3^ ioi ke babe: kauad. He brings to woman bird =He brings
the woman a bird.

GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE JAHAI DIALECT

815

(2) teg^n ha eg ke uog^n nus ua te:g. Plait and give to (the) child
(a) mat to sleep (on).

(3) eg die^ lekob^n. Give me much.

(4) eg he? 3?-t-ani jehut nai a?. Give us that (cigar), (we want to)
smoke one.

(5) 0 ? oiT ke jnog. He gives-orders to (the) tiger.

(6) eg ked UDg?n ua ge;i. Give to (the) child to eat.

(7) eg duran ked bauaij. Give (a) durian-fruit to (the) coco-nut-
monkey.

(8) eg ceNeNuin ked tamkal. Give (the) stick to (the) man.

(9) eg de aei pai. Give to father thou = Give to your father.

(10) eg 0 ? {or eg de o?). Give (to) him.

(11) 0 ? ioi penp balajia ked ken?aj. He brings cloth European
to father-in-law = He brings his father-in-law European cloth.

(d) Locative and Instrumental

The preposition ke also serves for the locative and the instrumental.

(1) begjaig ue: ked tob?n. Fish there-are in water = There are
fish in the water.

(2) 0 ? lag ke pog. He is-devoured by (the) tiger.

(e) Accusative

The accusative usually comes after the verb without any
preposition.

(1) eg ie? os (or eg die? os). Give me fire.

(2) ta-pad?n o? de; ganun. Ta-PMn he makes bamboos.

(3) gyd?n ia sox nasi. They eat fish and rice.

(4) ui ia kog?n hajia. They-two are plaiting (the) hut.

(5) he? ia pies dog. We are cooking ipoh-poison.

(6) ba os ba cob?n. Bring fire to light (a fire).

(7) he? ia cub ba ho;b, he? ia bax dog. We are going into (the)
forest, we are fetching (i.e. to get) ipoh-poison.

(8) aket eg ked o? tomako? ! Do-not give her tobacco !

There is also an accusative with ke. Thus in the following sentence
the second ke may be inserted or omitted at will.

(9) 0 ? orr ke pog ua kab ke mon?ra?. He orders the tiger to
devour (the) man.

When emphatic, the object sometimes precedes the verb : —

(10) connin o? eg nai ke babo:. Mirror he gave one to woman =
He gave the woman a mirror.

816

PATER P. SCHEBESTA —

In answer to a question involving “ where ” or “ where ... to ,
the word of place is preceded by the preposition ba. It seems as if
this were also verbal, with the sense of “ going ”, e.g.

(11) ba ha el taji ba dag^n. Go and see (the) knife in (the)
house (i.e. go and fetch the knife). The first ba certainly has the
sense of “ going

(12) ola, cub, he^ ia ue:g ba hapa^ ! Hallo, come, we want to
return to (the) house (i.e. home) !

(13) laseb^n cakei ba ani. Rain big there = There is heavy rain
there.

(14) eg oM-ag ba ie? {or ked ie^ or die^). Give this to me.

(15) he^ ia cub ba ho:b, he^ ia ba(x) dog. We are going into (the)
forest, we are fetching ipoh-poison.

(16) karei a? gyr ba krpeig^n. Karei is-thundering up above.

(17) od^n ia:, ia; manoid ba keiob^n ! Ho-there grandmother,
grandmother Manoid down below !

(18) jampun os ba mi ba ke tob?n. Jampun (is) fire in (the) West,
by (the) water (i.e. the sea).

(Note the double preposition, ba 4 - ke).

(19) 0 ^ Nog ba kro?. He sits at (the) back (i.e. behind someone).

(20) 0 ^ cub ke ken^aj {not ba ken^aj). He goes to (his) father-
in-law.

In answer to the question “ whence ”, the preposition cad^n is used.

(21) kne^ pai ue:g cad^nho;b. Wife thou returned from forest =
Yom wife is-back from (the) forest.

(22) laseb^n cokei cad?n un. Heavy rain (comes) from yonder.

Adjectives

The adjective follows the substantive.

(а) As a predicate it is regularly used without any prefix.

(б) As an attributive it usually has a prefix t-.

(1) ksd^n t-ani ajo^. Child that small = That boy is small.

(2) ked?n t-ani ta-ajo^ ua cub ba ho;b. That small child went into
the forest.

(3) 0 ? iai k£ babo: taji ta-ajo?. He brings to woman knife 'particle-
small = He brings the woman a small knife.

(4) 0 ? loi kfid 0 ? kauad te-bad^sed. He brings to him bird 'particle-
good = He brings him a fine bird.

(5) boeg^n te-menteig. Long cord.

GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE JAHAI DIALECT

817

(6) cog o^-t-aq ajo?, cog o’-t-ani been. Basket it-tkis small, basket
it-tbat big = This basket is small, that basket is big.

(7) cog i£? ta-ajo? aq bod^oed {or te-bod^sed). Basket I 'particle-
small this good = This small basket of mine is a fine one.

(8) cog oM-un te-boeu bora iia bod^aed. Basket it-yonder particle-
big not is good = That big basket is not a fine one.

(9) karsi koto^ boeu. Thunder day big = There's a great deal of
thunder to-day.

(10) kobet seneluol o? malig^n nasi ked ie’. The wrinkled old
woman stole (boiled) rice from me.

Comparison of Adjectives

In comparing two things the word mense? is used.

(1) hajia^ cokei menae^ po’. Hut big as hillock = The hut is as
big as a hillock.

(2) ha ue tukaq o^ ed^ed^ korja menae? t-aq ? Interrogative-particle
there-is workman he know work like this ? = Is there a workman
who understands this kind of work ?

(3) e;g pai menae? e:g karei. Belly thou like belly Karei = Your
belly is like Karei’s.

(4) hapa cakEi saqkato:d’n menae^ pa?. Hut big more as hillock
= The hut is bigger than a hillock.

(5) keid o^-taq cinhin. Cut this short.

(6) keid o^-t-ani cinhin saqkato;d^n. Cut that shorter.

Thus the comparative degree can be expressed by means of the
word saqkatoid^n. But in general a periphrasis is used.

(7) hapa o?-taq cakEi, o^-t-ani ajo?. This hut is big, that one is
small (i.e. that hut is smaller than this one).

The superlative is formed by adding saqkato:d^n to a sentence
like the last one.

(8) hapa oM-aq cakei, o^-t-ani aja^, o?-t-nn ajo? saqkatoid^n.
This hut is big, that one is small, that one over there is the smallest.

Verbs

Sing. 1 lE^ te:g “ I sleep ”.

2 pai te;g

3 0 ^ te:g

PI. 1 inch hE^ te;g

excl. ia pseN te:g

2 gyd?nte:g

3 gyd^n te:g

818

PATER P. SCHEBESTA-

Dual inch hei te;g
excl. ui te;g

Sing. 1 le? la ge:i (or i£? ge;i) “ I eat, I shall eat

2 pai ia ge:i

3 0 ? ha ge:i

PI. 1 incl. he^ la ge:i

excl. ia pseN ia ge:i

2 gyd^n ia ge;i

3 gyd^n ia ge;i

Dual incl. hei ia ge:i (or hei ha ge:i)
excl. ui(x) ia ge;i

Sing. 1 ie^ ia ed^ed? (or ie? td^ed?) har t-ani “ I know that path ”

2 pai ia ed^ed^

3 0 ? ua ed^ed?

PI. 1 incl. h£? ia cd^cd?

excl. ia paes ia td^ed?

2 gyd^n ia ed^ed?

3 gyd^n ia Ed^ed?

Dual incl. hei ia Ed’ed? (or hei ha sd^ed^)
excl. ui(x) ia Ed^’Ed^

Sing. 1 iE^ ob^n ia ge:i “ I want to eat ”, “ I shall eat ”.

2 pai ob^n pai ge:i (or pai ob^n pai ia ge;i)

3 0 ^ ob^n ha ge:i

PI. 1 hE^ ob^n hE^ ge:i (or he^ ob^n hE^ ia ge;i)

2 gyd?n ob^n gyd?n ge;i (or gyd^n ob^n gyd?n ia ge;i)

3 gyd^n ob^n gyd?n geii (or gyd^n ob^n gyd^n ia ge;i)

Dual incl. hei ob^n hei ge:i (or hei ob^n hei ia ge:i)

excl. hi(x) ob?n hi(x) ge;i (or hi(x) ob^n hi(x) ia ge:i).

The past tense is expressed by ja being put before the pronoun

Sing. 1 ja iE^ eI “ I have (already) seen ”.

2 }a pai e1

3 ja 0 ? e1

PI. 1 incl. ja hE? el

excl. ja ia paeN e1

2 ja gyd^n e1

3 ja gyd?n e1
Dual incl. ja hei el

excl. ja hi(x) el.

GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE JAHAI DIALECT

819

Examples : —

(1) he? ia cub ba dag^n. We are going to (the) village.

(2) baro? t-ani a? Ed?Ed?. That coco-nut-monkey is clever.

(3) bare? t-ani ua Ed?Ed? mantra? ! That coco-nut-monkey knows
people !

(Note the alternative uses of Ed?Ed? and ua Ed^Ed?. The
combination a? ua Ed^Ed^ is also possible, but the a^ is already
included in the ua).

(4) lema^ ja a? ue:g cad?n ho;b. Lemo has returned from the
forest.

(5) ala ! cub, hE? ia ue;g ba hajia?. Hallo ! Come, we’ll return
home.

(6) kauE^ a? ue:g cad^n ho:b. His wife is-back from the forest.

(7) kauE? 3^ ua ue;g cad?n ho:b. His wife is coming-back from the
forest.

(8) kauE^ a? ja a^ ue:g cad^n ho;b. His wife has come-back from
the forest.

To the question ; —

(9) ha kanE^ a? ja a? ue;g cad^n ho;b ? Has his wife come back
from the forest ?

The answer is : —

(10) ja a? ue;g, “ She has come-back," or a? ue;g, “ She is-back,”
the use of ja making it more emphatic, or ua ue;g ba uq, “ She is-
coming-back from yonder.” Cf. a^ Ed^Ed^, “ he is clever ” and ua
Ed^Ed^, “ he knows.”

(11) henlab^n cama^ hE^ ab^n hE^ ia cub ba ho;b, hE? ia ba(x)
dag^. Early to-morrow we want we are going to forest ; we are
fetching ipoh-poison = To-morrow morning we are going into the
forest to get ipoh-poison.

(12) hE? ia plEs dag^. We shall cook ipoh-poison.

(13) hE^ ia cub hE^ ia e1 dag^. We are going we will look-at ipoh
(-tree) = We are going to have a look at the ipoh-tree. (The second
hE^ may be omitted.)

(14) iE^ ab^n ia de: hapa^. I want to make hut (or iE? ab^n iE^
ia de: hapa?. I want I will make hut) = I want to make a hut.

(15) karEi a? gyr ba krpe:g^n. Karei thunders up above.

(16) iE? ab^n as ha taqkux (or with ia instead of ha). I want
fire to light (a fire).

(17) 5d a? jehag^n man^ra^. (The) dog barks-at (the) man.

'18) iE? puas ia balajar kEd pai. I (am) tired of learning with you.

820

PATER P. SCHEBESTA —

(19) Eg ke jux ha ge:i. Give to those-two (something) to eat.

(20) ue:g ba aq ha kenseg^n. Come here, and dance {or we-two
will dance).

(21) he^ ia ge;i hade:d?n. We shall eat soon.

(22) ie^ ia cub ba ho:b ia e:g?. I am going to (the) forest to stool.

(23) 0 ? garta:g ua snreg ba ho:b. He knocks that (some one) may
come-out of (the) forest. (One knocks with the woodman's chopper
against a tree in order to summon from the forest some one who is
there but whose exact position at the moment one does not know.)

(24) ia paeN hegig krbau t-ani o? tano^. We are-afraid that
buffalo (may) gore (us).

(25) hE^ cub ba dag^n, hE? ia sasix padei. We are-going to (the)
village, we shall pound paddy (= rice in the husk).

(26) e:g ja soj a? de:. Bow already ready, he make = He has
finished making the bow.

The most striking thing in the above examples is the particle ia
(in the 3rd person singular, ua). Occasionally we find ha. Such
particles usually precede the verb ; if the latter has an auxiliary verb,
the ia or ua must follow the auxiliary and come between it and the
principal verb.

These particles usually express desire, will, or in general a future,
but not always ; sometimes they accompany the present. I am
inclined to regard them as constituting the verb. In that case, without
such a particle, the “ verb ” would have to be regarded as a predicative
adjective, e.g.

(27) man^ra^ (o?) kabys, “ (the) man (he is) dead,” but

(28) man^ra^ ua kabys, “ (the) man died.”

When ja precedes the pronoun, thus indicating the past tense,
no particle is put before the verb : —

(29) man^ra^ ja kabys. Man already he dead = The man is
dead.

This explanation of the particles is, however, by no means certain.
The use of ha instead of ia appears to occur in the dual (but perhaps
also in other cases, cf. the texts).

Active and Passive

(1) IE? ge:i sEg juog?. I eat (the) flesh (of the) tiger.

(2) juog a? lag? ksd ie?. Tiger he devour preposition I = The
tiger devours me.

(3) samambu? a? taba? ked ie?. Semambu beats me.

GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE JAHAI DIALECT

821

(4) IE? tabo? ked o?. I am beaten by him. (But it can also
mean “ I beat him ”.) The following sentence is unambiguous : —

(5) IE? ia tabo? kEd a?. I beat him.

(6) a? malig?n, taba? ba a?. He steal, beat to him = If he steala
he will get beaten.

(7) a? lag? kE juag. He is-devoured by (a) tiger.

The prefix pi seems to form a sort of causative ; Nag, “ to sit,”^
piNag, “ to sleep with ’’ ; muid, pimuid, “ to eat fish ’’ ; ue;g, “ to
come back,” piue:g, “ to bring back.”

Moods

Conditional

(1) a? cub ba gri?, a? ue;g, balar. He go to Grik, he return, pay =
He has gone to Grik ; when he comes back, he will pay.

(2) a? malig?n, Ie? taba? ba a?. (If) he steals, I (shall) beat him.

(3) ha a? ab?ii. If he will. (Here ha is really the interrogative
particle.)

(4) dEin gyd?n ajEr, hE? £d?Ed?. If they teach, we (shall) know.

(5) dEm i£? ue:g. If I come-back.

The Jahai often try to express the conditional by means of the
Malay word kalau, “ if ” (often pronounced kalu in Jahai). But
generally it can only be inferred from the context.

(6) a? malig?n ka ni 0 n?ra? ke bab ie?, ia i£? sasa?. He steal
prejposition man preposition thing I, particle I thrash = If the man
steals my eatables, I will thrash him.

Interrogative

(1) ha ja pai ge;i ? Interrogative-particle already thou eat ? = Have
you eaten yet ?

(2) ja IE? ge:i. I have eaten.

(3) ha kenma? pai ? Int.-part. name thou 1 = What is your name ?

(4) ue:? ha ii? ? Have you or haven’t you ?

(5) mapn? gyd?n ia ge;i ? h£? ia ge;i hade;d?n. When will you
eat ? We will eat at-once.

(6) mapu? pai ia cub ? When will you go ?

Imperative

(1) cub Ie ! Go ! (The particle Ie adds emphasis ; usually the verb
alone is used.)

(2) gos, am, taboeg?n ! Come-down, drink, (you) lotong-monkey !

822

PATER P. SCHEBESTA —

(3) ola, baranti pai ? Hallo, stop, you !

(4) 5d ! tabo? t-ani ! Dog ! Beat that ! = Beat that dog !

Negative and Prohibitive

mcNid is a strong negative and also a prohibitive.

bara? is the usual negative with verbs ; it sometimes causes
alliteration in the following verb (e.g. bara^ beuaq, “ there is no money ”
= “ I have no money ”).

aket is a prohibitive.

(1) ha ja 0 ? ua:g ? bara? ua ue:g lagi. Interrogative-jxirticle already
he come-back ? Not is come-back yet = Has he come back ? He
isn't back yet.

(2) 0 ? bara? jib^n, bara? beboe?. He does-not cry, he has no
mother (to hear him cry).

(3) bara^ ua ge:i menhed. He does not eat sugar-cane.

(4) aket jirinuis ! Do-not make-a-wry-mouth !

(5) ai ta, aket serig ke gyd?n ! 0 grandfather, be-not angry with
them !

(6) bara^ ie^ te:g tamkal ani. I do not sleep with that man.

(7) aket uo:g, lipid. Do-not scrape (the woimd), it will-
become-big.

(8) bara? ie!> kabys, ie? gas. I am-not going-to-die, I (am) young
(literally, “ alive ”).

(9) bara^ ua celai. He (has) not hit (the animal with his blowpipe-
dart).

(10) bara^ ua lema?, ie^ laua ka-uq, acux. He has not found (it),
I looked-for (it) there, it-was-not-there.

(11) oi, meNid loi ! You (there), don’t run (away) !

(12) pai ha ue: bab ? meNid. You, have (you any) eatables ? No.

Adverbs

(1) cub letego? (or tego?) ! Go carefully !

(2) cub lehakoi [or hakai) ! Go slowly !

(3) paNseg^n hakoi ! Speak slowly !

(4) cub lekeduot ! Go quickly !

(5) eg die? lekob?n ! Give me plenty !

(6) ha box letego? ! Do-not fill up (the grave with earth) !

(7) rebet letego? ! Bind tightly.

The adverb is regularly formed by means of the prefix le, but
this prefix can be dispensed with.

grammatical sketch of the jahai dialect 823

Formation of Words
Reduplication

ge:i . . . gi-ge;i, “ to eat.”

babo;, “ woman.”

Ed^ed?, “ to know."
dal-dorl, “ heel.”

tam-tob?n, “ cord made of urat batu fungus.”
cub . . . cib-cub, “ to go.”

te;g . . . ti-te;g, “ to sleep.”

hid-hoid, “ to sneeze ” (?).
iem-iEm, “ mist.”

Nog . . . Ni-NDg, ■' to sit, to squat.”

jud^n . . . jid?n-jud^n, “to hang down (like a hanging branch).”
iob-iab, “ to stare.”

tig?n-tug?n, “ to pound with bamboos.”
six . . . sa-six, “ to pound (rice).”

In verbs reduplication occurs very often, especially after the
■verbal particle ia, without however having any significant effect.

Te.xts

About Karei and the Hala
(By Keladi)

pantis (or patis), he? des hala? teboeu ua tulug?n he?

(When) sick we fetch (the) great Hala to help us

t-ag, ua el he? patis. ja a? eg carmin ka-uq,

bere, to look-at us sick. Then one ^ gives mirror yonder,

ka hala? ua parloi ? ke karei ; he? ia gas ua
for (the) Hala to waft-up to Karei ; we shall live ? (if) he

parlai carmin ke karei. taapale bule ie? tulug?n

wafts (the) mirror up-to Karei. Certainly I can help

ke serlantes. kalu bara? hala?, he? kabys.

(the) Serlantes.^ If (there were) no Hala, we (should) die.

a? eg nemsab?n ka karei ; kalu ue hala?, he?
Karei gives diseases ; if there-is (a) Hala, we

* Literally, "he.”

’ Literally, " cause to run," from loi. “to run.”

^ i.e. ' ' get well ".

* The servitor of the Hala.

VOL. IV. P.Utl IV.

•54

824

PATER P. SCHEBESTA—

j gos, bole 0^ parbi ks karsi ; kalu bara^ hala^,

live, he can send-up to Karei ; if there-is-no Hala,

; he^ kabys ; bara^ he’ ia ed^ed^ parlai ke karei.

f we die ; we do not know (how to) send-up to Karei. the

hala? a? semai ? ke karei, ka hala? a? hagi carmin.

Hala prays to Karei, the Hala gives (him a) nrcrror.

■; karei a? Nag ^ titui, a? byrl nus ke syr a?

s Karei sits upright, Karei has-spread (a) mat at his side

1 :

^ ke dada? ? karei. sampei carmin a? parlai ka hala?,

? to his chest. (When the) mirror arrives, that the Hala sent-up.

sampei krpe:g?n nus carmin, a? leglug * ka karei, a? hemhab?n

■ (the) mirror arrives on the mat, Karei laughs, he likes

I carmin. a? perbb ka karei ke hala?, a? eg

I (the) mirror. Karei breathes into (the) Hala, he gives (him)

i cebux. a? perbb ka hala? ke he? tepatis,

. (the) ceboh (-stone).® (The) Hala breathes into us (when) sick, (and)

■ ja he? seju?.
then we get-well.

baia^ harei bakud ; sampei bajia, he?

Karei’s shadow ® (is) hot ; (if it) approaches (our) hut, we

kabys.

die.

The Blood-Throwing Ceremony
(By Keladi)

karei a? gyrr, gyd?n keb?n gyd?n babo:, gyd?n

(When) Karei thunders, (the) women cut themselves, they

; se.i ke(d) karei, gyd?n cioe? ba te;

throw (blood) up-for Karei, they pour (it) on (the) ground

i * Literally “ asks ”.

i ’ Or " dwells ”.

^ • i.e. “ he has a mat spread near his breast

■I * i.e. "is pleased ”.

f Karei helps the Hala by breathing into the magic ceboh stone for him. Xo cure

- til® magic stone in both hands and blows upon it.

* Or "radiance ”.

GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE JAHAI DIALECT

825

ked manoid?. kalu o? baranti a? karei, jadi-le, kaln
for Manoid. If Karei stops (thundering), it-is-all-right, if (he)

bara? ua baranti, o? gyrr lagi, keb^n ka he^ tamakal,
does-not stop, he thunders still, we men (also) cut (ourselves),

kalu bara? ua baranti, keb^n cad?n enla:g?n keteig^n.

if (he) does-not stop, (we) cut on both-sides legs.^

A Funeral

(Described by Keladi and Cenbis)

D? kabys kanarr dua? nanked^n, renca har

The deceased is-carried-by two men, (who) clear (a) path

ba-seg^n ; -iefx) ia kanarr sara?. he^ ia bai

beforehand ; we-two carry (the) corpse. We dig

pakal baliog^n, dua? -iE(x) ia bai koid^n,

(with the) point (of a) hatchet, we two dig (the) hole,

cincag^n karab. he^ la darr cad^n keiab^n,

(and) split bamboos. We spread-(them)-out at (the) bottom,

sara^ cad^n krpe;g^n karab.

(the) corpse on (the) top (of the) split-bamboos. ■ We

de: demig^n enlag^n enlag^n ko;d?n, hamkal

make slats of-bamboo along-the-sides-of (the) grave, lay-over

jehu^ ampat, cincag’n karab, he^ darr

(them) four (pieces of) wood. (we) split bamboos, we spread

cad^n krpeig^n,- he^ dod^n te; krpe;g?n

(them) on (the) top (of the pieces of wood), we put earth on-to

karab. jele:g?n jehu?, he^ ia kug?n

(the) split-bamboos. (We) stick-in (a piece of) wood, we plait

hapai. krpeig^n sara’ ; box balau

(a) palmleaf-screen over (the) corpse ; (we) lay (the) blowpipe

keiab?n hapai, bano box sakali ktd

under (the) screen, (the) quiver (we) lay also with

* i.e. both legs, along the shins.

^ cad^n krpeig^n is a curious phrase ; the primary sense of Cad^n is "foot ”
and hence " from” ; so here " from above ” really comes to mean ' on to the top of ”.

826 GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE JAHAI DIALECT

balau, siap, box krpe;g^ii saro? keiob^n

(the) blowpipe, ready, (we) lay (it) over (the) corpse under

hapoi. he^ kaleb^n os, cob^n os

(the) screen. We bring firewood, (and) light (a) fire

enlag^n enlag^n.

on-both-sides.

ja 1 he^ ia ue:g, he? ia do:g, he^ ia Nog

Then we return-home, we shift-our-camp, we (go and) live

ba ani. ja six bras, ja he?

over there. Then (we) pound rice, then we

ia halu^ ai.

shoot game (with the blowpipe).

de gyd^n tani, gyd?n ia laua begjag ; de hs^ tag,
Those there, they catch fish ; we here,

hE^ ia halu(x) taboeg?n. ja

we shoot lotong-monkeys (with the blowpipe). Then

paag? gyd?n tebrabo;, ja

they, (the) women, cook (rice in internodes of bamboo), then

uas.

habox

(they) split (them open),

(and)

pour-out (the contents)

krpe;g?n gadaq ; ja he? ia

ge;i;

sudah.

on straw-platters ; then we

eat ;

(when we) have-finished,

ja simpen ganun.

cantug^n.

then (are) got-ready bamboos.

stamp (on the ground).

hE? ia pi^loin, gyd?n tiga? tebrabo;

kenseig^n.

we sing, they, (the) three women, dance.

^ }a, Tisually indicating the past tense, has the force of " and then ” in this and
the following sentences where it occurs.

CHANSONS I)E PAGAYEURS
Par J. Tanghe ^

X ES difierents motifs musicaux que nous avons reunis ici sous
le titre de “ Chansons de Pagayeurs ” ont ete recueillis et
annotes au couis d’excursions en pirogue sur le Fleuve, du cote de
Nouvelle- Anvers et pendant des randonnees a travers les nombreuses
voies d’eau sinueuses, qui sillonnent la foret marecaguese de la
contree des Bangala.

Si tel est le titre que nous avons choisi pour designer ces premieres
manifestations d’activite musicale, c’est par ce que la chanson est la
forme d’expression a laquelle non seulement elles font immediatement
songer, mais aussi a laquelle elles doivent directement conduire et
aboutir.

Dans son stade actuel, la chanson negre n'est a cote de nos chansons
populaires qu’une simple ebauche, qu’un esprit cultive serait naturelle-
ment porte a completer et a developper, mais que le Xoir, avec son
imagination primitive, abandonne a I’etat embryonnaire.

La chanson de pagayeur accompagne une action. Elle encourage
le pagayeur dans son travail ; elle stimule son energie et augmente
son ardeur. Le travail de pagayeur s'execute par un groupe d’hommes
et en mesure, II consiste dans la repetition regidiere et periodique
des memes mouvements. Grace a cette regularite, I’effort de chacun
s’en trouve diminue et bunion des efforts, rendue possible, augmente
I'efficacite du travail. Le geste du pagayeur s’accomplit en deux
temps et se compose de I'alternation reguliere d’une tension et d’un
repos musculaires.

C’est sur ces considerations-la, que nous nous sommes bases pour
diviser nos “ chansons ” en parties d’egale duree, c.a.d. en mesures.
Car, la mesure de la chanson correspond a celle du travail qu’elle
accompagne.

Par consequent, la mesure de la chanson sera binaire. Elle compte
deux temps : un temps fort et un temps faible. Le premier temps
coincide avec la tension des muscles (coup de rame), le deuxieme avec
le repos. Ces deux temps sont d’egale duree, mais ils different conside-
rablement au point de vue de I'intensite. En effet, le premier est

^ Dr. Tanghe "wras a student at this School during the Session 1923-4, and sub-
sequently joined a research expedition to the Belgian Congo, where he made an
intensive study of Mabale (a dialect of the group usually called Ngala). — A. W.

828

J. TANGHE —

fortement marque aussi bien dans la chanson que dans I’accompagne-
ment du gong ou du tam-tam ; sur lui tombent egalement les syllabes
accentu^s du texte ; le deuxieme, au contraire est relativement
faible. Dans la mesure de chaque temps vaut une blanche et dans
celle de ^ une noire pointee.

Nous avons dit que la chanson negre n'etait qu’une simple ebauche,
une tentative de production, ime formule de quelques notes, ne
remplissant souvent qu'une seule mesure.

La structure est tout-a-fait elementaire. Elle est basee sur le
precede de repetition.

(1) Repetition de la meme formule avec ou sans pause intermediaire.

(2) Repetition de la meme formule, avec legere variation.

(3) Alternation de deux formules.

(4) Alternation de deux formules, avec variation.

En designant la formule par une lettre, (A, B, C) la pause par un
tiret (-), et la variation par un accent derriere la lettre (A', B") nous
pouvons representer comme suit les difierents types de structure
que nous rencontrons dans notre serie de chansons : —

I. (a) A, A, A, etc. (sans pause) ; Nos. 1 et 2. (b) A, A, -, A,
etc. (avec pause) ; Nos. 3, 4, 5 et 6.

II. (a) A, A', A, A', etc. ; No. 7. (b) A, A, A', A", etc. ; Nos.
8 et 9.

III. A, A, B, B, A, A, B, B, etc. ; Nos. 10, 11 et 12.

IV. (a) A, B, A', B, A, B, A', B, etc. ; No. 13. (6) A, B, A, B', A,
B, A B', etc. ; No 14.

Le type I (a) est clair. Les motifs se succedent regulierement et
sans arret. Remarquons que dans I (h) la pause etablie entre les
formules est de la meme dur^e que la formule. La variation est
realisee par 1 augmentation de I’intervalle. Ainsi, la formule initiale
du No. 7 est : la, la, si, la, sol, mi, sol. Dans la variante, I’intervalle
compris entre la deuxieme (la) et la troisieme (si) note est augmente ;
la, si devient la, do. Void comment se decompose le No. 13 ; la
premide formule est fa §, fa #, mi, sol ; la deuxieme, fa ^f, fa #, mi,
fa if , la troisieme est xme variation de la premide : la tierce constituee
par les deux dermeres notes (nu, sol devient une quarte ( mi , la) ; la
quatrieme formule est identique a la deuxieme. Dans le No. 8, la
tierce descendante (si b, sol) de la formule initiale est successivement
portee a la quarte (do-si b, la-sol) et h, la quinte (ro-do, sib , la-sol)
dans la troisieme et dans la quatrieme formules. Cette succession

CHANSONS DE PAGAYEURS

829

d’intervalles progressivement augmentes constitue un procede ties
heureux de variation et produit un eSet melodique d’une originale
beaute. Le No. 15 comprend deux parties : un solo debutant par un
unisono, legerement nuance sur la syllabe pi de kapita et se terminant
par une cadence harmonieuse realisee par la chute d'une tierce (sur
embe dua e), repetee en ecko par tout le choeur des pagayeurs (sur
e e : e, e, e : e).

Deux traits caracteristiques, se rencontrant frequemment a la fin
d'une chanson, sont en outre a signaler respectivenient dans les Nos. 7
et 8. Le premier est la chute finale de la melodie au moment on la
pirogue va aborder. La chanson, au lieu de se terminer sur sa veritable
finale, est suivie par une note longuement soutenue et d un ton plus
bas que la finale (voir No. 7). II est evident que cette note finale
(fa, ct) ne fait pas partie de la chanson. La seconde caracteristique
est la longue modulation de la note finale (No. 14).

Les Nos. 15 et 16, meritent au point de vue de leur forme, une
attention sp^ciale. Ils n'ont rien de la rigueur et de la regularite
de construction qui caracterisent si bien toutes les autres chansons.
Dans le No. 16 ou rencontre une certaine liberte d’allure, un certain
elan rythmique qui en font une veritable phrase musicale. Le No. 17
est un air de danse triste. II est execute par deux voix de femmes,
Tune pleurant la mort precoce de son enfant, I’autre repetant les
memes notes plaintives apres chaque formule.

Le contour melodique de la chanson est tres restraint. Le plus
souvent celle-ci se meut dans Tinterv^alle d’une quinte ou d'une quarte.
Ces memes intervalles se rencontrent dans la langue parlee, le premier
a la fin d’lme interrogation (quinte ascendante) le second en terminant
une phrase affirmation (quarte descendante). Nous trouvons des
exemples de I’emploi de Tunisson dans les Nos. 2, 3 et 15.

L’allure de la chanson est lente, monotone et plaintive. Dans

la mesure de g ^ = 60 ; de meme, dans celle de ^ t3 = 60. Excep-
tionnellement le mouvement des Nos. 2 et 6 est accelere. Le meme
mouvement rythmique imprime la meme formule indefiniment
repetee. Les mesures se succedent regulieres et imiformes. La
monotonie est encore augmentee par I’accompagnement constant et
sourd du gong (mbonda) et par les batteries nerveuses et precipitees
du tam-tam (mokoto). Nous avons donne des exemples de cet accom-
pagnement aux Nos. 6 et 7. L’intervalle des deux notes du tam-tam
est d’une tierce mineure.

830

J. TASGHE —

Generalement la chanson de pagayenr est executee par tout
I’equipage. Un homme entonne un air, d’autres suivent, et voila bientot
tout le monde entraine. Mais avant qu’un air ne soit entonne, la
mesure a ete marquee par le tam-tam et le gong (ex : Nos. 6 et 7).
Des fois, il se trouve im jeune homme parmi la bande, repute pour
sa belle voix et ses belles chansons, et alors c’est lui qui se fera entendre
au cours du voyage. Get homme, appele moto iva ndzembo (I’homme
(le la chanson) est d’office exempt de pagaye. Le moto iva ndzembo se
fera I’enterprete de tons et dans ce cas-la il alternera avec le chcEur
(Nos. 6, 7 et 9) ou bien il donnera libre cours k ses propres sentiments.
C’est-parmi ces chansons-la que se comptent les plus belles (Nos. 8,
12 et 16).

Il nous reste a dire im mot au sujet du texte. Celui-ci ne possede
qu’une valeur secondaire et accessoire. Bien souvent les paroles sont
insignifiantes et banales et le Noir se trouverait embarasse de vous
dire la veritable signification de sa chanson.

Le Noir chante les differents phenomenes de la nature, qu’il
divinise et que son imagination peuple d’esprits. Vis-a-vis de ceux-ci
il eprouve une veritable crainte qu’il s’efforce de dissimuler et qu’il
veut dissiper par la chanson. Il invoque la foret peuplee d’ ombres,
les lies mysterieuses, les eaux profondes ; il appelle les manes de
ses ancetres ; il chante la puissance des Blanc ou bien il celebre
quelqu’ evenement de son village dont le souvenir lui est reste fidele.
Par sa chanson, il veut,en les invoquantdesarmer les forces mysterieuses
qui I’entourent et qui le hantent.

Void la traduction des textes qui nous avons su noter : 1, ile.
2, ekouloulou, qui rames incessamment. (Comprenez : est-ce-que nous
autres, hommes, serons obliges de ramer, jour et nuit, a I’instar de
I’ekouloulou ? — un petit poisson qui ressemble a une sardine et qui
nage incessamment. Veritable ad hominem de mes pagayeurs qui
apres un long trajet n’avaient pas encore atteint le but du voyage
au tomber de la nuit. 3, hippo, fusil, casserole, lance, etc. 4, ? 5, 0
malle, avance. 6, Chef o, waza, waza ; chef e, waza, waza ; ventre
e, w. w. ; fusil, e, w. w. ; malle, e, w. w. ; sel, e, w. w. ; imitons-le
(Blanc), w. w. ; ebe. 7, ? 8, ? 9, Les herbes, o ye ; les herbes, o, ye ;
etc. 10, J’avance. 11, ? 12, Helas, mere ; helas, mere ; un homme
est tombe ; un homme est mort ; (le reste est incoherent). 13, Manzoni ?
14, ? 15, Porte le chef, porte le kapita ; chante le Fleuve. Comprenez :
Si le chef a une palabre, le kapita y sera egalement mele. Le mot
palabre, sujet (dzikambo) est sous-entendu. 16, Un jour, en arrivant

CHANSONS DE PAGAYEURS

831

dans un village, un de mes pagayeurs, ayant decouvert une belle
femelle, se mit a chanter des paroles obscenes qui ne manquerent
pas de faire eclater de rire toute I’equipe. 17, Helas, mon enfant ;
helas, je le plenre ; helas, avec douleur ; saurais-je I'oublier, helas.

On le voit, non seulement le texte est souvent quasi incompre-
hensible mais au point de vue du vocabulaire il est un meli-melo de
termes, emprxmtes aux difEerents dialectes du Fleuve. A titre
d’exemple, citons le No. 15 oii les premiers mots sont Mabale et des
derniers (embe dua) ngombe.

II eut ete facile d’harmoniser ces dilierents motifs dont certains
sont de toute beaute, mais cela n'aurait pas contribue a une meilleure
comprehension et a une presentation plus naturelle du sujet.

La musique negre ignore les consonnances et les partitions qui
constituent precisement la base de rharmonisation.

En publiant ces textes musicaux. nous avons semplement voulu
susciter de I’interet pour un aspect de la civilisation noire, jusqu’ici
trop souvent neglige.

CHANSONS DE PAGAYEUliS

(Nd3£mbo ja bate ba qkai)

-ii . i-— ^ ^ >— r

i i ^ — m lb sr- 1 = M ai \

rszrrc

.T- T. il 1 m '

Tutti . E - a - qga e e ; e - a - gga

e e ; e - a - gga e e e - a - qga

e e ; e - a - qga e - e

=60

.l.V OLD WAR SONG OF THE BABEMBA ^

By E. 0 ‘Ferrall

Text in Chibemba

§ 1 1. Kale ilyo pali BaMwamba tia BaXkulu baletuma fita,

2. fileya ku mishi ya bantu aba Mambwe.

3. Babasanga, baikatana, balapikana no kulasana na mafunio.

4. Awishyo mubiye panshi, amumo mutwe. amumo mutwe,

5. asenda, atwala ku mfumu. Balaimba amalaila, baleti,

6. “ Sompa, sompa, sompa, sompa, sompa, ’ ne mitwe ya abantu

7. Mfumu aiti : “ Mwasalipeni.” Yalabanaila ubwali.

8. Baikala uluchelo.

9. Yatuma bambi. Baya, baya, basanga :
lU. kabili balalasana abashili na bukali.

11. Babutuka ulubilo, babwelela ku mfumu.

12. Mfumu yabasula, aiti : “ Tamukalipe.”

13. Yatuma bambi. Baya apopene babutwike, balalwa,

babakoma.

14. Babwela, baleimba amalaila, abati :

15. “ Makoshi sompa, sompa, sompa, sompa, sompa."

16. Batuma umunabo ku mfumu, abati :

17. ■* Kasobele wati, ‘ Kabakoma abantu.’ "

18. Mfumu aiti : “ Chisuma ; mwawaraya, niwe bantu bandi."

19. Bafika bouse. Ne mfumu yaima, yalayanga.

20. Balabika ne mitwe kwilinga. Balatota, abati : Chilyo,

chilyo."

21. Mfumu aiti ; " Mwasalipeni, mwe bantu bandi.”

22. Yafumya ne kunku ya nsalu, -yalalepula.

23. Ilebafwika umo umo. Bonse bakumana.

24. Aiti : " Kekaleni, mwe bantu bandi.” Baikala.

§ 2 25. Kabili limbi yafwaya ukuya kumbi.

26. Yabakuta, yalonganya ifilolo fyonse. Yasosa, aiti :

27. " Ndemutuma ku mishi ku kulwa ulubvdi.”

28. Bati : “ Chisuma." Basumina.

29. Yalabula na maluti, yalabapa bonse, yakumanya :

30. yafumya ne mfuti, yalabapa.

' Also called Wawemba or Awemba. Probably the right spelling is ua cemba.

V(iL. IV. P.VKT IV. .-,5

840

R. O FERRALL —

31. Yafumya ne nsalu sliakashika. yalalepula.

32. Ilebapa ne miala ya kuya nayo kwilinga.

33. Baya, bayafika, babasanga abanabo.

34. Balalwa ulubuli abashikalipe. Babutuka ulubilo.

35. Basosa, abati : “ Tulelwa nenu."

36. Bati ; " Xomba ifwe twanaka. Tuleisa tota ku mfumu

yenii."

37. Baisa, batota, abati : “ Twanaka, we mfumu."

38. Aiti : " Chisuma. Ikaleni." Baikala.

39. Yabapele no mushi. Baikala aba bantu ba mfumu.

40. Xo kuleka baleka : ninshi chapwa.

41. Xe mfumu yasulako, aiti ; “ Chapwa.' Baikala.

42. Epela.

§ 3 43. Bamo, nga baisa ababekete abanakashi.

44. balaposa ku Balungwana.

45. Balebashita nsofu ne nsalu ne rafuti

46. na mapipa ya maluti ; ninshi chapwa.

47. XY mfumu yasosii. aiti : " Muli ba.shya bamli."

48. Xo kuleka yaleka.

XOTE.S

1. 1. Bamwamba na Bnnkuhi. Honorific Plurals.

1. 3. Balapikana. Kupika is now commonly u.sed for firing a rifle.
Its original meaning seems to refer to a short, sharp sound. ^ (Compare
kupika hodi. “to warn someone of one's presence"; kupika
sankiju “ to say ‘ Thank you '.'')

11. 6. 15, 20. Sompa, Makoshi, Chihjo. Archaic words the
meanings of which are no longer remembered. They are still used on
such occasions as the slaying of a lion.

1. 5. Ba-le-ti. Imperf. Pres. Cf. ti “ say ", le being the tense
infi.x.

1. 6. AY mitwe. The narrator explained that the warriors carried
the heads to the chief and then danced round them.

1. 7. Mwasalipeni. Lit, “ Be fierce ". Cf. the old word
musalifi “ a warrior ".

^ Is this a genuine ujmha word or borrowed from the .Swahili piga ? Pigu
bunduki is the recognized exDres.sion in the latter lanitnage, and piga hodi means to
announce one’s presence at a door by crying ■' Hodi ! " (from the Arabic -ta-).

The change from g to k is what might be expected in oemba. where the former sound
only exists in combination with its homorganic nasal (i.e. as ifg) — A tV.

AX OLD WAR SOX’G OF THE BABE MBA

841

I. 20. Iota “prostrate oneself in salutation ”, as to a chief. — A. W.
1. .44. Balaposa seems to be a future, and posa properly means

“ throw away ” (cf. Zulu ponsa), perhaps implying that the captives
are so numerous as to be given away practically for nothing. Contrast
with sMta “ sell " in line 45, when it is a question of ivory.

1. 46. Mapipa, properly “ barrels ”, pi. of pupa, Portuguese loan-
word in Swahili. Maluti is evidently a corruption of haniti, also
a loan-word in Swahili.

English Translation

§ 1 1. One day of old, Mwamha and Nkulu sent out their warriors

2. To war against the homes of the sons of Mambwe.

3. They find them, they seize them, they fight and wound each

other with their spears.

4. Each one throws his man to the ground, he strikes off his

head,

5. He carries it and brings it to the chief. They sing songs of

victory, saying,

6. ■■ Sompa. sompa, sompa. sompa. sompa," with the heads of

the slain.

7. The chief says, “ Greeting, my braves.” He cooks food

for them.

S. They remain till dawn.

9. He sends others. They go. they go and find them.

10. Again they fight with those who are not brave.

I I . They flee quickly. They come back to the chief.

12. The chief despises them and says, “ Ye are not brave.”

13. He sends others. They go to the spot whence their fellows

have fled : they fight and they slay.

14. They return and sing songs of victory, saying,

15. “ Makoshi sompa. sompa, sompa, sompa, sompa.”

16. They send one of their fellows to the chief, saying,

IT. “ Go. tell him. ‘ They have killed their foes.’ ”

18. The chief says. “ Very good. Ye have done well, 0 my

people.”

19. They all come and the chief rises up and dances.

20. They put the heads on the stockade and praise him, saving.

Chilyo, chilyo."

21. The chief says. “ Greeting. 0 my people. "

22. He brings out rolls of cloth and tears it up.

842

23.

24.

R. O FERRALL —

He c'-Othes them one by one. All have their share.
He says, “ Stay here, 0 my braves.” They stay.

§ 2 25. Again another day the chief wishes to go elsewhere.

26. He calls his men, he gathers all his elders and saj's,

27. “ I will send you to the villages to strive in battle.”

28. They say, “ Very good.” They agree.

29. He brings out powder and gives plenty to all.

30. He brings out guns and distributes them.

31. He brings forth red cloths and tears them in pieces.

32. He gives them to his men as tokens that they may go with

them to the stockade.

33. 05 they go and arrive and find their foes.

34. They strive in battle with those w'ho are not brave. They

See quickly.

35. They say, “ We will fight you.”

36. They answer, “ Xow we are tired. We wull come and honour

your chief.”

37. So they come and honour him. saying, “We are tired. 0

chief.”

38. He says, “ Very good. Stay here.” So they .stay.

39. He gives them a village. They stay as men of the chief.

40. They cease from fight for all is over.

41. And the chief scorns them and says, “ All is over.” So

they stay.

42. That is the end of the story.

§ 3 43. And when those came who had captured women,

44. They sold them to the Arabs.

45. They sold them ivory in exchange for cloth and guns

46. And vessels of powder. Thus was the end.

47. And the chief spoke, saying, “ Ye are my slaves.”

48. So he ceases from war.

XoTE, The writer has not been able to discover the natme of the metre, so the
arrangement of the lines both in the text and translation is arbitrary.

Source

The song was obtained in January, 1925, from a native of
Chandamukulu’s village, near Kasama in North-East Khodesia.
Chandamukulu is now the name of a district chief ; the name originally

AX OLD WAR SONG OF THE BABEMBA

843

was that of the sister of Chitimiikulu I (Chileshyi), who was the mother
of the four paramount chiefs who in turn succeeded Chitimukulu I.

The narrator was a man of thirty-five y'ears of age, who had heard
the song in his y'outh in his village and had himself simg it many
times and could still sing it. He himself had only heard it sung round
the camp fire ; though he says it was originally srmg by warriors
dancing round the heads of the slain and brandishing their spears on
high. He says the song was never accompanied by any instrumental
music, nor by drums. He could repeat the song again and again
with hardly' any' variation in the words.

Historical Background

The three names mentioned in the song give some idea of the
occasion of its original composition. Mwamba and Nkulu ( = Chewe)
were brothers of Chitimukulu VIII (= Kapalakashya). The Chiti-
mukulus were the paramount chiefs of a tribe of Bantu who migrated
about 1740 from Lubaland, west of the Lualaba River, now in the
Belgian Congo. This tribe worked round the south of the Luapula
River, and eventually' settled to the south of Lake Tanganyika and
north-east of Lake Bangweolo. One of the tribes which they
encountered and fought when they entered the land was that of the
Bamambwe. Either the latter tribe gave further trouble in the time
of Chitimukulu VII (about 1870), or the chief wanted to extend his
kingdom ; for we hear of great wars in his reign. His successor,
Chitimukulu VIII, and the latter's brother, Mwamba, continued
these wars. Mwamba seems to have been a strong man ; for, when
Chitimukulu IX succeeded, he received large grants of land from him
and became virtual ruler of the Babemba till his death in 1898.

(Ref. “ The native tribes of X.E. Rhodesia," Coxhead, Puh. Royal
Anthropological Institute, 1914.)

Date and Origin

The problems of the date and origin of this song are much afiected
by' the view taken as to whether it is a single whole or a combination
of two or three older songs. Manifestly' in its present form it was
used not earlier than the time of Mwamba and celebrates one of the
la‘er raids of the Babemba against the Bamambwe, some time between
the years 1880 and 1890.

But there are indications that the song in its present form is
in three distinct sections. Section one contains archaic words, talks

844

AN OLD WAR SONG OF THE BABEMBA

of head-hunting, and makes no certain allusion’ to rifles. Rifles were
introduced into the country by the Arabs about 1860 , but the presence
of the archaic -words suggests a far earlier date. In this case the names
Mwamba and Nkulu must have taken the place of earlier chief.s' names,
if they do not even refer to earlier chiefs of the same names, and the
one possible reference to guns and the distribution of cloth may be
an addition. In the second section firearms take a prominent place,
and the capture of heads is not referred to. It has. too, a definite
beginning and end.

The third section looks like a piece added on. possibly at the time
sections one and two were combined.

To summarize we may say that section one may possibly have
been composed to celebrate one of the earlier fights between the
Babemba and the Bamambwe at the time of the first invasion, some-
time about the middle of the eighteenth century. Then about the
time of renewed fighting between the peoples, towards the end of the
nineteenth century, the old war song was revived and additions were
made.

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

Tnji Tibetan Book of the Dead, or the After-De.ith Experiences on
the Bardo Plane, according to Lama Kazi Dawa-Samdup's
English rendering. By W. Y. Evaxs-Wentz. M.A.. D.Litt..
B.Sc., with Foreword by Sir Johx Woodroffe. pp. xliv — 248.
Oxford University Press. London: Humphrey Milford. 1927.

In this volume Dr. Evans-Wentz has made available for English
readers the remarkable ritual manual of the lamas, entitled in Tibetan
Bardo Thddol {Bar-do-thos-grol) ‘‘ Liberation by hearing on the After-
Death Plane ”, and read over the dead throughout Tibet in slightly
differing versions. His title The Tibetan Book of the Dead succinctly
indicates the character of the subject matter of an ancient manuscript,
obtained from a lama of the semi-reformed Kargyutpa (Bkah-rgijud-pa)
sect. It was translated, in close co-operation with the editor, by the
well-known Tibetan scholar, the late Lama Kazi Dawa-Samdup
{Zla-ha-hsam-hgruh), himself a member of the Kargyutpa order, and
initiated into the higher, or esoteric, teachings of Northern Buddhism,
in particular those of the Great Perfectionist School of Guru Padma-
sambhava, to whom the compilation of the original text is ascribed.

In the words of Dr. Evans-Wentz, the Bardo-Thbdol is an “ epito-
mized exposition of the cardinal doctrines of the Mahayma School
of Buddhism”, besides being "based essentially upon the Occult
Sciences of the Yoga Philosophy ” ; many parts are highly symbolical
and abstruse ; the language is often figurative, and when it appears
to express a simple and easily understood idea, it is. as often as not,
pregnant with a rich meaning, completely hidden from the uniiistructed .
For, though, as this book shows, in Tibet Northern Buddhism with
amazing boldness claims the fullest knowledge as to the State after
Death, and the power to instruct the deceased at each stage, it, in
common with other religions, speaks in parables to the world, and
reserves the complete explanation of its profound doctrines to the
few qualified to receive them. This it does by oral instruction conveyed
from guru to chela {shishya).

The above will show the necessity for. and the great value of.
the wealth of matter elucidatory of the text, which this volume
contains. This consists of a commentarv in the form of annotations
to the text, a comprehensive introduction — both of which embody

846

REVIEWS OF ROOKS

the translator's own notes dictated by him to his disciple, the editor- —
and seven concise and scholarly essays on Yoga, Tantricism, Mantras,
Initiation, Eeality, Northern and Southern Buddhism and Christianity,
and the Medieval Christian Judgement in the Addenda. We may also
mention an unusual, but welcome feature of the book, the detailed
explanations of the well-reproduced photographic illustrations,
notably of two illuminated folios of the manuscript, two conclaves
(mandalas) of deities, which appear among the phenomena of Bardo,
and the Judgement of the Lord of the Dead, Dharma-Rdja (Gsin-rje).

Formidable though the task was, Dr. Evans- Wentz has succeeded
in presenting within a reasonable compass and in a convenient shape,
a rich store of information, much of it not available elsewhere, on the
teachings underlying the Bardo Tkodol. His aim, as he informs us,
has been to present these teachings “ as he has been taught them by
qualified initiated exponents of them, who alone have the unquestioned
right to explain them His standpoint has been avowedly that of
the Northern Buddhist, convinced of their truth. But to render his
exposition more intelligible to the Western student, he has often
“■ referred to Occidental parallels of various mystic or occult doctrines
ciurent in the Orient Among these may be named the ancient
Egyptian belief as to the after-death state and description of the
J udgement ; the Orphic story of rebirth told by Plato in the tenth
book of the Republic ; primitive Christian Gnostic belief in rebirth ;
and the remarkable medieval Lamentation of the Dying Creature
quoted in the Addenda YII.

The Foreword, styled the Science of Death ”, serves as a key to
the whole. In it Sir John WoodroSe, the first European authority
on the Indian Tantras, and, indeed, pioneer in that amazingly vast
and complex world of thought, has concisely and acutely analysed and
reviewed the contents of this volume. A careful perusal of this Fore-
word and after it of the first five sections of the Addenda will afiord
to the general reader an admirable preparation for the main task of
digesting the translated text and introduction. We may here mention
Sir John W oodroSe s estimate that both text and introduction “ form
a very valuable contribution to the Science of Death from the stand-
point of the Tibetan Mahayana Buddhism of the so-called ‘ Tantrik ’
type”.

The Bardo Thddol is itself a ritual, tantric in character, though
not a Tantra, and as the editor has remarked, “ some general
acquaintance with Tantricism. as with Yoga, is- desirable for all readers

THE TIBETAN BOOK OF THE DEAD

847

of this book." Condensed information on these very difficult subjects
of Tantricism and Yoga is provided in the Addenda among the sections,
which it has been suggested above should be studied prior to the text
and its exposition. Another suggestion for the serious student is
that, if he has not already done so. he should read Lama Kazi Dawa-
Samdup's translation of the DemcJiog (Bde-mcJiog) Tantra, published
with a foreword by Arthur Avalon (Sir John Woodrofie) in vol. vii,
Tantrik Texts. That tantra may be regarded in its teaching as com-
plementary to the present text, in that it instructs how to practise
mental concentration and meditation in this life with the aim of
enabling the mind eventually to realize Reality. If before death
the mind has been fidly trained in this way. then the deceased at the
very moment of death will recognize the “ Clear Light of Pure Reality
and obtain Enlightenment.

So Perfect Enlightenment, according to the text, can in exceptional
cases be reached without entry upon the Bardo Plane, the inter-
mediate state between death and either Enlightenment or rebirth.
It is this teaching that certain sects in China and Japan have
emphasized and developed. The transference, or liberation, of the
consciousness-principle from the worldly body, which it is the first
concern of the officiating lama to effect in ordinary cases and for
which the manual lays down remarkably precise instructions, will
be easy and automatic for the proficient devotee, who will be able to
die without losing full consciousness. For him liberation from the
body, the vision of the Clear Light of Reality and recognition of it
as such will be an instantaneous process by virtue of his training,
knowledge, and freedom from sangsdrk bonds. For him there is at
death no need of the help of the Bardo Thddol. as he has already
assimilated its teachings in life, and so is fully prepared (p. 135).

If we have dealt at some length on this, it is because of the
importance of comprehending the significance of the statement of
the text (p. 89), “ Without any Intermediate State, they will obtain
the Unborn Dharma-Kaga by the Great Perpendicular Path.'’ For
this sentence sets forth the peculiar and basic doctrine of Northern
Buddhism “ that spiritual emancipation, even Buddhahood, may be
won instantaneously, without entering upon the Bardo Plane and
without further suffering on the age-long pathway of normal evolution,
which traverses the various worlds of sangsdric existence. The doctrine
underlies the whole of the Bardo Thddol " (p. 89. note 3).

The manual treats the moment of death, and also the three and

848

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

one-half or four days following it, as the first division of Bardo under
the name ChiUiai (Hchi-lhahi) Bardo, " the Intermediate or Tran-
sitional State of the Moment of Death." Should the deceased fad
to recognize the primary Clear Light, which first dawns, he may still,
if the appropriate instructions are conveyed to him by the officiant,
obtain the Dhanna-Kaya by recognizing the secondary Clear Light,
which is the first Clear Light now somewhat obscured by Mdijd. In
this first Bardo the spirit, when set face to face with the Clear Light
of Reality, is in a state of eccstasy and is not yet distracted by karmic
vi.sions and desire for a material body, as it will be later. The spirit,
or con.sciousness-principie, which fails to win emancipation here,
as will usually be the ca.se. will descend into lower and lower stages
of Bardo. But there, too. will be .several turning points, at which
liberation may be achieved. As the editor has pointed out (p. 130.
note 2). “ Although, theoretically. Nirvana is ever realizable from any
stage of the Bardo, practically, for the ordinary devotee, it is not.
meritorious karma being inadequate

In the second Bardo, called Chonyid {Chos-nid) Bardo, or “ Tran-
sitional State of (the Experiencing or Glimpsing of) Reality ", the
spirit, which by now has awakened out of its after-death ecstasy to
the fact that death has occurred, may obtain Buddhahood in the
Sambhoga-Kdya ; and in the third Bardo. the Sidpa (Srid-pahi)
Bardo or Transitional State of Rebirth’’, it may obtain the Nirmaya-
Kdya.

M ithout venturing on any discussion of the profound T ri-Kdya
doctrine of Buddhism, which in outline, at least, is familiar to students
of Buddhist philosophy, and which is treated in part v of the intro-
duction, we may say that in each successive division of Bardo the
liberation that is likely to be effected becomes less complete. For, as
a rule, Buddhahood in the most complete form. Dharma-Kdya. the
Essential Body, or L Itimate Reality, that is both all and beyond all,
from which there is no return, is only obtainable from the first Bardo.
Entry into the Sanihhoga-Kdya will be followed by a return to the
human world as a Divine Incarnation for the good of mankind ; and
the attainment of Birmdna-Kdya involves “spiritually enlightened
birth on one of the higher planes, deva-loka, asura-loka, or the human-
loka (p. 135. note 3). However, as already mentioned, the text
admits the possibility of Perfect Enlightenment being gained at any
stage, even in the Sidjxi Bardo (see pages 168, 174).

In many cases the spirit, in spite of the instruction and oppor-

THE TIBETAN BOOK OF THE DEAD

849

tuiiities for emancipation offered, will have to proceed through all
the stages of Bardo. which usually occupy forty-nine days. This
number forty-nine is. of course, symbolical like the various colours of
the Bardo radiances and much else in the text, as the introduction
explains. Each day of the fourteen of the second Bardo there will
dawn upon the consciousness of the deceased, one by one. apparitional
visions of numerous deities, which, we are informed, are “ the
hallucinatory embodiments of the thought-forms born of the mental-
content of the percipient ”, First appear the Peaceful Deities, ” the
personified forms of the sublimest human sentiments, which proceed
from the psychic heart-centre ” ; and next the Wrathful Deities, which
'■ are the personifications of the reasonings and proceed from the
psvchic brain-centre," Each separate deity has ” a definite psycho-
logical significance " . A similar explanation of the Peaceful and
Wrathfid Deities is to be found on pp. xxii-xxiii, TantriJc Texts,
vol, vii.

Though from one point of view these deities are the creations of
the mind of the percipient, the chief of them, at least, the radiant
Dhydni Buddhas, who appear on the first six days, also represent
aspects of reality. If the deceased understands the divine apparitions
rightly, he will be led upwards to Liberation ; if not, he will fear them
and be attracted towards sangsaric existence by the illusory dull
Lights of the Six Loka^, that appear concurrently with the Dhydni
Buddhas.

The third Bardo. which begins about the fifteenth day, is a period
preliminary to rebirth in one or other of the Six Lokas, though here too
escape from such rebirth is still possible. The spirit may go to Hell,
after the Judgement. The Lights of the SixLokas again dawn to attract
to rebirth. If it is not the lot of the spirit first to be reborn in a loka
other than the world of men — which is preferable to even those of
the Gods and Demi-gods. and in which rebirth will follow later, if
not now — visions of men and women mating will appear. Thereupon
desire for a material body, if riot overcome, will result in re-incarnation
on earth. So attraction to sangsaric existence, which is scarcely
perceptible in the begiiming of the Intermediate State, gradually
increases in intensity till in the end it prevails. At the same time
the Light of Eeality, which at the moment of death shines in all its
full dazzling splendour, becomes dimmer and dimmer, as the per-
cipient's vision becomes more and more obscured by karmic pro-
pensities.

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REVIEWS OF BOOKS

It is ever the aim of the Bardo Thddol to enable the deceased at
the earliest possible stage in Bardo to remove his veil of ignorance and
to gaze steadfastly at the Clear Light of Reality, and so to obtain
Enlightenment. This it does by closely instructing him as to the nature
of everything he sees, so that he will no longer regard phenomenal
apparitions as real, or yield to attraction towards sangsaric existence.
Though, as the spirit sinks deeper into Bardo among the karmic dis-
tractions of the Chmyid Bardo, emancipation becomes more difficult,
the spirit is instructed how to make the best of each situation. The
manual repeatedly insists that the apparitions of deities, even of the
Lord of Death himself, which appear in this and the Sidpa Bardo-
are the creations of the mind, and not to be feared. Later, in the
Sidpa Bardo, instructions are given how to avoid attraction to
rebirth in any of the Six Lokas or realms of sangsaric existence, but,
if and when rebirth becomes inevitable, every help is afforded the
deceased to make the best choice. To express it shortly and very
crudely, the manual is a guide to lead the deceased to Buddhahood, or
as far along the path thereto as may be possible. L. A. Waddell's
description in his Buddhism of Tibet (p. 492) of the “ Thos-grol " as
“ the guide for the spirit's passage through the valley of horrors inter-
vening between death and a new rebirth ”, is incomplete, in that it
suggests that every spirit will have to proceed through Bardo to
rebirth, and fails to mention that the prime aim of the guide is to
avoid rebirth at all. Enough has been said to indicate that the full
title of the manual, Thos-pa-tsam-gyis-groTba-thob-pahi-chos “the doc-
trine by the hearing of which a man is instantly saved ” (see Jaschke s
Diet., p. 239, and S. C. Das’s Diet., p. 596), errs on the other extreme.
Its extravagant claim needs qualification. For the text itself admits
that many who hear the doctrine will not be instantly saved, because
they are not prepared to receive the teachings, being under the
influence of evil Karma, weak in devotion, or subject to evil pro-
pensities.

It may well be asked, as it has been in the Foreword, what is
the use of instructing the deceased, when karma determines everything
for him, or, as Sir John Woodroffe states the problem, “ If the Karma
ready to ripen determines the action, then advice ... is useless.
If the • soul is free to choose, there is no determination by Karma.”
Without dwelling long on this all-important question it may at once
be stated that the Bardo Thddol, in common with other Mahdydna
works, insists that progress towards Enlightenment is capable of being

THE TIBETAN BOOK OF THE DEAD

851

hastened by the imparting of right knowledge. It is the main aim of
Yoga to provide, as it were, a short cut to Enlightenment, which at
the normal rate of evolution might not be reached for inconceivable
ages. How this can be reconciled with the Karma doctrine we are
not told in the text, but some tentative explanations are offered in the
Foreword, which will, perhaps, stimulate the reader's interest, rather
than provide a complete answer.

Perfect Enlightenment brings with it release from the domination
of karma. For, as the translated text eloquently expresses it, “ . . .
karma controlleth not. Like the .sun's rays, for example, dispelling
the darkness, the Clear Light on the Path dispelleth the power of
karma ” (p. 100).

Escape from karma, of course, implies a cessation of suc‘h
individualized consciousness, or personality, as the spirit of the
deceased has continued to retain after its separation from the human
body. The possibility of personal immortality has no place in the
teachings of Buddhism. As long as the mind or consciousness is
individualized, it will consider phenomena to be real, and will be
unable to realize Reality. This is well brought out in section v on
Reality in the Addenda, where Dr. EvansAVentz sums up. “ Once
the mind becomes free from all karmic obscurations, from the supreme
heresy that phenomenal appearances — in heavens, hells, or worlds —
are real. . . . personality ceases, . . . the mundane consciousness becomes
the supramundane and one with the Dharma-Kaga . . . ". Attention
may be drawn to the extracts from A 9 vaghosha s " The Awakening of
Faith", given in the same section. These show that the teachings
as to Ultiimite Reality found in that treatise composed in the first
century a.d. substantially confirm the philosophy of the Bardo Thodol.

In this review we have only given the slightest indication of the
highly interesting contents of this remarkable text, and we have
noticed but a fractional part of the problems, that arise from it and
doctrines that underlie it. which are ably and lucidly expounded in
this volume. It is not easy to convey any adequate idea of the extra-
ordinary wealth of detail, with which the text describes all the different
symbolical phases of Bardo. or of the completeness of the directions,
which it gives for releasing the spirit from the body, and for meeting
each situation, in which the spirit will find itself in the course of its
journey in the Intermediate State.

But sufficient, we think, has been said to show not only that the
Bardo Thodol is an unusually important text — even if we hesitate

852

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

to claim with the editor that it “ is, among the sacred books of the
world, unique ", and “ perhaps, one of the most remarkable works
the West has ever received from the East — but also that the
undoubtedly thorny and intricate task of translation and interpreta-
tion has been successfully carried out with scholarly ability, backed
by comprehensive and sympathetic knowledge. In this volume there
is much of profound human interest for the more serious general
reader, not afraid to venture on difficult ground. In it students of
comparative religion and mysticism will find a treasure-house of
diverse and often unexpected information. But only the few
Orientalists, who have made a special study of the Buddhism of
Tibet, will be able to appreciate in full the value of the rich fare, which
Dr. Evans-Wentz pre.sents in the Tibetan Book of the Dead.

H. Lee Shuttleworth.

The Conception of Buddhist Xirvana. By Th. Stcherbatsky,
Ph.D. pp. 246. Leningrad : Publishing Office of the Academy
of Sciences of the t^SSR.. 1927.

As a work of constructive information, this book should be a
valuable aid to students of mediaeval dialectic, in that it contains a
translation of chapters i and xxvof Xagarjuna's Madhi/amika-Sdstra to
wit, on Causality and on Sunyata (rendered by the translator " Rela-
tivity ). followed by a translation of Candrakirti's Commentary
thereon entitled Pmsannapada “ The Clearworded The trans-
lator's own commentary, lexicographical and thematic, will also
prove an interesting guide, as will further the 29 pages of Indexes,
dealing not only with names and subjects, but also with Sanskrit,
Pali, Tibetan, and Mongolian words, and lastly with those “ technical
terms " by which architects of word-structures tempt some of us
away from reality, and find their pleasure in wordy fights.

Introductory to all this valuable applied scholarship is a collection
of short essays or notes on points in the history of Indian philosophical
thought, also containing much that is newly worded and stimulating.
WTiere he refers to “ early ”, or “ primitive ” Buddhism it is apparently
always at second-hand, and his dicta about it, were I to go into them,
are such as I should contest at every turn. Somewhat I have said
about them in a pre\-ious re\’iew of the Bulletin (III. Pt. II. 1924).
More I have been saying and am saying elsewhere. A review may
have only the author reviewed as its reader, wherefore kim idha

THE ZOROASTRIAX DOCTEIXE OF A FUTURE LIFE

853

hahund ? May this author live long to bring much to us into which
his genial erudition has dived so deep at first_ hand !

C. A. F. E. D.

The Zoroastrian Doctrine of a Future Life. From Death to
the Individual Judgment. By Jal Dastur Cursetji Pavry,
A.M., Ph.D. pp. 119. Columbia Fniversity Series, vol. xi.
New York : Columbia University Press. 1926.

Claiming no novelty in his subject-matter, the author finds that
there is “ room for a new presentation which should collect and
co-ordinate the material from every period of Zoroastrianism in the
light both of its age-long tradition and of the most recent Iranian
research ”. Hence in this monograph he gives a critical translation
of all passages relevant to its subject from both earliest and latest
Zeud-Avestan sources. These he supplements with references to
the Pahlavi books and, with illustrations, to modern Parsi beliefs, giv-
ing Manichaean parallels, the last being a subject with which he
has already dealt in his Manichaetsm and Zoroastrian Influence upon
the Manichaean Doctrine of Eschatology (1922). The present work is
to form the first part of a trilogy of studies, and takes the reader only
into the teaching of “ soul " parting from body, and his reception
in the new life.

I find this book very happily inspired and to the general educated
reader of profound utility. I had been about to say : to the student
of comparative religion, but Iranian experts will here be the fit
counsellors. I fall back on the general " (in Shakespearian meaning).
And I hardly hope that, for another few generations, he icill .see here
a reading deeply useful for himself. He has for the present turned
away from something that lies right across his path, whether he be
Parsi or cf any or no -ism, and judges old documents about it as pure
m}Ah. I venture to think, on the contrary, that he might wiselv expand
his cramped forward view in his own individual case, and carefullv
read, among other such studies, this book, both the translations in it,
and the notes.

To take only the first note (p. 9) : what deeply important cpiestions
does it not suggest i We start out at once with the word " soul ",
a very unsatisfactory word. So thinks modern psychology, and
carefully puts it to bed. I think it might also be put to bed. but for
a different reason from p.sychology. with its misplaced emphasis on

854

REVIEWS OP BOOKS

“ complex We allow “ soul ” to usurp the “ man " ; it is he (and
she) we are shelving together with “ soul The Avestan word for
“ soul ” is one that, according to Professor Williams Jackson's deriva-
tion, fits the man, the “ I ’’ (who am not my body, not my mind ; these
if you will, are the complex) much better than soul It is urvan,
the “ worther ", the “ valuer the “ chooser Mind is the “ worth-
ing ” ; matter, and especially body, is the thing worthed. Now the
whole history of man may be summed up in that word urvan, as it is
not in “ soul And I much regret that Dr. Pavry did not break with
our traditional English, and our foolish habit of speaking of “ man's
soul , instead of man, and use a word in his translation corresponding
to his learned master s ‘‘ suggestion There might then have been
an outcry, but so much the better ! For this is not a subject for the
“ general s armchair, although he nowadays treats it as such.
It is possible that urvan may convey the sense (etymologically) of
worthi'wgr, more than worther ... I am unwise as to the final -an.
But if we mean “minding", when we sai/ mind, conversely the
Zoroastrian may have meant w'orther when he said vrorthing. We of
to-day are not bound by the past unless we let ourselves be. Let us
anyway use worther, chooser, for “ thee ’ and “ me ’, rather than
“ mind " or “ soul ".

I am. I repeat, unwise as to whether -an is a neuter or a masculine
affix ; I wish the author s note had helped us here. He persistently,
again after the foolish modern fashion, uses “ it ", “ its ” as the pro-
noun of “ soul . Thus herein again we bse “ the man who passes
deaths bridge to the “Worthing" aw'aiting him. It is note-
worthy that about the individual judgment in Buddhist Suttas, just
after death, there is no question of that mental complex (of four
groups) about which Buddhist schoolmen are so complacent, appearing,
without the deceased body, before the (once human) judge Yama.
It is the man himself, the purisa (purusa^ who stands there and hears :

Ambho purisa (see here, man) ! by you yourself have these things
been done, not by another.'’ Now here surely is the attan, the “ self ”,
whose reality, whose going over, is so strenuously denied. Is it then
a mere complex, a label, who at that awful moment is addressed, and
not the very real thing ? Perhaps this is the reason why Buddhism
pushes these Suttas into a comer, in maintaining, as it does to-day,
its curious dogma of An-atta.

But let readers get this book. Let there be soon a popular edition

C. A. F. R. D.

POLITICAL HISTORY OP ANCIENT INDIA

855

Political History of Ancient Indl\. From the Accession of
Parikshit to the Extinction of the Gupta Dynasty. By Hem-
chandra Raychaudhuri, M.A., Ph.D. pp. 389, with five maps.
2nd edition, revised and enlarged. University' of Calcutta, 1927.

The first edition of this notable effort to chart us a period
covered by no history or chronicle of early' date has been out of print
for some time. In revising and rewriting for this second edition, the
author has been at pains to bring his work into line with new research,
and to tell us beforehand where to find the more important additions
or wherein these consist. Materials continue to grow, but they do not
yet, and probably never will, suffice to body out the course of Indian
history from the fight between Kurus and the Pandu clan down to
Bimbisara of Magadha — to go no further — as can be done, relatively,
between Bimbisara and theGuptas. Thisthe author of course recognizes,
but he makes a brave attempt to make those far-off day's live, wisely
considering that Parikshit first of that name, was, as was very
possibly Wodin of our North, a real man of earth, whatever deifying
may have befallen him later. He has dipped into every available
source, and to one, associated now for many y'ears with a Society for
the redaction of Buddhist texts, it is very gratifying to witness the
growing service rendered by these editions in supplying incidentally
historical apergiis, in a way scarcely dreamed of by their compilers.
For myself I put little faith in the historical truth of poUtical events
accepted by those compilers. I refer especially to the editors of (a) the
Pitakas at Patna, before these were, at least fully', written down,
(6) of the full writing carried out according to the epics in Ceylon.
The Commentaries are even less worthy of credence, recording as they
do from a point of time still more remote, and recording by a longer
and laxer oral tradition. From them Dr. Chaudhuri quotes once off
his guard, unaware perhaps that it is a Commentarial record — that
is, unless I err. This is in the reference to a “ letter " sent by Pukku-
sati of Gandhara to Bimbisara ” (p. 124). I have met this in the
Commentary on the Majjhima, not elsewhere. The Commentary' on
the Theragatha also mentions k iters between Pippali Kassapa and
Bhadda of the Kapilas (Pss. of the Brethren, p. 300), but this is not
evidence that in those days such postal amenities had begun, however
much they had become a feature of life in the Commentators' era.
In the Pitakas it is invariably : Here, my' man (or another), go
and tell so and so from me, or the like.”

But as giving a purview of such materials as can be pressed into

VOL. IV. PART IV. .56

856

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

service in this work of charting the map of perished centuries,
Dr. Chaudhuri has made debtors of us all.

C. A. F. R. D.

A Historical Study of the Terms Hinayana and Mahayana

AND THE Origin of Mahayana Buddhism. By Ryukan

Kimura. pp. xii, 203. University of Calcutta, 1927.

This is the sixth in a series of “ theses ” in which the author con-
templates achieving a History of Indian Buddhism. I have had so
far the advantage of seeing only the first of them, entitled “ What is
Buddhism ? ” I regret that these brief comments on the sixth are
not guided by an acquaintance with the fourth : “ Historical Dis-
cussion on Buddhology ” — ^the author persists in calling it
“ Buddhalogy ”. The rise of Buddhology in Japan : — “ How you came
to regard the man Gotama as so much more than man ” : inquire
into this ! write about it ! ” — ^this was the dying injunction my husband
gave to his last visitors from overseas, feUow-countrymen of Mr. Kimura.
I am not saying that Mr. Kimura’s discussion is on Japanese
Buddholog}' only. On the contrary he, teaching, among other things,
Pali in India, comes to take up the lower lying strata of Indian
Buddhology. And he approaches it from the Mahayanist standpoint.
Or at least from his own standpoint, but under the dominating influence
of Mahayanist tradition. Now this is, for pure disinterested historical
criticism of the inception of Buddhology in India, something approach-
ing what the world of sport calls “ disqualification How is this ?

He has a theory which may, or may not be shared by all
Mahayanists. I have but to state it. Comment will be superfluous.
He divides Buddhism into “ Original ” and “ Developed ”. With
this we may all agree. But the former “ is the doctrine preached by
Buddha himself in public ; the latter, implicit in his perception
after “ enlightenment ”, the times did not allow him to preach in
person, so it was “ left in the hands of his disciples to be manifested ”
at the proper time . . .

Here the testimony of the Pitakas themselves Mr. Kimura passes
over : (a) These state repeatedly, that the founder admitted two
sources of his knowledge : his own judgment or intuition, on the
one hand, and information given by men of the next and the Rupa
world clairaudiently, on the other. The Pitakas show Gotama
repudiating (in one Nikaya passage) the attribute of omniscience, and

BARHUT INSCRIPTIONS

867

appealing to the very “ man ” {purusa). His followers, in unwisdom,
made the “ man ” (“ you ” and “ me ”) unreal, but overworthed in
Gotama the superman.

(b) Again, the author seems content to accept Nagarjuna’s dis-
tinction of esoteric and exoteric teaching as practised by the Buddha
(p. 16). Has then the venerable old Man spoken to deaf ears all the
time ? “ Desito Ananda maya, dhammo a.v-antaraM a-bahiram katva ;
na tattha me dhammesu acariya-mutthi” — “ Taught, Ananda, hasbeen
by me the Eight, making no ‘ esoteric no ‘ exoteric ’ ; not herein is
mine the teacher's fist ! ” holding back now this now that. Nagarjuna
knew not the Pali Pitakas, if I err not, but Mr. Kiraura has not his
excuse.

But the substance of this thesis and its historical value lies in a
detailed inquiry into how tlie terms Hina3'ana and Mahayana arose.
Readers who have to meet with the terms full-blown have here an
opportunity of learning how much and how little is known as to
that, and will have reason to be grateful for the painstaking research
put before them.

C. A. F. R. D.

Barhct Inscriptions. Edited and translated with critical notes
by Bentmadhab Barca. D.Litt., and Kcmar G. Sinha, M.A.
pp. 139. University of Calcutta, 1926.

The editors here give us a fresh presentation of the inscriptions
on the Barhut Stupa, that is in a grouped method as being (a) Votive
Labels, or (6) Jataka Labels, together with a fresh and critical transla-
tion. A third section is appended of notes on the lettering, language,
and names in the inscriptions. There is also a good (Prakrit) Index.
Review of the workmanship shown in the details is here impossible,
and specialized expert ness were needed. But if I were visiting the
stupa, or looking at reproductions of the fascinating scraps of the
history of Indian values and outlook presented on the stupa, I should
wish to have this work in my hand.

C. A. F. R. D.

868

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

The Book of the Cave of Treasures. A History of the Patriarchs
and the Kings their successors from the Creation to the Crucifixion
of Christ. Translated from the SjTiac text of the British Museum
MS. Add. 25875 by Sir E. A. Wallis Budge, Kt., M.A., Litt.D.
pp. xvi, 319. 8vo. London; Religious Tract Society, 1927.
The Canonical books of the Old Testament were followed by a
series of mostly anonymous writings designed to interpret and expand
the Scriptural narratives in the light of the authors’ historical
experiences and doctrinal views. The earlier works of this kind were
Jewish — typical examples are the Book of Jubilees and the Testaments
of the Tu-elve Patriarchs — and they combined with more or less new
religious and mystical ideas a considerable number of Agadoth or
edifying stories, in which were incorporated old legends and scraps of
folklore, some of whichareextremelyancient. In due time the Christian
Church adopted this method of exposition, and produced similar
works of edification, using a good deal of the same material mutatis
mutandis. An early example of such Christian writings — perhaps
the earliest that can be definitely dated — is the Book of Adam and Eve,
composed in the fifth or sixth century. Another specimen is the present
“ Cave of Treasures,” Me‘drath Gazze, a Syriac work which is ascribed
to Ephrem Syrus (ob. a.d. 373), but in its present form at any rate is
probably not earlier than the sixth century. Sir Ernest Budge gives
us a new translation of this book based upon an excellent manuscript
in the British Museum, with notes supplementing the narrative by
excerpts from germane writings such as the Book of Adam and Eve,
the Book of the Bee, etc., and by data from the latest archaeological
discoveries, and he has added an introduction and appendices con-
taining not only extracts translated from the Testament of Adam and
the Book of the Bee, but also a summary of the results of Mr. Woolley s
latest excavations at Ur, which have shown to an astonished world
that Ur was a centre of advanced civilization in the fourth millennium
B.C., and perhaps earlier still.

The author of the “ Cave ”, who has borrowed copiously from
the book of Adam and Eve, besides drawing on other sources that
cannot be identified, is, like many of his congeners, addicted to
fanciful and arbitrary theory-spinning and deeply infected with the
odium theologicum. The bold a.ssurance with which he claims for
himself a knowledge of Biblical genealogies which he denies to all
other writers (p. 194 f.) is equalled by the ignorance that he shows
in classing Hebrew, Greek, and Latin together as written from left

THE CAVE OF TREASURES

859

to right (p. 132). Nevertheless his book has value, not only as a
specimen of a once popular class of literature, but also because some
of its statements seem to be derived from legends in which were faintly
preserved memories of very ancient times. Thus, to quote some of
the examples noted by the translator, the stories of the rise of idolatry
in the days of Serug, of the custom of making golden images of deceased
fathers, and of the storm that destroyed Ur and Erech become
intelligible in the light of recent archaeological discoveries, which
Sir Ernest Budge ably focusses upon them. The tale of the destruction
of the Jewish Scriptures and genealogies on the capture of Jerusalem
by Sennacherib (pp. 189, 192, 194 f.) is also curious and interesting ;
we suspect, however, that the author or his source invented it demv
Sta^uAciTTwi', though as regards the genealogies he may unconsciously
have come near the truth.

The book is excellently produced,^ with sixteen full plates and eight
illustrations in the text depicting some striking finds of archaeological
research in Ur and elsewhere, and it lays us under a new obligation to
the translator, to whose vast learning and tried skill in bookcraft the
world is already so deeply indebted.

L. D. Barnett.

Die bildlichen Darstellungen der Indi.schen GJttertrinitat
IN DER ALTEREN ETHNOGR.\PHISCHEN LiTERATUR. Von ErNST
ScHiERLiTZ. pp. 94. Hannover. 1927.

Dr. Schierlitz is a pupil of Professor Scherman, the well-known
Sanskritist and ethnographer of Munich, and from him he has got the
inspiration to busy himself with the pictures and descriptions of the
Hindu triad of gods as found in the old literature of voyages and
ethnography. The present writer has, at times, found opportunity
to busy himself with kindred topics of a very fascinating nature, and
he thus feels able to assure that the subject is both a prepossessing
one and also one of no small interest to the history of Hindu rehgion.
It was certainly a lucky idea of Dr. Schierlitz to write a monograph
on this topic ; he has succeeded well with what we understand to be
his first work of research, and we shall be happy soon to meet with
other investigations of his concerning related topics.

^ We take the opportunity to point out two slight misprints : on p. 46. 1. 9 from
bottom, "sold” should be "solid ”, and on p. 129, 1. 14 from bottom, "thou'
should be "thee

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REVIEWS OF BOOKS

A short introductory chapter deals with the earliest descriptions
of Brahma, Visnu and Siva in European literature from the sixteenth
and early seventeenth centuries. Then follows what is the main part
of the treatise, viz. researches on the pictures of the above-mentioned
deities in Dutch, French, German, Italian, and English sources from
about 1650 up to the first issue of Moor's Hmdu Pantheon in 1810.
Most of the authors dealt with here are well-known, as e.g. Roger.
Ath. Kircher, Baldseus, La Flotte, Sonnerat, Ziegenbalg, Paulinus,
etc. Further materials no doubt exist buried in libraries and archives,
especially perhaps in Portugal, but it seems difficult or impossible to
obtain sufficient information concerning them. The Library at Evora,
e.g. undoubtedly posses.ses a set of pictures belonging to one of the
Portuguese treatises edited by Caland ; but although Professor F. W.
Thomas several years ago was kind enough to apply for them on my
behalf, no satisfactory reply to his request was ever received.

Of additions and corrections the present writer has little to ofier.
That the Latin text of Father Pimenta's relation of the Kingdom of
Pegu reads Pyrama (p. 7), which may well be = Brahma, seems to be
beyond doubt ; but the French edition of that same text ^ just as
undoubtedly reads Pitama, which looks suspiciously like Pitamaha.
That Unitir should be a corruption of Rndra — one would have to
suggest some form like Ruttiren — is possible, but scarcely probable.
Unitir is repeated by Purchas ^ from Pimenta, and in Thurston,
Castes and Tribes, vi, p. 287, we find the suggestion that Unmtiri
means “ the venerable boy ” ® which, for lack of materials I am not
able to control. Most puzzling is the expression in a letter from Father
Pietro d’Almeida ^ , , .si narra del principio & creatione delli loro
Dei & come erano venuti in questo mondo in diverse figure cioe di
tartaruca, porco, pesce & giacinto & altre simile pazzie. ” The
tortoise, hog, and fish clearly refer to Visnu, but what is meant by the
“ giacinto ” ? To suggest that we ought to read “ gigante ” and refer
this expression to the Narasimha would be a very poor way out of
the difficulty. There is, however, in the Harivamsa the story of

Rdations des PP. Lays Froes et !Mcolas Pimenta de la Compagnie de Jesus au
S. P. Clattde Acqtiaviva, General de la mesme Compagnie, concernant I’aecroissement
de la foy Chrestienne au Jappon et autres contrees des Indes Orientates is annees
1596 et 1599. Lyons, 1602.

* His Pilgrimage, p. 555.

® Cf. XJnninui — Tjmd, Xhurston, l.c. v, p. 227.

'* Nuovi avvisi (1556-9), iii, fol. 191».

INDIAN COLLECTIONS IN THE MUSEUM OF FINE ARTS, BOSTON 861

Visnu’s incarnation in the shape of a blue lotus-flower (puskara).
Might not this have some connexion with our passage ?

On p. 14 the heading Dahasar (v.l. Dahser) from Ath. Kircher ^
is wrongly interpreted by Dasaratka.^ The addition “ decern capita ”
clearly indicates that it means something like Dasasiras, and that
Kircher considered Eavana to be the main figure of the incarnation.®
Besides, in lurcher's book Eama has already been enumerated as the
second avatara {Raitwhandra, Rmnt^ander).

A slip must have occurred on p. 28, and in note 40 w'here the
author speaks of “ Briareus " or “ Briareo and tries to identify the
name wdth an Indian one — perhaps Bhairava." As far as the present
writer's memory goes Briareus is a well-known figure in classical
m}rfchology, a giant with a hundred arms.

Concerning the Ezour-Vedam, cf. the articles by the present
writer in the JA. 1922, ii, p. 135 sq., and by M. J. Vinson, ibid., 1923,
ii, p. 169 sq. MTiy the work of Bernier should be quoted in the edition
of 1699 is not quite clear. Materials for the study of the Relation des
erreurs and connected texts are to be found also in the India Office
Library, but cannot be dealt with here.

These scanty remarks are in no way meant to detract from the
value of the work of Dr. Schierlitz, and we sum up repeating that it
will be a pleasure to meet with new researches of his on his favourite
topic.

J. C.

Catalogue of the Indian Collections in the Museum of Fine
Arts, Boston. Part Y : Rajput Painting. By Ananda K.
CooMARASW'AMY. pp. 272 + cxxxi pi. Cambridge, Mass. ;
Harvard University Press, 1926.

Dr. Coomaraswamy holds the rank of one of the foremost living
authorities on Indian art, and his numerous publications betray a
thorough and all-round acquaintance with that subject. This des-
criptive w'ork is admirable though we must own up to not always feeling
convinced by his theories. He has previously published several articles
dealing with Rajput painting ; and his two big volumes on that
subject, published in 1916, are in the hands of everyone interested in

1 China illustrata (1667), p. 156 sq.

® More common, of course, is the form Dasarathi.

® He is said to have been killed by Laksmana and Hanuman which, judging from
the picture, is incorrect. On Hanuman kdling Havana cf. Stevenson, Aotes on Jainism,

862

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

Indian art. He has now followed up his researches by publishing a
magnificent catalogue of Rajput paintings in the Boston Museum of
Fine Arts, most of which were collected by himself and bequeathed
to that institution by the munificence of Mr. Denman W. Ross.

There is scarcely any need to expand upon the value of the catalogue
as such. It is certainly most carefully put together, and the plates
are numerous and most illuminating. The introduction deals with
Rajput painting from different aspects, the historical, the technical,
etc. Altogether it gives, in a modified form, the re.sults at which
Dr. Coomaraswamy had arrived already in his previous work. But he
tells us that he has also incorporated in his new volume the results
of certain investigations carried out by Dr. Hermami Goetz, of Berlin,
and by some other scholars during the interval of ten years between
the publication of his two chief works on Rajput art.

The present wTiter, not being himself an e.xpert on Indian art,
shall refrain from any detailed appreciation of Dr. Coomaraswamy's
valuable work. But he cannot quite suppress the observation that
in a work of this scope and value somewhat more accuracy might have
been bestowed upon minor details. We feel a little astonished to meet
with slips like sthandvarana, stkanottarli/a (for siandvararia, etc., p. 32),
vidusaka (p. 68), or with names like Udho and Jurdsindhu (p. 59)
instead of the well-known forms Vddhava and Jardsandha — this to
quote only a very few but significant instances. Nor do the representa-
tions from Indian mythology — e.g. the Samudramanthana (p. 50),
the gajendramokm (p. 51), etc. — seem to be wholly accurate. And the
Gitagovinda, uncertain as its precise date may be, w'as scarcely
composed in the thirteenth century (p. 58).

But, as Dr. Coomaraswamy’s work is mainly intended for students of
art and art history and does not always, perhaps, aim at detailed
philological accuracy, we may well leave such minor slips alone.
They do not in any appreciable way detract from the real and lasting
value of the work.

J. C.

The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to India, 1615-19. As narrated
in his Journal and Correspondence. Edited by Sir William
Foster, C.I.E. pp. Ixxix + 532. New and revised edition.
London : Oxford University Press, 1926.

Sir Wilham Foster, whose all-roimd knowledge of Mogul history
need not be expanded upon here, has rendered another signal service

THE EMBASSY OF SIR THOMAS ROE TO INDIA

863

to the students of that interesting period of India's past by re-editing
the account of Sir Thomas Eoe of his embassy to the Court of Jahangir.
The Hakluyt Society edition of that remarkable work, published
nearly thirty years ago, has long been out of print. And valuable new
material has been unearthed which throws more light on the dealings
of one of the first English Ambassadors to the Court of an Eastern
ruler.

He Laet, in his well-known book on the Mogul empire, points
to Eoe as being the most trustworthy authority on the aSairs of that
great but incoherent state. And certainly Eoe during his stay in India
found enough opportunities for acquiring a somewhat profound know-
ledge of the peculiarities of its political system and the sinuous methods
of its leading politicians. His interest, of course, was mainly a political
one ; on Hindu society and life in general during that period, he has
little to tell. But as a source for the personal and Court history of
Jahangir’s days, his account, no doubt, is invaluable.

Jahangir himself, in spite of assertions to the contrary, was not an
essentially evil man. But probably his nervous system was never
very strong, and he had become a wreck by constantly drugging
himself with alcohol and opium. In fits of temporary madness he
committed acts of fiendish cruelty ; but while fairly normal he seems
to have been rather a weak, kind-hearted and invariably courteous
sort of person. He totally lacked his father's eminent military and
political skill, and his almost superhuman energy, and he soon became
a mere tool in the hands of wicked and unscrupulous schemers amongst
his own relatives. Foremost of those were Asaf Khan , his brother-in-law,
an avaricious and rascally arch-plotter, and Sultan Khurram, the future
Shah Jahan. one of the most unprepos.sessing figures that has ever
moved across the confused and blood-reeking stage of Indian history.
The sharp-witted Ambassador of James I soon discovered their real
nature, and he does nothing to embellish the repulsive features of
these and other minor worthies. His task was a difficult and even an
impossible one. But through his clear-sightedness and his courageous
and sometimes rather high-handed demeanour, he saved his own and
his country’s dignity and achieved as much as was ever possible under
singularly unfavourable circumstances.

It goes without saying that introduction and notes are alike
excellent and up to date. Some thirty letters which were not used
in preparing the first edition have been dravTi upon here, and have
no doubt, furnished valuable new material. The text has been carefully

864

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

collated with sources in manuscript and print. As, however, nothing
but the greatest carefulness was to be expected from Sir ^^illiam
Foster, we need not further emphasize these points here.

Slight suggestions sometimes present themselves to the reader.
But they are generally of far too vague a nature to be even touched
upon here. One would fain know where and when the story originated
connecting Delhi with Porus and Ale.xander the Great (p. 492). And
when, in this connexion, Roe speaks of “ a pillar with a Grieke inscrip-
tion ” as being found at Delhi, one may perhaps suggest some
faint recollection of the Asoka pillars brought thither by Firoz Shah
Tughlak.

The geographical account — especially when compared with the
map — presents some rather striking difficulties. WTiat e.g. is Banhsh
(or Banchish), of which “ the cheefe citty is called Beishur ” (p. 491) 1
As, according to the map, it is clearly situated within the Rechna
Doab it seems rather far-fetched to identify it either with Bangash
and Bajaur or with Peshawar. Clearly no modern names so far suggest
themselves for identification. Jaunpur, situated on the Gumti, is
said to be “ upon the river of Kaul ” (p. 493) ; now Sarda in its upper
part is certainly known as the Kali (Ganga) but, unfortunately,
that does not help us at all. Most bewildering of all is the notice on
p. 494 : “ Vdeza. The cheefe citty called Jekanat. It is the utmost
east of the Mogulls territories beyond the Bay, and confines with the
kingdoms of Maug, a savuage people lyeing betweene Udeza and
Pegu 1 ” Now, the obvious inference is — as Sir William Foster has
duly pointed out — that “ Udeza ” and “ Jekanat ” simply mean
Orissa and Jagannath, which have here been grossly misplaced.
Moreover, there is in the account itself no mention of Orissa ; but
the map has it in the Portuguese spelling “ Orixa ” and in its correct
place. Probably the thing is a quite simple mistake ; but we still
feel beset with a slight doubt whether it is really as simple as that, the
information concerning the position of this mysterious “ Udeza ”
being singularly complete and decisive.^

But we prefer to leave aside idle and unprofitable speculations,
and sum up our short review with repeated thanks to Sir William
Foster for his latest splendid service to Indian historical research.

Jarl Charpentier.

^ There is certainly in Eastern Bengal in the Tangail subdivision of the Mymensingh
Districts a place called Jagannathganj. But it is a wholly insignificant one ; and

it has an earlier history it is, unfortunately, totally unknown to the present writer.

WARREN HASTINGS’ LETTERS TO SIR JOHN MACPHERSON 865

Warren Hastings’ Letters to Sir John Macpherson. Edited
by Professor Henry Dodwell, M.A. pp. 218. London : Faber
and Gwj^er, 1927.

Gradually private archives are yielding up their treasures, partly
through the instrumentality of the Historical MSS. Commission,
partly (as in the present instance) by the spontaneous action of their
owners. How valuable such material often is in taking us behind the
scenes need not be stressed ; and we are grateful to the Macpherson
family for permitting these important letters to be published, and to
the publishers for issuing them in so attractive a form and for selecting
so capable an editor as Professor Dodwell. His introduction is an
admirable piece of work, packed with interesting information ; while
his notes provide sufficient explanation of the text without over-
loading the page with mere comment.

The collection comprises over a hundred documents. With a few
exceptions (of which a note from Mrs. Hastings is the most interesting)
they are all private letters from Hastings to Macpherson. A dozen
were wTitten when Macpherson was either at Madras or in England,
and two are dated after the departure of Hastings from India ; but
the bulk of them belong to the period from the autumn of 1781, when
Macpherson joined the Bengal Council, to February, 1785, when he
succeeded Hastings as Governor-General. The letters are somewhat
unevenly distributed over this period, being naturally more frequent
when one of the correspondents was absent from Calcutta. This
renders the course of events less obvious and the reader cannot
altogether dispense with the concurrent study of other sources of
information.

One thing at all events these letters show', and that is the absurdity
of the statement made in the Dictionary of National Biography that
throughout their nominal co-operation “ Macpherson oSered a regular,
but unintelligent, opposition to the measures of Warren Hastings ”.
At no time was there persistent opposition, and what there was cannot
be stigmatized as unintelligent. On Macpherson's arrival we find him
welcomed with effusion by Hastings, who calls him his “ dear friend ”
and is “ certain that we shall ever have one opinion ’’ ; and it is only
by degrees that the correspondence grows constrained, though out-
wardly still friendly. This divergence seems to have arisen partly
from Hastings’ own character, which had the defects of its merits.
It is evident that he always went into the Council with his mind already
made up, and was inclined to regard any difference of opinion with

866

EEVIEWS OF BOOKS

a certain amount of impatience. If all his colleagues disagreed with
him, this did not shake his faith in his own conclusions, but merely
led him to suspect an intrigue against himself. Naturally, such an
attitude was apt to nettle his associates : and it is significant that of
all the latter the subservient Barwell was the only one that did not
become restive under such treatment. So far as one can judge, Mac-
pherson at first did his best to avoid controversy with his masterful
friend ; but he had his own responsibilities and interests to consider,
and clashes of opinion were bound to occur at times. The chief subject
of these appears to have been of a financial character. Hastings,
strained and overworked, with his attention fixed on broader issues,
listened with small patience to counsels of economy. Macpherson, on
the other hand, fresh from England and well aware of the importance
attached at home to the making of large retrenchments in expendi-
ture, lost no opportunity of advocating this course. How far he was
actuated by lofty motives, how far by consideration of his own interests,
can hardly be determined : but we can scarcely blame him if he took
a line which he knew would commend him to the home authorities.
He was only 36 when he arrived in Calcutta ; it was known that
Hastings would retire before long, and ^^^leler, who alone stood
between the two, was a dozen years older than Macpherson. The
latter’s prospects of succeeding to the supreme post were therefore
bright, provided the Directors were sufficiently satisfied with the
men on the spot to refrain from sending out a new Governor-General
from home. In such circumstances it is no wonder that Macpherson
persisted in his endeavours to secure economies and in his opposition
to Hastings’ policy in other directions. The latter in his turn began to
suspect his colleague of intriguing against him ; and thus the friend-
ship, once so fervent, gradually died.

There are four illustrations to the volume, viz. two portraits
(Hastings and Macpherson) and two facsimiles. Of the latter, one is
of the note from Mrs. Hastings already mentioned ; the other repro-
duces a short communication from Hastings himself, scribbled on a
slip of paper an inch broad, and evidently intended to be rolled up
and placed in a quill, for concealment on the person of the bearer.

\V. Foster.

ENGLISH FACTORIES IN INDIA

867

The English Factories in India, 1668-9. By Sir William
Foster, pp. x + 343. Clarendon Press, 1927. 18s. net.

No student of Indian history but will learn with regret that the
present volume is to bring Sir William Foster's series of calendars
to a conclusion. The thirteen volumes that he has published are
marked by an unvarying standard of scholarship and accuracy ; and
to have achieved this over so long a period and through so extensive
a work is no uncertain sign of qualities that every historian must envy.
The principal topic of the two years here covered is the transfer of
Bombay to the Company : and with this begiiming (as indeed it was)
of the Company's dominion in India, it is singular to note how men
immediately turned to matters of administration and policy^ in a way
that curiously anticipates the future course of events. When Bombay
is fortified and peopled with Englishmen, we read, “ you [the Company]
will be in a better condition to call your neighbours to accompt for
past affronts,” while the factors of Surat, Aungier at their head, hope
to make the ” Moors ” instrumental in its settlement, “ and this we
hold and declare to be a more successful policy . . . than ... an
high and violent deportment." It was indeed with the willing co-
operation of Indians that the Company’s dominion was to be established
and expanded. Another remarkable and significant episode was the
visit of certain Hindu merchants of Surat to Aungier asking to receive
asylum at Bombay from the persecutions of the Qazi of Surat. Aungier
thought that the time was not ripe to comply with such requests, but
the proposal was significant of the changes that were taking place.
Along with this incident should be noted the proposal to print “ the
ancient Braminy writings ” and to teach English to the inhabitants
of Bombay according to their desire. The other main topic recorded
in this volume is the recovery of Madras from Sir Edward Winter who
was more than half expected to offer armed resistance to the orders
sent out. Accordingly elaborate precautions were taken, both in
regard to the forces sent with, and to the instructions given to, the
commissioners empowered either to accept Winter's submission or to
compel his surrender. They proved needless, since Winter submitted
on condition of security of person and estate ; but the events were
curious, and Sir William Foster's narrative contains many details
that are not to be found in Colonel Love's account.

H. D.

868

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

The Clash of Cultures and the Contact of Races. By G. H. L.

Pitt-Rivers. pp. xiv + 312. Routledge, 1927. 18s.

This volume is specifically concerned with the influence exerted
over the population of the Pacific islands by contact with European
and especially English civilization. But its interest is wider than that,
for it evidently has a close bearing on the general question of culture-
contacts. Mr. Pitt-Rivers discusses the usual explanations of the
decline of subject-populations, but finds them all inadequate. New
diseases, alcohol, insanitary habits, infant-mortality, and so on, are
all. he contends, insufficient to explain the progressive decline which
set in only after contact with European civilization had been established.
The idea that this decline was already in progress before that event
he very properly dismisses as unsupported by valid evidence. The
real explanation he finds in the psychological factors introduced by
foreign dominion and missionary enterprise. These two in combina-
tion have led to the destruction of the native cultures and the dis-
ruption of native society. “ Every weakening of the clan tie,” he truly
says, “ every blow aimed at the authority of the clan or tribal chief,
destroys the social purpose of each member of the clan or tribe. That
alone in a true and literal .sense demoralizes him.” The power of the
sorcerer, the mystic tabus, the polygamous family, all of which,
Mr. Pitt-Rivers holds, have their real value in the circumstances in
which they arose, are attacked by well-intentioned administrators and
missionaries, who in the past seldom really attempted to understand
what they were attacking. This has given rise to a deep-seated moral
umest. The motives for action are destroyed ; the sanctions of tribal
morals disappear ; the society disintegrates. These moral phenomena
are accompanied, we are told, by a singular physical phenomenon.
There arises a tendency for male to predominate over female births,
which leads to the gradual disappearance of the race.

Some of the links in the author’s chain of argument are doubtless
weaker than others. But two points seem clear enough. One is that
the indiscriminate destruction of native social customs is a terrible
error ; the other, that the psychological results of modifications in
the social system deserves more study than they have actually received.
It is easy enough to change culture-forms and culture-accessories ;
to abolish a people’s traditions, customs, and social organization on
the one side, and to give them a whole new set of tools and imple-
ments on the other. But the culture-potential — the ability to react in
a given manner to a given social environment — is a very different

CHEIKH MOHAMMED ABDOD

869

matter. In fact the Pacific islanders react to our social ideas by dying
out. It may be added that the Indian seems to react to our political
ideas not at all in the manner in which we expected.

Even if we cannot go all the way with hlr. Pitt-Rivers, we should
all agree on the need both for the administrator and the missionary
closely to study the world in which they are to act ; and we should aU
confess that wherever we have come into contact with cultures different
from our own, we have always been over-eager to substitute ours— our
law, our faith, our ideas — for theirs. The heaviest errors that we
have committed in the course of our long history in India have been
due to such well-intentioned but ill-fruiting endeavours. And from
this point of view the studies of Mr. Pitt-Rivers may very profitably
be considered even by those who have no direct interest in the world
of the Pacific.

H. Dodwell.

Cheikh Mohammed Abdou. Rissalat al Tawhid : Expose de la
Religion musuhnane. Traduite de I’arabe, avec une introduction
sur la vie et les iddes du Cheikh Mohammed Abdou, par B. Michel
ET LE Cheikh Moustapha Abdel Razik. pp. Ixxxviii + 147.
Paris : Paul Geuthner, 1925.

The object of this handsomely produced volume is to reveal to a
Western audience the life and doctrines of one of the most notable
Egyptians of recent times, who indeed stands out as the leading figure
of Modernism in Sunni Islam. The biographical introduction, written
by two sympathetie scholars and enlivened with extracts from the
Sheikh’s autobiography, together with the notes furnished by the
translators, will be of great service to the general reader in his perusal
of the Risalah.

From Fellah to Grand Mufti, from Sufism to Rationalism, this,
very briefly, was the course of ‘Abdu’s eventful life in its outward
and inward aspects. How Jamal ad-Din al- Afghani shook him out of
his mystic speculations and headed him for the turmoil of pohtics,
his term of professorship at the Dar al-‘Elum where his contempt for
TaMid enraged the conservative party, his three years’ banishment
for having supported Arabi Pasha, the reunion with Jamal ad-Dln in
Paris and their short-lived propagandist venture “ ‘ Urwat al-Wuthka ”,
his return home, to resume, with notable success, the campaign
of educational and religious reform, his election to the Legislative

870

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

Council, soon followed by promotion to the highest dignity open to
a learned Moslem — all this, together with a resume of his religious
views, is set forth sympathetically in the introduction.

The Eisalah is much more than an ‘Akidah of the ordinary type.
It is a complete exposition of the Muhammadan religion, in which
morals receive equal treatment with dogma. The author's aim is to
present a rational interpretation of Islam ; indeed he is convinced
that only in this faith do religion and reason meet. Like many other
reformers, ‘Abdu insisted on an unprejtxdiced scrutiny of the title-
deeds of the faith. He must first restore the primitive simplicity of
Islam, and in his fight against Taklid he went further than any of his
predecessors. All he would accept as dogmatic sources is the Koran
and a few Hadiths. His method recalls that of some Protestant
reformers, and indeed he goes so far as to assert that certain Pro-
testant sects are in complete accord with pure Islam, save for their
attitude to the question of Muhammad's status. The compliment once
paid by Queen Elizabeth to the religion of the Prophet is here returned
with interest.

His proof of the existence of God is of the traditional Aristotelian
kind. God's attributes — life, knowledge, will, omnipotence, freedom,
unity — may be apprehended by reason alone. The “revealed”
attributes, however, sight, hearing, etc., are to be accepted meta-
phorically. On the once momentous question as to whether the Koran
is “ created ” or not, ‘Abdu takes the middle road, namely, that the
“ source ” of the word of God is an eternal attribute of His essence, but
that all manifestations of this attribute, including the words composing
the Koran, are part of creation. Here his modernist fervour causes
him to credit some of the great orthodox Imams with views similar
to his own, and to suggest that even Ibn Hanbal was somewhat of a
Mu'tazilite at heart.

“ L'Histoire . . . nous a transmis aussi que certains imams
refuserent de professor que le Coran est cree. II faut en voir la
cause simplement dans leur de.sir de s'abstenir dans une querelle
aussi passionnee et dan.s un exces de politesse vis-a-vis de leur
adversaire ; on ne pent I’expliquer autrement, car nous croyons que
rimam Ibn Hanbal etait d'un esprit trop distingue pour croire
que le Coran est incree, tout en le lisant chaque nuit avec sa bouche
et en le reconstituant ainsi par sa voix.” (p. 33.)

That Ibn Hanbal was in deadly earnest about the eternity of the
Koran is difficult to deny ; the jail and the lash both failed to make

CHEIKH MOHAMMED ABDOU

871

Mm confess otherwise, and to endure such things out of “ un
exces de politesse " would appear to be carrying politeness much
too far.

There is an interesting chapter on free will, in which 'Abdu rightly
repudiates the subtle and impotent logic of the schools. Properly
understood, man's control of his actions does not imply Shirk.

" Je le repete. le dogme de I'Unite de Dieu n'exigue du croyant
que deux choses : d'abord la croyance que Dieu a charge
I homme d'exercer ses facultes, et que par consequent, I'homme
acquiert par lui-meme sa foi ct la force d'accomplir les devoirs
religieux que Dieu lui a imposes : en second lien la croyance que
la puissance de Dieu est au-dessus des facultes de Fhomme. qu’elle
seule a le pouvoir supreme pour parachever ce que I homme entre-
prend, en levant les obstacles qu'il trouve sur son chemin." (p. 44.)

Here follow some words of wisdom deploring the tyranny of pre-
conceptions. However, his exposition of the “ Seal of Prophecy
(which, like much else in the book, shows influence of European
thought) illustrates how hardly shall an apologist escape that same
t}T:anny.

Les religions vinrent a un moment oil les hommes etaient . . .
dans un etat semblable a celui de Tenfant qui vient de naitre. . . .
De meme ces religions prirent les hommes par des ordres cate-
goriques et des prohibitions rigoureuses . . . elles leur imposerent
des preceptes qui etaient faciles a comprendre. . . . Puis des
siecles passerent ... les hommes acquirent un sentiment plus
delicat que le sens . . . mais ce sentiment ne depassait pas celui
qui emeut le coeur de la femme . . . et une religion vint qui park
a ce sentiment, qui fit appel a I'amour. . . . Cette religion apporta
aux hommes des preceptes d’ascetisme qui eloigneut de ce monde . . .
Enfin arriva un age oil rhumanite parviut a sa maturite . . . alors
vint I'lslam qui s'adres.sa a la raison . . . qu il associa au.x senti-
ments et aux sens, pour conduire Ihomme a sa felicite dans ce
monde et dans I'aiitrc." (pp. 112-lb.)

In clearer terms, the Torah, the Psalmists, the Prophets of
Israel, the Hakhamim, Jesus and St. Paul offer interpreta-
tions of life suitable only for primitive epochs. Man's mental and
spiritual faculties reach maturity about .\.D. 600, in time for the
Koran to fit neat and triumphant into a theory of religious evolution.
On the question of Islamic tolerance we have no opinion to express,

VOL. IV. PACT IV.

872

REVIEWS OP BOOKS

but Sheikh ‘Abdu’s method of exposition is here too startling to
pass unnoticed. He makes eloquent statements, some of them
doubtless in accord with documentary evidence, which group them-
selves in the following order and amount to this (pp. 124-30) : (1)
Islam's attitude to subject races was pacific ; (2) If at times it was not
pacific, neither was that of other dominant religions ; (3) If at times
it was not pacific, this was the will of God.

“ On dit que I'lslam etait anime d’un esprit de combat, nous
repondrons : la loi de Dieu veut que dans ce monde la lutte ne
cesse jamais entre la verite et I’erreur, entre la bonne voie et
I'egarement, jusqu’a ce que Dieu prononce son jugement entre
eux. Lorsque Dieu envoie sa rosee sur une terre sterile, pour la
vivifier, I'abreuver et augmenter sa fertilite, est-ce que la valeur
de cette eau est diminuee par le fait d'avoir franchi une digue on
detruit une maison qu elle a rencontr^e sur son chemin ? " (p. 130.)

The translators in a footnote condemn this as a ‘‘ justification
plutot faible ”, their rationalist author being for the moment
submerged by a wave ot undiluted theocracy.

Leaving aside, however, such extravagances which are more or
less incident to all apologetics, one cannot fail to recognize in the
Risalah the work of a vigorous and ingenious mind. In this translation
we have a welcome addition to the researches of Professor Horten
in the same field, and the general reader will get from it a clear idea
of how a considerable section of Moslem intellectuals in contact with
M estern thought have faced the moral and theological issues of Islam.

A. S. Fultox.

Survey of Internatioxal Affairs, 1925. Volume I : The Islamic
\\ orld since the Peace Settlement. By Professor A. J. Toyxbee.
10s. 6d.

This well printed, accurately written and amply documented book
which if printed on thicker paper and adequately advertised might
well sell at forty-two shillings or so, is in all respects a remarkable
contribution to the comparatively modern art of writing history
without bias.

Pour bien scavoir les choses,’ wrote La Rochefoucauld, “ il
faut en scavoir le detail. ’ But he lived before the days of “ open
diplomacy " and at a period when, alike in diplomacy, science, art,

SURVEY OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS, 1925

873

and letters, the written counted less than the spoken word, and
personal rather than national ambitions made history and swayed
States.

Agreeably to La Rochefoucauld's maxim. Professor Toynbee
has studied the details of every political movement in the countries
dealt with in this volume, so far as they are accessible to him in
documentary form and in European languages, and a large part of
the book may not unfairly be described as a masterly and scholarly
precis of these documents. But he is well aware that to make the dry
bones live something more is required, and he is at pains, in almost
every chapter, to throw some light on the principal personalities on
the stage, and on the national or sectional feelings of which they
were, sometimes successively, the inspirers, the leaders, the tools,
and the victims. He has succeeded in doing so only less notably than
in the difficult art of compiling a continuous narrative from the
unwieldly mass of literature of very unequal value which pours upon
his table from half a dozen different countries.

To attempt within the compass of a brief review to criticize his
presentation of the facts cited regarding any particular State is
impossible, and indeed a careful perusal by the present reviewer of
those chapters dealing within his purview discloses remarkably few
passages to which exception could reasonably be taken.

Professor Toynbee's summaries are seldom tendencious, and almost
never unfair to the contending parties ; his mission, under the
conditions of Sir Daniel Stevenson's endowment of the Chair of
International History at the University of London, is to write history
" internationally and as far as practicable without bias ”.

The italics are the writer's, but we fancy that Professor Toynbee
must often have been tempted mentally to italicize the saving reserva-
tion. For history without bias, like a woman without virtue, as say
the Afghans, is an egg without salt.

But the volume before us is by no means insipid, nor is it uncoloured
by the mental attitude of the author, whose wholesome optimism,
and readiness to give credit, where due, for good intentions, strike
a note which is notably absent from the works of writers of the type
of i\Ir. George Young, whose recent book on EgA*pt not only lowers
the tone of the series to which it belongs, but seeks to rouse in Egypt
that verv spirit of distrust which his party professes so earnestly to
deplore.

Perhaps the most questionable thesis in Professor Toynbee's

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REVIEWS OF BOOKS

work is implicit in its title. Is there an “ Islamic World " ? In other
words, are the principal races professing Islam (for this book does
not attempt to deal with the great Islamic populations of East and
West Africa, Zanzibar, China, Netherlands India, or even of Oman,
knit together by a common bond of sentiment, of interest
or of ideas in virtue of their religion and peculiar thereto ? The
question is fundamental ; to ask it is to invite a variety of answers.
Our author obviously holds that the Islamic world docs in fact possess
cultural and social unity ; he claims that it has shown no tendency
to become divided against itself on racial lines (p. 2), a .statement which
is not borne out by the relations between Persia and Turkey or between
Per.sia and the Turkman tribes for the past three centuries, nor by
the attitude of the subjects by the present ruler of Xejd towards
Egjqitian and Indian Muslims.

On the contrary, the origin of the schism which has since the
eighth century sharply divided the people of Persia and the bulk of
the Arabs of Mesopotamia from the rest of the world was in its origin
primarily racial, and the racial factor is in the Middle East to-day as
powerful as it ever has been.

The present reviewer feels, moreover, that in the present volume
the conflict of Islamic with Western countries, and the geographically
“ commanding position ’’ of Islam is overstressed.

“ The prolongation of the Black Sea route — overland to the
oilfields of Baku and across the Caspian to Central Asia ”, says our
author, “ was commanded by the Muslim countries of Azerbaijan
and Trans-Caspia.'' Both these regions have in point of fact been
little more than downtrodden satellites of Russia for the last thirty
years or more, and have to-day no corporate existence as Islamic
entities. The new Mediterranean route from Europe to India could
not be “ commanded ” as Professor Toynbee .states by the Moroccan
coast unless the latter were in the hands of one of the great powers,
and he has, in our opinion, greatly over-estimated the importance
of the automobile and air routes which have been opened since the
war leading from the Eastern Mediterranean to Iraq and Persia.
The immediate effect of these routes has been, if anything, to emphasize
the antipathy of Iraqis towards SjTians, and of Persians towards
Iraqis — antipathies which there is some reason to fear will leave
more than a transitory mark on the political developments of the
next ten years in these countries.

Nor are we disposed to accept Professor Toynbee's estimate of

SURVEY OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS, 1925

875

the positive importance in international politics of post-war renaissance
movements in Turkey. Persia. Egypt, and Iraq, still less the suggestion
(p. 5) that mineral oil deposits in Iraq may, if successfully developed,
confer great wealth and power upon whatever parties obtained
territorial control thereof.

Let U.S for the sake of argument assume — and it is a very large
assumption — that within ten years the export of oil from Iraq will
reach the stupendous figure of five million tons annually. The royalty
payable to the Iraq Government by the concessionaires at the rate
of four shillings a ton (a very high figure) will then amount to one
million pounds — say 6s. 8d. per head of the population, or one-
fifth of the present gross revenue from all sources— a substantial
sum but not sufficient radically to alter prevailing economic conditions.
It is true that on the analogy of Persia development of an oil industry
on this scale might well give employment to some 20,000 or so of the
present inhabitants of Iraq, and would involve a remunerative expendi-
ture in the country on wages and local supplies, etc., of some £2, 000, 000
a year : but even 20,000 is less than 1 per cent of the present popula-
tion, and there would be a much more marked tendency in Iraq than
in Persia for them to be drawn from agriculture, and the net gain to
the country, though very substantial, would be less than appears at
first sight, and the rapid development of industrial concerns in a
pastoral country, however carefully and however benevolently under-
taken. is liable to bring other troubles in its train. The truth is that
it is not the possession of mineral resources that brings wealth or
power so much as the ability to harness them for the service of man :
only if Iraq and Persia can effectively utilize their soil, their water,
their agricultural products, and in the case of Persia their forests
and fisheries, by their own enterprise, may they hope to recapture
their ancient glories.

These and other speculations arise naturally from this suggestive
and stimulating book, which will long remain an indispensable work of
reference.

But it is not possible to regard it as a safe guide in every case : the
presentation of the facts regarding Ibn Sand's dealings with the
British, and the comments on his policy, admittedly a highly con-
troversial subject, will .scarcely be accepted by those with personal
knowledge of these matters without reservations. Ibn Saud's services
to us were greater than Professor Toynbee admits, and it is impossible
to take seriously the suggestion, in a communicated footnote (p. 283),

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RE VIEWS OF BOOKS

that the militaiy importance of the operations of the Hijazi forces in
Syria is to be gauged by the fact that they accounted for 65,000
Turkish troops at a cost of £100 a head of subsidy, whereas in the
British army’s operations against the Turks, each Turkish casualty
cost from £1.500 to £2,000 !

In the first place we have been given to understand that Hijazi
co-operation cost the British taxpayer £6,000.000 (p. 273) or according
to another authority £10,000,000 (T. E. Graves, Sunday Times,
30th July, 1927) not £650,000 ; in the second place, if this argument is
sound, the British Navy was surely an inefficient weapon during the
War, seeing how few enemy nationals it killed, and at what high cost,
compared to the Army. Such comparisons have only to be made to
be rejected as ridiculous.

It remains to testify alike to the excellence of the printing and of
the indexing, by a member of the Library Staff of the School of Oriental
Studies, and to draw attention to the system of transliteration
employed, which is in certain respects unique and must have cost
more labour than would have been involved by the adoption of the
system of the British Academy, which Professor Toynbee rejects
on what will seem to many readers insufficient grounds. Surely the
people of Persia belong to the Shl’ah (not ShiT) persuasion : the name
of the former wife of Mustafa Kemal should be written Edib Khanum
(not Khanym), and the angUcized plural of Turkman should not be
“ Turkmens It may be also pointed out that Mr. Ameer Ali would
be more correctly described as the Right Hon. Syed Ameer Ali, P.C.,
and that the British representative in Bahrayn is a Political Agent,
not a Consul.

A. T. Wilson.

An English-Arabic Dictionary of Medicine, Biology, and Allied
Sciences. By Dr. MyHAMM.AD Shar.'vf, M.R.C.S., L.R.C.P.
Cairo : Government Press, 1926.

This work is something more than an ordinary' dictionary of
technical terms. For many years there has been considerable con-
troversy in the Arabic world on the possibility and advisability of
advanced scientific, and especially medical, instruction in Arabic.
At present the medium of instruction in all scientific subjects is
French or English, except at the medical school in Damascus, where
Arabic was substituted for Turkish as the language of instruction

AX EXGLISH-ABABIC DICTIONARY OF MEDICINE

877

during the Faysal regime, and has remained so until now.^ The
opponents of Arabicization urge that the absence of a technical
vocabulary in Arabic militates against sound teaching, and further
that it is inadvisable in any case, since it would involve the severance
of Arabic medicine and scientific study from direct contact with
European research. The new dictionar}' is almost certain to play
a part in these controversies, whether Dr. Sharaf had them in mind
or not.

It is necessary in the first place to pay a very high tribute to the
skill and scholarship displayed by the author. To undertake single-
handed a work, which would be no light task for a commission, and to
produce in six years a dictionary of this size, the most complete of
its kind in Arabic,^ based on the great mediaeval lexicons and treatises
as well as modern scientific works, is evidence of an industry and
energy which, if it had been more general, would long since have
solved these problems. The labour and thought given by Dr. Sharaf
to its compilation is scarcely to be realized by those who find a technical
vocabulary ready to their hands in any emergency. The result is a
dictionary which, whatever its deficiencies, is of the greatest value and
utility, and it is with no intention of minimizing real achievement that
the following criticisms are made. For, in view of what has been said,
the main question to be asked is not whether this dictionary supphes
accurate renderings of European technical terms, but whether it
does in fact supply a satisfactory technical vocabulary in Arabic
for the medical and other sciences.

It is of the essence of technical nomenclature that each word shall
express accurately and unmistakably one and not more than one
concept, within the limits of a given science, with the corollary that
in a technical vocabulary there will be few or no synonyms. For
this reason technical writers have found it necessary to avoid in general
simple terms taken from the ordinary vernaculars and possessing an
undefined range of meaning, as well as a large number of terms

1 In the Medical School at Cairo, founded bj' Clot Bey in 1826 and transferred to
Qasr el-‘Ayni in 1837, all lectures were either given in or translated into Arabic,
until its reorganization in 1898, when English was made the language of instruction.
See Zaydan, Ta’rlkh adab al-lughah al-'’ arablyah, vol. iv, pp. 37—43.

“ An English-Arabic medical dictionary by Dr. Khalil Khayrallah was published
in Cairo in 1892 (see al-Hildl, vol. i, 287) and a second by Dr. Ibrahim Mansur a few
months later (ibid., li, 631. The famous traveller at-Tunisi (d. 1857) compiled a
dictionary of medical terms, now in Paris (Bibl. Xat.. Fonds arabe 4641). but it
seems never to have been published (Zaydan, op. cit., 206-7).

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REVIEWS OF BOOKS

employed in earlier stages of scientific development. The European
scholar, fortunately for him, has found in the classical languages an
almost inexhaustible source upon which to draw for new technical
terms, with the further advantage that words so coined are easily
adaptable for international scientific intercourse.

Those who would create an Arabic technical vocabulary are faced
with considerable difficulties. What is the basis of such a vocabulary
to be ? A large number would and do use the European terms out-
right ; but this apparently most reasonable course is hindered by the
clumsiness of accurate transliteration, which leads most writers to
retain Roman characters for such words, in addition to the aesthetic
objection that they can never be anything but a monstrosity in Arabic
vocabulary. Others seek to adapt European terms to the genius of
the Arabic language by a proce.ss of hybridizing. They propose, for
example, Sb ^,5^ (sic) for Sulphate, for Glucose.^ It would

be a long and difficult task to supply equivalents of this type for all
European technical terms, and it is scarcely surpri.sing that any move-
ment in this direction is confined to philological e.xperts, in spite of
the precedent set by the Arabicization of Greek and Persian terms in
the ninth and tenth centuries. The third, and at present most congenial
course open to Arabic scientists, is to utilize the resources of the
Arabic language itself, either by resuscitating the technical terms used
by the mediaeval physicians, etc. , or by creating new words on recognized
Arabic formulae, such as j \ for thermometer. The difficulty of
satisfactorily applying many of the mediaeval terms to modern
conceptions needs no elaborating, but there is a much more serious
problem than this. In the absence of any co-ordinating authority,
every man is a law unto himself, to choose, apply, convert, or invent
his own terms. Xo one familiar with the Arabic language will have
any difficulty in picturing the result, and how fatal it is to any hope of
attaining uniformity and precision.

It will be clear after all this that at present there is no little con-
fusion in the matter of Arabic technical nomenclature, and that
scientific work would find it hard to make shift without recourse to
European terms in case of need. To bring order out of chaos requires
the bold handling and judgment of a mujtahid. It may be said at
once that such was probably not the aim, as it is certainly not the
effect, of Dr. Sharaf's work. The dictionarj' as a whole reflects the

* See the Baghdad journal Loghal el- Arab, vol. iv, 33 ft.

AX ENGLISH-ARABIC DICTIONARY OF MEDICINE

879

present state of hesitation between purely European terms and
purely Arabic terms, gives not infrequently half a dozen synonyms
for the commoner technical terms, and finds itself in consequence
using the same word to express totally diSerent concepts. In other
words. Dr. Sharaf has often confined himself to listing the translations
actually used without subjecting them to thorough examination.
No other explanation can account for such facts as the appearance

of the same word to translate both ■‘atomic ' and “ molecular ”,

while on the other hand “atomic weight " (,5 ji jj j) is distinguished
from “ molecular weight ” jj»)- If the dictionary shows any

tendency at all, it is rather towards the employment and resuscitation
of Arabic terms, though without showing any aversion from European
terms. One would have liked more stressing of preferences when
alternative words are given, though occasionally a preference is
shown indirectly. Fossa, for example, is rendered by four different
words, but is used in all cases but one of twenty-nine specific
fossae grouped under the main heading.

The dictionaiy- is weakest, as might be expected, when it registers
attempts to adapt old Arabic terms to new uses. It is worth while
looking a little more closely into an instance of this. Under “ Rachitis,

Rickets” we are given the following entry : —

A very brief investigation of these words will show that

is used of being crippled in legs or arms, defined more closely
in Lisan al-'Arab as “ having a heaviness in one leg and dragging it
in walking ". It may be urged in reply that even if or had

originally a different meaning, every doctor nowadays would take them
to mean rickets. But in the first place any modern dictionary (Bustani,

Elias, Spiro, or the new Centennial) is evidence that and its
derivatives are constantly used for “ lameness ", “ crippled ”, etc.
Secondly, if is satisfactory in spite of this, why which

flies even more wide of the mark, since the word means simply “ mal-
nutrition ” see Taj al-‘Anls) I Granted that mal-

nutrition may be the cause of rickets, surely cause and effect are
scarcely so identical as to be rendered by the same word. For

“rickety ” we are given ^ Co. In ordinary usage

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REVIEWS OF BOOKS

simply means crippled, as we have seen ; as for cLji . the

nearest among its six or seven possible meanings is ’ enfeebled by
disease ", and Dr. Sharaf himself givas it (along with three’ alternative
adjectives) for “ debilitated Let it be added, however, that
Dr. Sharaf is in no way responsible for these and similar instances
of “ technical ” terms. It is to be feared that the same fortune awaits
most attempts to adapt old words. If Arabic roots are to be used,
it is clear that the case can be met only by devising new formulae-
such as (to suggest a formula purely by way of illustration)
with as its adjective.

There is still one other point, if a minor one, in regard to which
care is required if confusion is to be avoided. Owing to the absence
of the short vowel signs, terms which are distinct in pronunciation

may be ambiguous in print. i-W may mean, for example,

either “ infectious diseases ’’ (<- -!*.») or “ gastric diseases ” (a^-U,).
Dr. Sharaf puts -C*.. first in his list of synonyms for “ infectious ”»
and however it may shock linguistic purists, it is certainly an improve-
ment on the more commonly used Am from the point of view of
clarity.

Dr. Sharaf's dictionary, then, is clearly not the last word on these
subjects, but it will disappoint all observers of the modern Arabic
revival if it does not lead others to take stock of the situation. Those
upon whom his mantle may fall should indeed be grateful for the
pioneer labours of him who, with great personal effort, has cleared
the way and made it possible for them to take that indispensable step
for any further progress, a comprehensive survey of the field.

H. A. R. G.

A Grammar of the Colloquial Arabic of Syria and Palestine.

By G. R. Driver, M.A. London ; Probsthain, 1925. 12s. 6<f. net.

Mr. Driver would have been better advised had he omitted the
words “ A Grammar of ” from his title. To say this, however, in no
way disparages the value of the materials collected in this book. The
grammatical and syntactical structure of the common speech of
Syria, with its local dialect variations, is very fully set out, and each
rule is adrmrably illustrated by practical examples, the collection
of which must represent no small labour. A bibliography of European

MAXUEL DE BERBERE MAROCAIN

881

books and articles on S\Tian colloquial is added. The omission from
this of Arabic works on or in Syrian colloquial was probably intentional ;
though one reader at least would have welcomed some reference to
such books as the late Ilyas Bey Qudsi’s translation of Lafontaine’s
fables into Damascene colloquial {Naicadir vafukdJiat, Damascus
1913). Such criticisms as the present reviewer feels competent to make
are based mainly upon his own experience of its use as a practical
manual.

It is a little difficult to decide the exact aim which Mr. Driver set
himself. It would appear from the introduction that his first draft
consisted of a manual of spoken usage compiled on the spot, to which
a survey of dialect forms was afterwards added from the published
works of other inv^estigators. From the student's point of view
it is a pity that this was done, Its effect has been to turn the work
into a description of Sjuian colloquial rather than a practical grammar,
and has rendered it difficult to follow and confusing to anyone who aims
at acquiring a working knowledge of average Spian speech. A further
complication is provided by the introduction of details of “ classical ”
written usage (e.g. the orthography of hamza), and it is curious to
find in a professedly colloquial grammar words and forms constantly
labelled “ (coll.) “. Enough attention has hardly been given to the
problem of accent, and the section which deals with it specifically is
brief and unsatisfactory', pitch and length not being clearly dis-
tinguished. There are occasional signs of an effort to attain theoretical
completeness ; it is, for example, difficult to imagine that the clumsy
and ambiguous phrase given on page 158 for “ the dirty blade of the
second-hand knife " would ever in practice be used. But these
criticisms amount after all to little more than that Jlr. Driver has
produced a book for the scholar rather than the student. With this
reservation it can be heartily commended.

H. A. R. Gibb.

Manuel de Berbere Marocaix (Dialecte Rifain). Par Com-
mandant Justixard. pp. viii -f- 168. Paris : Paul Geuthner,
1926.

This is a useful little book on the Riff dialect. This dialect is
very much the same as that spoken in Kabylia, near Algiers, although,
as Rene Basset, says, the Riffs soften several of the Kabyle consonants.

The book consists of a grammar, some useful phrases, a vocabulary
which is full of Arabic loan-words, and a few tales.

P. P. H. Hasluck.

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REVIEWS OF BOOKS

A Comparative Study of the Melaxesian Island Languages.
By Sidney Herbert Ray. 9| x 61, pp. xvi + 598, 6 maps.
Cambridge ; L'niversity Press, published for the University of
Melbourne in association with the Melbourne University Press,
1926.

This is the biggest piece of work that has been done on the
Melanesian languages, and it constitutes a fitting counterpart to
Codrington's great pioneer volume (The Melanesian Languages, 1885)
without overlapping it to any appreciable extent. Mr. S. H. Ray has
for a long time past been the recognized authority on the comparative
study of this group of languages (as well as on a good many other
forms of speech) and his present work is the mature fruit of many years
of patient labour.

The task of a student of Melanesian is not an easy one. The
languages are numerous and very various. They are written in a
bewildering variety of systems of spelling, so that the same Roman
letter often represents quite different sounds in different languages
and sometimes it is not altogether certain what sound is meant.
The sources are in many cases very inadequate, occasionally merely
scrappy vocabularies, often translations of Scripture in which the
given language may or may not have been distorted by the European
medium through which it has passed ; genuine native texts taken
down verbatim are comparatively rare.

With all these difficulties the author has had to grapple, and some
of them, e.g. the diverse symbolization of sounds, also inevitably
affect the reader, although in the comparative portions of his book
Mr. Ray has done his best to introduce uniformity of representation.
I confess that, as a non-expert in Melanesian tongues, I should have
preferred to have ail the material presented throughout on a uniform
system. But the book includes grammars of about thirty different
languages, and having regard, no doubt, to their use alongside of the
corresponding texts already published elsewhere, there is a certain
advantage in retaining the spelling of the latter in the grammars also.

In the first part of the book (to p. 74), after defining the limits of
his work (i.e. substantially the central portion of Melanesia, from the
Loyalty Islands to Buka, north of Bougainville), the author deals
with the early records of these languages (beginning with the sixteenth
century) and the history of their comparative study, the representation
of .sounds (already referred to), the lexicographical relation of
Melanesian to Indonesian (with a short comparative vocabulary in

comparative study of the melaxesiax island languages 883

illustration of it), the Melanesian root and word-formation, and
Indonesian grammar in Melanesian. These last few sections are
justified by the peculiar nature of the connexion between the Indonesian
and Melanesian families, a relation which some recent authors have
minimized, misrepresented, or even denied altogether, and which still
awaits more precise definition.

The second part of the work treats in detail the various Melanesian
groups, that fall within its limits and includes the numerous grammars
(mostly of New Hebridean languages) already referred to. It also
deals with the comparison of the Melanesian groups with Indonesian,
especially as regards their jihonology and lexicography. In these
numerous comparative sections the New Hebrides and the Solomon
Islands, taken together, con.stitute the pikr de resistance. The
grammars .seem to have been done very carefully. No general
comparison in detail is made between them, and perhaps this would
at present have been premature. Rut they will serve as materials for
the comparative grammar of the future, which, as they appear to differ
a great deal amongst themselves, will be no simple matter. The
comparison of the recognizably Indonesian element in the Melanesian
languages brings out the important fact that it is very much more
prominent in some of the languages than in others. This, we are told,
appears most clearly in their lexicography, and has a vital bearing
on the question of the relation of Melanesian to Indonesian.

A brief final chapter is devoted to the statement of this problem.
It is a difficult one, the old problem, really, of what should con.stitute
the basis of a classification of languages. In dealing with inflected
forms of speech the matter is comparatively simple; the morphological
system has been taken as the principal, or sole, criterion. M’hen,
however, as in the present case, we have practically nothing that can
be strictlv called inflection, the ]>robh>m become.s much more difficult
to handle. Throughout Mclane.sia. apparently, the greater part of the
vocabulary of any given language or small local group .stands by itself
and cannot be linked up with anything else, while a minority of the
words (varying in percentage of the whole vocabidury from a very
small proportion to a substantial amount) is clearly Indonesian. The
fact (if it is indeed already an established fact) that, apart from the
Indonesian element, there are no cross-connexions between the several
Melanesian groups, is of the very first importance. It amounts to a
very strong argument against the existence of a ilelanesian family
of languages in any proper sense of the word. That each sub-group

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REVIEWS OF BOOKS

should have a large number of words peculiar to itseK, would not
prove much against the unity of the whole, any more than it does in
Indonesian or Indo-European. But if they have nothing in common
amongst themselves but varying percentages of Indonesian, the case
looks very weak.

Anthropologically, as Mr. Ray and others have made quite clear
in previous works, the Melanesians are alien to the bulk of the Indo-
nesians and they originally spoke quite alien languages. Their
cousins, who speak the so-called Papuan languages, do not apparently
constitute a unity but merely a number of linguistically unconnected
groups. Seemingly the case of the Melanesians was formerly quite
similar. Their original languages have now been modified, in varying
degrees, by Indonesian influences, but can they, or any of them,
in their present state be classified as a sister family with the Indo-
nesian one ? Plainly not, if they do not themselves constitute a true
unity. It does not appear to me to help their case that in the Indo-
nesian element (which we are told is all that they have in common
amongst themselves) there are embodied undeniable relics of the
Indonesian morphological system. There is no reason why Indonesian
words should not have been borrowed in derived forms (i.e. with
prefix or suffix attached to them), as readily as in their simple forms.
Unless the Indonesian morphological system was taken over as a
living thing, still capable of growth in the sense of being applicable to
originally alien Melanesian words, it seenos to me that survivals of
it in Melanesian do not suffice to stamp any given Melanesian language
as being of kin with Indonesian. In some cases this suggested proviso
may have been fulfilled, in others, not, and a classification based on it
might cut right across the Melanesian family (so-called at present). At
the same time it has to be borne in mind that such important parts of
speech as the pronouns, numerals, and prepositions in Melanesian are
often clearly of Indonesian affinity. But even these might conceivably
be in the category of mere loanwords.

The whole thing is really, from one point of view, a logomachy,
and the simplest way out would be to say that we have here several
groups of mixed languages having little in common but a varying
proportion of imported matter. But then we run counter to the high
priests of comparative philology, who assert dogmatically that there
is no such thing as a mixed language ; and of course it must be admitted
that^ from their mainly Indo-Evuopean point of view, the suggested
short cut rather shirks the problem. Mr. Ray's own conclusion is

THE AMARXA AGE

885

that the precise relation of the Melanesian groups to Indonesian
must await the publication of their vocabularies. I entirely concur, but
would add that the texts must also be called in as evidence, and not
morphology alone, or together with lexicography, but syntax, phonetics,
and semantics as well must be weighed, before final judgment can be
passed. WTien it is, it will be just the kind of abstract proposition that
delights the heart of the comparative philologist.

In the meantime we are bound to thank Mr. Eay for the very large
and carefully arranged collection cf concrete facts contained in this
work. I have noticed very little in it that is open to criticism. The
Indonesian for “ hair is not buluh (p. 36) but bidu (or wulu). In
Bugis it is the glottal stop (rather than A-) that replaces other final
sounds (p. 51). For " Javenese ” (a mere misprint, p. 61) read
“ Javanese The Indonesian formative -ah (p. 61) should be -an.
For t'ehen (p. 144) read teken. In a book of such size and varied contents
such trifling matters as these do not count. They are extraordinarily
few in number and it is evident that the author has done his work
with exceptional accuracy and care. The book will be a safe guide
for future students for many years to come, and is hardly likely ever
to be superseded.

C. f). Bl-AGDEx.

The Amarna Age. A Study of the Crisis of the Ancient World.
By James Baikie, F.R.A.S. pp. xvii — 458. London : A. and
C. Black, Ltd.. 1926.

Never, perhaps, in the history of the ancient world, was there
such a phenomenon as that age when Akhenaten. the most original
of the Pharaohs, overthrew the gods of Egypt, preferring instead one
god symbolized by the sun.

This is the period that is known to the world as the Amarna Age,
from the fact that we derive most of our information about it from
the site of the ruined city of Akhetaten in the district now called
Amama, which lies abovrt 200 hundred miles south of Cairo on the
west bank of the Nile. One day a woman of the district found a tablet.
This was the beginning. Unhappily, through native ignorance and
general misunderstanding, the find was not at once acknowledged,
and as a result manv of the tablets were destroyed in one way or another.
At length the importance of the discovery became manifest and the
inestimable value of the material was soon discovered. Thus the

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REVIEWS OF BOOKS

teeming world of Akhenaten's far-off time was illuminated as with a
piece of magnesium wire. The importance of the remains of Akhe-
naten’s city takes second place to that of the tablets. For after all,
finds, however artistic they may be and however much light they may
throw on the history of one country, can never be so important as those
which illumine world history at some distant date. Meanwhile other
finds were made in various parts of the East. And these formed
the links which the Amarna letters were to weld into a strong chain.

It is at the death of Amenhotep III that the critical period of the
Amarna Age begins. Outwardly this event was marked by the utmost
calm throughout the Empire, c.’ccept for vague rumours of the struggle
between Mitanni and the encroaching Hittites. It was only a mask,
however, to hide the mutinous ideas which were being fostered in
Asia. Amenhotep III had been a pleasure-loving king, and instead
of setting his mind to the Asiatic question which constantly faced
each Pharaoh, gave himself and his court over to the brilliant luxuries
of Thebes. The accession therefore of Amenhotep IV was something
akin to tragedy. For in eastern countries the life of an empire depends
entirely on the character of its ruler. One march into Asia would
have been enough to impress those countries that he was within
easy reach of them. But no. probably owing to his religious scruples,
Amenhotep IV preferred to let matters slide and thus sacrificed his
Empire. Mr. Baikie points out the former fact ; but does not show why
the problem that confronted Amenhotep IV needed far more strength
than that which usually confronted the king on his accession. In his
home affairs, however, Amenhotep was more alert. For, if it had been
otherwise, the country would soon have been in a turmoil through
the spread of propaganda by the priests of Amen.

Amenhotep IV, or Akhenaten as he is better known, has been called
the world's first idealist, and by some the first pacificist. In many of
his theories he is almost idtra-modern ; and it would probably have
been his greatest joy in life if he could have seen the League of Nations,
not as it is now but as we hope it will be. that is, coming to a binding
agreement over world peace. Akhenaten believed that his god was
the father of all men, and he therefore hated to see brothers, as all
men must be, indulging in orgies of strife and hatred. It is interesting
to note that Akhenaten was the first man in history to conceive of
monotheism. But it is going rather far to say that all men previous
to Akhenaten were fumblers in not perceiving monotheism.

The rudiments of Akhenaten's religion were Love, Natirre, and

THE AMARXA AGE

887

Truth, and all through his life, in his words and deeds, he maintained
these principles. Akhenaten chose as the symbol of his religion the
sun-disk. Mr. Baikie clearly points out the Spiritual aspect of the
creed, which was the first to possess one. It was the vital, formless,
life-giving substance behind the sun which was worshipped ; not
the actual glowing orb. Aten, as the god was called, has been compared
with the Hebrew Jahveh, and in many respects they are identical.
But they difier in one main aspect, and that is that Jahveh was a
god of war while Aten was Lord of Peace Atenism was. however,
totally unsuited for the needs of the people, who wanted a more personal
type of god. If Aten had come in as one of the gods he might easily,
through his solar aspect, have gained popularity. This, however, was
actually impossible, because Aten was a jealous god. One wonders,
therefore, that there should have been no open rebellion when this
new god was foisted on the land and every other god destroyed. It is
probable, as Mr. Baikie points out, that sun-worship would have become
popular again. First, because the growth of the Empire widened men's
views and the necessity of a single god to bind the Empire was seen.
What god could be more appropriate than the sun who was connected
with all lands i Secondly, Amenism was becoming politically a menace
to the throne. This is not pointed out. Thirdly, there was a need for
freer thought away from the old channels of iron convention. Mr. Baikie,
however, savs that foreign influence in favour of the sun-god was almost
bon-existent. This is not true. In fact, it is fairly certain that if the
kings had not begun to marry foreign princesses, and there had conse-
quently been little Asiatic influence. Akhenaten's religious revolution
would never have taken place. The introduction of Mitannian solar
worship was the hot-house that brought out the flower of the sun-cult
in an exaggerated form before it was due. The influence originated
in Mutemuya. Thothmes IVs queen ; and she it was who brought
to the front of Egyptian politics Tiy, one of the greate.st female
characters in history. It is probable that, because Tiy's parents were
the most powerful adherents of the .sun-cult, ilutemuya chose her
for the bride of her son Amenhotep III.

From the very beginning Tiy asserted her powers in her husband's
affairs, and before long she was the ruling force of the kingdom. There
is no ground for the idea that luaa, Tiy's father, was the controlling
force behind Tiy. Mien Amenhotep III died Akhenaten was very
young, and Tiy continued to rule. And it is more than likely that
she brought her son up in her own way and with the same ideas as

VOL. n'. PART IV. 58

888

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

herself. We can thus trace the Asiatic influence from Mutemuya,
through Tiy. to Akhenaten. However, not enough prominence is
given to Tiy. She makes her appearance in Mr. Baikie's pages here
and there. But on the whole her importance is not stressed enough
in the light of what we know of this wonderful woman, for she
appears to have been by far the most powerful figure of the period.

Akhenaten's religious principles had a great influence on art,
the expression of which became rejuvenated with a naturalness of
effort. Mr. Baikie even goes so far as to say that this was the first
time in Egyptian history when the human figure was dealt with in a
natural fashion. He asserts that it had always been stiff and rigid.
However, one has only to refer to the reliefs in the tomb of Ptah-hetep
and others of the Old Kingdom, to judge whether this remark is
correct.

In dealing with the ancient world in general, Mr. Baikie gives a
clear and sound setting for the Egyptian drama. The Hittite nation
and the policy of the Hittite kings are particularly well described ;
and it easily becomes apparent how quickly opposition to Egyptian
supremacy in Asia must have grown out of the plotting of such kings
as Shubbiluliuma. Too much space, however, is given to Crete,
which after all had not such a great influence on the period. The
Asiatic turmoil which confronted the Egyptian government is dealt
with in detail. And it is shown how difficult it was to receive correct
information owing to slow communication, etc. But the enumeration
of all the perplexities with which Akhenaten was confronted are
hardly necessary, because it may be justly surmised that he never
intended seriously to cope with them owing to his religious scruples.
If he had meant to deal with them, two or three punitive expeditions
would have been quite sufficient to have restored order.

Previous Egyptian history is related clearly and concisely. An
idea is formed of the debt we owe to Ahmes, son of Ebana, for his
diary from the walls of his tomb. Too much space is given to the
details of Thothmes Ill's campaigns, which have no bearing on the
story and are quite superfluous. The reign of Amenhotep HI is treated
in masterly fashion ; and it gives a brilliant and vivid picture of the
affluent times of the Egyptian Solomon.

The book on the whole gives us an admirable account of the ancient
world at this extremely interesting period. And it is a book that will
be appreciated alike by the casual reader and the specialist.

C. J. C. Bexnett.

TRAVAUX ET MEMOIRES DE L'iNSTITUT d'eTHXOLOGIE, PARIS 889

Universite DE Paris : Travaux et Memoires de l’Institut
D Ethxologie, Tome I. “ Les Bas-Reliefs des Batiments
Royaux d’Abomey (Dahomey)." Par Em. G. Waterlot,
Chef de ITmprimerie Ofhcielle de Madagascar, pp. 56, 23 plates
(18 coloured) ; lOd x 7. 1926.

Tome III. “ La construction collective de la maison en Kabylie.
Etude sur la cooperation economique chez les Berberes du
Djurjura." Par Rexe Maunier, Professeur a la Faculte de
Droit de I'Universite de Paris, Ancien Directeur de ITnstitut de
Sociologie de I’Afrique du Xord. pp. 80 ; 3 plates, 9 figures in
text; 101 X 7. 1926.

Tome IV. " La Litterature Populaire a la Cote des Esclaves. Contes,
Proverbes, Devinettes." Par Rene Trautmann, Medecin Major
de Ire classe des Troupes Coloniales. pp. 104. 1927. Paris :
Institut d'Ethnologie. 191 Rue Saint-Jacques.

These beautifully-produced monographs fitly open a series, edited
by Professor Levy-Bruhl, M. Marcel Mauss, and Dr. Rivet — names
which will be familiar to all anthropologists. The second volume,
which we do not notice here, deals with the art of New Caledonia, We
are further promised Les Tribus du groups Lobi, Volta Noire Moyenne,
by Professor Henri Labouret, formerly of the (French) West African
Civil Service, which should prove of outstanding interest. M.
Waterlot's book seems at first sight to contain a very small amount of
letterpress in proportion to the pictures ; but his 5G pages give an
admirable precis of Dahoinean history and a very clear account (illus-
trated by two plans) of the remarkable buildings at Abomey, for which
the term “ palace " is not altogether inappropriate. Moreover, a wealth
of information is packed into the explanatory notes appended to the
plates which constitute the real raison d'etre of the book. The majority
of these represent the polychrome terra-cotta bas-reliefs which decorate
the buildings above-mentioned, and which are interesting, not only
for the new light they throw on African art. but for their significance.
They constitute a kind of hieroglyphic history of the reigns they com-
memorate. sometimes more or le.ss literal (as in Plate XI, where a
Dahomean warrior is shown carrying on his shoulder an enemy prisoner),
or symbolical, as in Plate X. where King Ghezo appears in the figure
of a buffalo, alluding to an expedition against the Mahi, in which
‘‘ the Dahomeans rushed through the country like a herd of mad
buffaloes ". (This figure, however, has also been explained as an
allegorical representation of the thunder-god.) Elsewhere, Ghezo is

890

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

figured as an elephant and as a horse ; in Plate XIII we see his favourite
wife, Sofignan, planting a flag on a rock outside an enemy village.
In Plate YIII the Thunder-god is figured as a ram holding in his
mouth a double-headed axe — of a somewhat different shape from
the Cretan labrys. (The association of axe or hammer with thunder
is so obvious that one need not resort to any theory of diffusion.)
In Plate IX the Eainbow-god, Djiso, “ the servant of the Thunder," is
represented in the form of a serpent — white, with coloured bands —
swallowing its tail.

Unfortunately, the oldest of these sculptures, those belonging to
the palace of King Agadja (1708-28) no longer exist. It is some
consolation that M. Waterlot was able, in 1911, to take squeezes of
them, which are now in the Mus^ d’Ethnographie at Paris. The last
King of Dahomey did not, like his predecessors, construct a new
palace on his accession ; he occupied that of his father, Glele
(Burton’s Gelele), and the reliefs referring to the events of his
reign are to be found there. One of them represents him as a shark,
in allusion to the words he is said to have used on hearing that the
French had occupied Kotanu : “ Le requin audacieux a trouble

la barre,” meaning that he was the shark who, by stirring up the surf,
would prevent them from landing. A son of King Gbehanzin was one
of those who explained the meaning of the various figures to M.
Waterlot.

I should like to call particular attention to a note by M. Le Herisse
(author of Uancien royaume du Dahomey, 1911) in elucidation of Plate
XXIII. This depicts the recades of nine Dahomean rulers. A recade
(the word is Portuguese ; the native name is simply Kjx) “ a staff ”)
is in the nature of a crest or coat-of-arms carried out in iron or brass
and surmounting the staff of office. Thus Gbehanzin's is a shark, Glele's
a lion, Agadja’s a boat ; for the interpretation of these symbols the
reader is referred to the text.

M. Maunier's study of industrial co-operation among the
Berbers (in the vernacular twiza) is interesting in quite a different
way. It is well known that this kind of work in common
is applied to agricultural operations in various parts of the world
(e.g. by the Anyanja, the Zulus, and others) but not so much attention
has been paid to co-operation in other departments. There are
numerous examples of this in Xorth Africa : “La vie industrielle, en
Kabylie, presente des applications diverses de ces modes cooperatifs.
La reparation des chemins, le nettoyage des fontaines, I’enlevement

TRAVAU? ET MEMOIRES DE l'iNSTITUT d'ETHN0L03IE, PARIS 891

des immondices, le transport de divers objets, donnent lieu proprement
a des requisitions, qu’ordonne le chef du village ou amin. La coutume
kabyle veut meme parfois que Ton doive preter appui pour relever et
recharger les betes, alors pourtant qu'il s’agirait de secourir un ennemi.”

But the work more especially studied here is that of house-building,
which is described in all its stages, with the ritual appertaining to each
— e.g. the sacrifice on digging the foundation. The division of labour
between men and women is also a point to be noted.

Dr. Trautmann’s collection comprises tales translated from Fon
and Popo (which are dialects of Ewe) and Nago (a dialect of Yoruba).
Many of them are variants of themes well known in African folk-lore ;
thus, the story of Aminatu and Abalo (p. 12) is a novel version of the
“ Holle " motive. An anecdote illustrating the moral “ II ne faut
pas avoir de fausse honte " is curiously reminiscent of the Yao story
of “ The Man with the Bran Porridge ” in Macdonald’s Africana
(ii, 369).

“ Pendant une famine, un gendre alia rendre visite a sa belle-mere.
II la trouva occupee a faire bouillir les haricots. Au bout de quelques
instants la femme sortit. . . . L’homme s'empara aussitot d’une
cuiller. deroba une bonne partie de haricots bouillants qu’il dissimula
au fond de son bonnet. Le belle-mere revenant a I’improviste, le
gendre se recoiSa en hate et eut le cuir chevelu atrocement brule.
?se pouvent bientot plus supporter la douleur. il lan§a a terre sa
coiffure et les haricots accusateurs joncherent le sol. Pourquoi cet
homme n’a-t-il pas dit qu’il avait faim ? ”

The set moral appended to each story seems to me to be a trait
of sophistication — perhaps added as supposedly more acceptable to a
European auditor.

The riddles are much of the usual African type : What is the

long stick which reaches from the sky to the earth ?. The rain.”
“ What passes the king's door without greeting him ? The water in
the moat,'’ etc., etc. I quote a few specimen proverbs

If the white man stammers, it is hard work for the interpreter.

Two sheep cannot drink from the same calabash.

Do not run after happiness ; it is behind you.

The stone thrown in anger does not kill the bird.

If you have been bitten by a snake, you will take fright when you
see an earth-worm.

If a task proves too much for me, I say it is useless.

A. W.

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REVIEW'S OF BOOKS

An Africa for Africans By Arthur S. Cripps. With a Preface
by Philip H. Kerr. C.H.. Secretary of the Rhodes Trust. 2f»0 p]>..
map. Price 9s. net. London ; Longmans:. Green & Co.. Ltd..
1927.

Mr. Cripps has. during nearly thirty years’ residence in Mashona-
land, acquired a thorough knowledge of the native and his problems.
He is already known to a limited circle, and more especially to his
Oxford friends, as a poet of rare distinction in his osvn line and a v\Titer
of short stories {Faert/- Lands Forlorn and other collections) which
convey with marvellous vividness the colour and atmosphere of Africa,
as well as by his longer novels, The Brooding Earth and Bay-Tree
Country, which — however hotly their themes may he debated — can.
once read, never be forgotten.

The present volume is concerned with the native question, and
more especially the land question, in Southern Rhodesia. When it is
remembered that the white inhabitants of that territory number under
40,000, and the natives over 830,000,^ the fact that 31,486,095 acres
have been alienated to the former, while 21,203,498 acres have been
allotted for Native Reserves, certainly supplies food for thought. It
is disconcerting to hear that the Land Commission of 1925 proposed
to allot to white settlers an additional 17,423,815 acres out of the
unalienated remainder, while less than half that amount was recom-
mended to be added to the Native Reserves.

The above statement may be said to form the text of Mr. Cripps s
book, which is an eloquent plea, well supported by evidence, for
territorial segregation ” in Southern Rhodesia. It may be explained,
for the sake of those to whom the term “ segregation “ is anathema,
that its implications in Mr. Cripps's territory are somewhat different
from those which it bore when proposed in the provinces of the Union,
where it would certainly be both impracticable and unfair. That
the assignment of reserves must be conducted by an authority both
disinterested and competent is evident from the fact that much of the
land assigned for this purpose is either “ arid bush-veld " or malarial,
or infected by sleeping-sickness (as the Sebungwe District).

Mr. Philip Kerr, who contributes a preface, though approving
of the book on the whole, thinks that “ Mr. Cripps may he a little
unsympathetic to modern civilization ". In order to discuss this
proposition, it would be necessary- fir.st to inquire what exactly
is meant by civilization. A. W.

^ The figure given in the current issue of Whitaker’ ^ Almanac i» 834,473.

DIE SVDAXSPRACHEy

893

Die westlichex Sudaxsprachex uxd ihre Beziehuxgex zum
Baxtc. Von Diedrich V'estermaxx. Mit einer 8praclieii-
karte von Hermaxx Baemaxx. Beiheft zu den Mitteilimgen
des Seminars ftir orientaiiscke Sprachen. Jahrgang xxix. pp. 313 ;
10 X Berlin (In Kommission bei Walter de Gruyter u. Go.).
1927.

The problem of the West African languages is not nearly so simple
as that of the Bantu family. Fifty years ago, indeed, they seemed to
constitute a hopeless chaos, and the only way to deal with them
appeared to be that adopted by F. W. Muller, of gathering into a
“ Negro Group all those tongues which could not be otherwise
classified. Gust's words on the subject may well seem, at this time
of day, to have been prophetic. Writing in 1883, after quoting
Munzinger's remarks to the effect that “ though it may be a con-
venient, it is not a logical method to lump together under one name a
lot of people of unknown ethnological and linguistic t}’pes ”, he goes
on to say : “ No existing name can be produced more suitable, and I
protest against the coining at this period of our knowledge of any new
name. Nothing was more illogical than the use of the word ‘ Turanian '
in Asia a quarter of a century ago ; it has dropped out of use now or been
restricted to a limited significance, but it had its use until a more
perfect knowledge enabled names of new' families and groups to be
struck out. So will it be with the Negro group. Twenty-five years
hence it will give wayto some more accurate and scientific terminology.”

This prediction has certainly been fulfilled — almost, in fact, to the
letter, for the term ” Sudanic family ” came into use. if not within
Gust’s twenty-five year limit, at least very shortly after its expiry.
In 1911, Professor Westermann published Die Sudansprachen. which
sets forth his reasons for believing that the miscellaneous “group ”
is in reality (Hausa, Musgu, and perhaps some others being eliminated)
a homogeneous family, extending in an irregular zone across the
continent from the neighbourhood of Cape Verd to the highlands
of Abyssinia. This view has met with some opposition, on account of
the extremely divergent character of various languages included in
the family — e.g. the Mandingo group and those which Sir H. H.
Johnston calls “ Semi-Bantu ” and Dr. Struck “ Bantoid ". (Pro-
fessor Westermann, as will be seen, prefers the term “ Klassen-
sprachen ’".) The author, however, has so far seen no reason to
modify it in essentials.

The present volume, the outcome of some sixteen years' further

894

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

study, carries out the detailed examination of the linguistic area
enclosed, roughly speaking, between the Atlantic, the Senegal, and
the Niger. Northern Nigeria and the territory’ bordering on it to the
east have been omitted from the survey, as the existing naaterials
are insufficient for satisfactory treatment (Hausa and Fulbe, not
being Sudanic. do not come into consideration).

To prevent misconception, we must not lose sight of the fact,
emphasized in the very first paragraph, that the Sudanic languages
do not form a unity in the same sense as can be predicated of the
Bantu.

“ Tiefgreifender und wahrend langerer Zeitriiume als in der
Siidhalfte des Erdteils ist die Viilkerwelt zwischen Sahara und
Aequator durch heute noch nicht abgeschlossene Bewegungen ges-
palten, zerrissen, fiber und ineinander gedrangt worden, und von diesen
fiber Jahrtausende sich erstreckende Wandlungen, die Stammesein-
heiten umgestalteten vernichteten und neue entstehen liessen, sind die
sprachlichen Verhaltnisse ein Spiegelbild. Der heutige Zustand ist
haufig ein Ausgleich zwischen zwei oder mehr aufeinandergestossenen
Sprachen oder Sprachgruppen, deren jede Bestandteile an die neu
sich bildende Einheit abgegeben hat."’

Some languages have perished altogether, while scanty remnants
of others have been absorbed into surviving forms of speech. If
we consider, further, that the modifying influences come, not merely
from cognate (Sudanic) languages, but from Hamitic or other contacts
on the east and north, it is not surprising that the development of the
various groups should have taken such different directions that some
writers have refused to recognize, e.g. Mandingo, or the Gur group
(Mosi, Grusi, Senufo, etc.), as belonging to this family.

It may be remarked in passing that the position of the genitive
(possessor preceding thing possessed), which Professor Meinhof (Modern
Spraehforschung in Afrika, p. 93) enumerates as an essential
characteristic of the Sudanic family, is by no means invariable.
Mr. N. \V. Thomas has pointed out that the reverse arrangement,
that common to Hamitic and Bantu (“ the house of the man " as
opposed to “ the man’s house ”, or more literally, “ man, house ’')
occurs almost if not quite as frequently.

Professor Westermann, in grouping the languages, has for the most
part followed a classification which he calls die bisher fibliche . . .
da sie kurz, sachlich nicht unzutreffend und also keiner Anderimg
bedfirftig ist ”. It does not, however, quite coincide with Dr. Struck’s,

DIE SUDAXSPRACHEN

895

as given by Mr. X. W. Thomas in Bulletin I (Part lY, p. 120). He
assumes six groups : —

(i) The Kwa Languages, including the Ewe-Twi group (perhaps
the most typical of the family), the “ Lagoon languages " (Mekibo,
Kyama, Adyukru, etc.), the Kru languages (also a comprehensive
term — SQeDelaiosse,TocabulairesCompara(ifsde . . . la Cote d'Ivoire),
Yoruba, Xupe, Ibo, Edo — and possibly Idzo (Ijo), but the position
of this last is still uncertain.

(ii) The Benue-Cross River Group (Sir H. H. Johnston's Semi-
Bantu groups A to G) including Efik, Munshi. Tarawa, some twenty-
seven in all.

(iii) “ Togo-Restsprachen ", the speech of fragmentary tribes
• surviving in the hill-country between the seventh and eighth degrees
of North latitude. These languages are tending to die out and to be
replaced by Ewe and Twi. The names by which they are usually
known (Avatime, Santrokofi, Kebu, etc.) are mostly those of localities,
the people themselves using different designations.

(iv) The Gur Languages.

(v) The West Atlantic Group (a) Temne, Bulom. Limba. Gola, etc. ;
(6) Djola, Bolama, Biafada, Konyagi, etc.

(vi) Mandingo or Mande.

Of these, ii, iii. iv, and v may be reckoned as “ class-languages ",
the classes being distinguished either by prefixes or suffixes —
occasionally, as in the case of Gurma, by both. But — as we find
elsewhere — the languages are not contained in watertight compart-
ments. “ Das Klassensystem ist teilweise in die Kwa-Sprachen
eingedrungen, und die den Kwa-Sprachen eigentumlichen nominal-
bildenden vokalischen und Nasalprafixe stehen zweifellos teilweise in
Zusammenhang mit den Klassenaffixen. . ." It appears that these
languages formerly had a greater number of prefixes than they now
possess ; Mande, on the other hand, shows no trace of such an
arrangement.

The fact that Ekoi, Anyang, and some of the members of the
second group are now definitely classed as Bantu further indicates
the difficulty of exact delimitation.

The class-affixes of the Kwa group are closely related to the Bantu
prefixes, but in vocabulary it is much more nearly allied to Mandingo
which, as already stated, has no class-system.

In Index B “ Sudan-Urbantu we have a collection of 112 hypo-
thetical ground-forms, showing a remarkable degree of coincidence.

896

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

There can be no reasonable doubt of an ultimate relationship ; it is
likewise evident that such relationship must be extremely remote.

It will be clear from the above that Professor Westcrmann's work
marks a notable advance in a department in which he is the jhoneer
and — save for a very few elect fellow-workers — may be said to stand
alone. It only remains to atld that this book should be studied in
conjunction with his Wcstsudanische Studicn (Mitteiluntjen des Seminars
fiir orientalische Sprarlwn. vols. 28 and 29) and the late il. Delafosse s
Vocabidaires Comparatifs de plus de 60 Langues on Dialedes paries
d la Cote d'Ivoire et dans les regions limitrophes (1904).

A. W.

Jal’xde-Worterbuch. Unter Mitwirkung von P. H. Nekes PSM
bearbeitet und herausgegeben von M. Heepe. (Being vol. xxii of
Abhandlungen aus dem Gebiet d^r Auslandskunde, published by
the University of Hamburg.) pp. 258 ; 11| x Hamburg
(Kommissionsverlag L. Friedrichsen & Co.), 1926.

Jaunde (Yaunde or Eundu) is one of the languages spoken by the
“ Fan ’’ (Faij or Pamwe) group of tribes in the C'ameroons, who,
along with the Duala, the Ekoi, and one or two others constitute
the north-westerly outpost of the Bantu-speaking peoples. A
grammar of Yaunde was published as long ago as 1911 in the series
of textbooks issued by the Berlin Oriental Seminary. It was the work
of Father Xekes, who had resided for many years in the country,
and who subsequently (as stated on the title-page) assisted Dr. Heepe
in the present work. One gathers that Dr. Heepe did not himself
work in situ, but he had the advantage of consulting several Y^aunde
natives, whose help is duly acknowledged, ^\’hile undoubtedly Bantu
in structure, Yaunde has been strongly influenced by the speech of
neighbouring non-Bantu tribes ; this is more especially indicated by
the tendency to monosyllabism. by the prevalence of the velar labials
hp and gh (these have been found to occur, however, in one East
African Bantu dialect) and the extensive use made of tone. (This
last must not be stressed too far as a point of difference between the
Bantu and Sudanic families : though, undoubtedly, it is more
conspicuous, on the whole, in the latter.)

The Bantu noun-classes from 1 to 11 are quite clearly represented
in Yaunde : the prefixes do not show much change, except that a has
been substituted for li (in a few cases the latter has survived in the

A GRAMMAR OF THE SESUTO LANGUAGE

897

form le. the symbol e iudicatiiig a voM’el intermediate between
Cardinals 2 and 3), e for ki and o for lu. There appears to be everv-
■\vhere a tendency to broaden vorvels. The fifth prefix appears as e~
in Ganda. but a- seems to be a novelty. The greater part of the book
is taken up with the Yaunde-German dictionary, which is very fullv
illustrated with idiomatic examples. This is followed by an interesting
collection of personal and place-names, for which due credit is given
to Father Nekes. The German-Yaimde part, according to the plan
frequently followed in works of this kind, is much shorter than the other
and serves primarily as an index to the Dictionary. This is infinitely
preferable to the practice of filling up a number of pages with words
Uke (to take a few at random) adequate adherent “ adjacent ”,
“ admixture ”, adumbrant " ; the only reason for which could be
the existence of large numbers of natives capable of reading ordinary
English books and newspapers. Dr. Heepe has also done excellent
work in editing the Yaunde texts WTitten by two natives. Karl
Atangana and Paul Messi (1919).

A. W.

A Grammar of the Sesuto Laxgu.^ge. By the late E. Jacottet.
With the help of Z. D. M.axgoaela and edited by C. M. Doke, M.A.,
D.Litt., Senior Lecturer in Bantu Studies, University of the
Witwatersrand. Being the Special Number of Bantu Studies
for January, 1927. pp. xxiv -1- 209 ; 7x5. Johamiesburg
(University Press), 1927.

Emile Jacottet's name has been known for many years to all
serious students of the Bantu languages and of Comparative Folklore.
His death in 1920, under tragic circumstances which need not be
particularized here, leaves a gap which cannot easily be filled. Among
other unpublished MSS. (most of which, one hopes, will eventually
see the light) he left an unfinished grammar, which has now been
completed by Dr. Doke and published at the expense of the University
of the Witwatersrand. It is a matter for congratulation that so
valuable a piece of work should have been rescued from oblivion
and presented in a complete form. As the author says in his introduc-
tion : “ Having lived now for over 36 years in the country, and having
had to speak Sesuto every year. I can claim to know it in a practical
way.” He had published, in 1893, a tentative sketch prefixed to
A. Mabille's Yocabulary and in 1907 A Practical Method to Learn
Sesuto (now in the second edition), which has been found extremely

898

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

useful. The present work is of a somewhat different calibre, being
intended as a scientific study of the language. It opens with a very
careful examination of Suto phonetics, annotated by Dr. Doke, who
does not in every case agree with Jacottet’s conclusions. (It is some-
what perplexing, in view of, e.g. the notes on pp. 4, 6, 8, etc., to read
in the Preface : “ Xo attempt, even in footnotes, has been made
to explain Sesuto phonetics on a scientific basis.")

In his introduction the author, discussing the place of Sesuto in
the South-Eastern group of Bantu languages (in which he includes
Zulu-Kaffir, Thonga, Sesuto-Sechuana, and Yenda) gives a very
welcome survey of the dialects belonging to the Sesuto-Sechuana
group. The area in which these are spoken is bounded on the north
by the Zoutpansberg and to the vrest of this range by the line of
18° S., “ on the east by the Drakensberg and on the west by the
Kalahari desert. Its southern boundary may be roughly defined as
. . . the Orange River.” The group is divided into two branches :
Sechuana (with the dialects of Serolong, Setlaping, and Sekhatla
“ which, however, practically comprise one language,”) and Sesuto,
divided into a Northern and a Southern section. The northern
includes numerous dialects, of which Sepeli (Sepedi) is the most
important, while “ Southern Sesuto, or Sesuto proper, the language
which is presented in this grammar, is the Northern Sesuto developed
and, to some extent influenced, by Zulu, its nearest neighbour ”.

The occurrence of a click, not found in the other dialects, is usually
attributed to this influence. Jacottet, however, says that “ it seems
they were introduced ” from the old Setlokoa dialects, now almost
superseded by standard Sesuto, which, by the by, is rapidly becoming
a literary language of remarkable range and flexibility. It may be
noticed that this author adheres to the usual spelling Sesuto. It
seems that both vowels are the same ; it would therefore be more
logical to write either (Se) Sutu or, as the Germans do, Sotho (the t
being aspirated and the vowel Meinhof’s c, i.e. intermediate between
cardinal vowels 7 and 8). Dr. Doke, while evidently not convinced
by Jacottet’s objections to a change in the current orthography,
makes no mention of this particular point. On the question of division
into words, it is difficult to agree with the dictum (p. xxii) : “ Just as
in English we would not dream of writing Ishallnomoreivantyou, so
we ought not to write in Sesuto hakesatlaubatla.” The two examples
are by no means parallel, since neither ha nor ke nor sa nor u can be
used as independent words ; nor can hatla be used alone, except in

ABRIDGED SWAHILI GRAMMAR

899

the imperative singular. Dr. Doke does not seem to have taken this
into account, but it seems an equally cogent reason against separation
with that which he gives, viz. that ” the whole questions of the division
into words in Bantu languages should be subservient to sound -groups,
and . . . Hahesauhatla makes up one. or at most two, word-groups.”
Dr. Doke frequently differs from the author iu the marking of the
tones ; but on this subject, apparently, there is plenty of room for
divergent opinions. 3b'. 0. P. Lestrade. after going through
Endemanns Worterhuch with a native 3Iopeli, came to the conclusion
that many of the tones are wrongly marked. Our author in the present
instance, while fully appreciative of Endemann's Versuch einer
Grammatik (a work, in fact, which marks a new epoch in Bantu
studies) is somewhat severe on the Dictionary, except so far as it
deals with the Peli dialect. Space does not permit of examining
the Grammar point by point : one can only say that Dr. Doke, his
assistant, 3Ir. Happington 3Ioshoeshoe. and the Union Government,
who, by a research grant made publication possible, are entitled to our
deepest gratitude. ' A. W.

Abridged Swahili Grammar, Phr.ases. Stories, and Vocabularies.

By G. JIurray-Jardine. pp. 63 ; 7^ x 4|. Loudon; Sheldon

Press (S.P.C.K.), 1927. Price 2s. Cd.

A useful little book, so much so that I caimot refrain from pointing
out a few inaccuracies in the hope that they may be corrected in
a future edition. It is not con-ect to say that “ the class (of w-nouns)
is a very small one ". since it contains all abstracts as well as a great
many others, nor to include in this class «« a flower ", which belongs
to the fifth : ita a court-yard ” (originally higa) does, in fact, belong
to the if-class. The locative construction is entirely ignored and the
erroneous statement that the sixth class ... is composed of one word
onlv, mahali, place or places " is obviously repeated from Steere.
On p. 11 we read : “ who or which may be expressed by the prefix
o and . . . refers to all classes and numbers of nouns." This may be the
case in the slipshod methods " of speech which the author rightly
reprobates in his preface ; but a reference to Steere would have showm
him that, in spite of a certain levelling tendency towards a universal
- 0 -, each class has properly its own relative pronoun. A fair number of
printer's errors have — no doubt inevitably — escaped correction:
but it seems uncertain whether kope for kobe ("tortoise"),
persistently repeated on p. 46, should be classed with these or not.

A. W.

900

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

Die Laute des Ful. Von August Klixgenhebex. (Neuntes
Beiheft zur Zeitschrift fur Eingeborenensprachen.) Berlin
(Dietrich Reimer) : Hamburg (C. Boysen). 1927.

Dr. Klingenheben, who has for several years specialized in African
languages at the Hamburg University, has produced a remarkable
piece of work as his thesis for the Doctorate of Philosophy. Though
handed in three or four years ago, its publication has been retarded
till now, with the disadvantage that two papers which really pre-
suppose it have appeared before it in the Zeitschrift fiir Eingeborenen-
sprachen. On the other hand, the delay has enabled the author to
make use of some recent works, e.g. those of M. Gaden, IVIrs. Leith-
Ross, and Captain Taylor. Ful, or Fulani, a standing puzzle to
philologists, has attracted a good deal of attention in recent years,
as evidenced by the works above referred to, and also those of Professors
Westermann and Meinhof. The latter classes it among Hamitic
languages (“ vermutlich alteste uns zugangUche Form einer Hamiten-
sprache though occupying a peculiar position among them. The
grammatical structure of Ful was long thought to be unique, but
some allied idioms have lately been discovered in West Africa, and in
Meinhofs view (somewhat resembling that arrived at independently
by the late Sir H. H. Johnston), it is to its impact on the speech of the
Sudan that we must look for the origin of the Bantu languages.
Though starting from the foundation of Westermann's work,
Dr. Klingenheben may certainly be said to have added considerably
to the structure. He has based his conclusions on original research,
but, as this was chiefly carried out with Fulani from the Hausa states, he
does not claim to offer a complete conspectus of sounds in all Ful
dialects. But a monograph like the present is the indispensable
prerequisite to the comprehensive work for which he hopes in the
future. An adequate appreciation of his book would task the powers
of a specialist in phonetics — and to the attention of such specialists
it is hereby cordially commended.

A. W.

The Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, to which we
already owe many valuable helps to the acquisition of African languages
has lately developed fresh activity in this direction and issued from
the Sheldon Press a number of attractive volumes, all welcome and
some of them meeting special requirements of this School. We are

S.P.C.K. PUBLICATIONS

901

particularly glad to see handy reprints of the late Sir Apolo Kagwa’s
collection of folk-tales : Engero za Baganda (with the erra*a of the
Kampala edition eliminated) and Bakabaka be Buganda (History of
the Kings of Uganda) to which the chronicles of the Kings of Bunyoro,
Koki. Toro, and Ankole have been added. We have further, in
Luganda, an elementary Manual of Hygiene, translated by S. W.
Kulubya from the English text-book of Dr. Mary Blacklock, and
a school reading-book (Akatabo ak'okusomiranga ab'omugigi II )
together with a version of the Pilgrim's Progress (Otnitfambitze) by
the Rev. E. C. Gordon, illustrated with photographs taken by
Mr. \V. J. \V. Roome. on the occasion of a pageant arranged at
Kampala. These photographs, in which the characters in Eunyan's
allegory appear as characteristic native types, are an additional
testimony to the universal human appeal of the book and largely
contribute to its popularity. They reappear in Canon Dale’s excellent
Swahili translation (Safari ga Msafri). which reaches us at the same
time. Other Swahili books recently issued by the same Press are
reprints of Mambo na Hadithi and Pisa na Hadithi. produced, many
years ago, by members of the Universities’ Mission, and Kos. 1 and 2
of Masimidizi ga Mambo Leo, the work of Mr. Frederick Johnson.

These charming little books, clearly printed and attractively got
up. contain stories which have already ajipeared in the Swahili
monthly edited by 3Ir. Johnson, and. being .sold at the low price, of
twopence each, are certain of a large circulation among a native public
which is developing an insatiable appetite for literature. A History
of Bunyoro (Kg'Abakama ba Bungoro) by the Prime Minister of that
kingdom. Petero Bikunya. is. apart from the value of its matter,
a welcome specimen of an intere.sting language, allied to, but more
archaic than Luganda. Finally, we have one book in a South ..\frican
tongue, a Sesuto version of the Gospel .story (Bophelo ba Jesa Kreste
Ka MokJioa o Bonolo). translated by a native Canon of Bloemfontein,
the Rev. Walter Mochochoko.

From the same publishers we have received : —

Imihobe nemibongo (Xosa Poetrg for Schools). By S. C. Mqayi.

Short Chapters of African Historg. By H. T. C. Weatherhead.

Gang Fables, collected by P, H. Lees. F.R.G.S. (Gang, or Acholi,
is a language of the Sudanic family, closely related to Shilluk and
Luo.)

Omutambaze II (Luganda Pilgrim’s Progress. Part If).

A. M’erxer.

ORITI^\KV

We regret to chronicle the death of the Kev. William Ernest
Taylor — the foremost Swahili scholar in this country — which occurred,
suddenly, at Bath on the 2nd October, ilr. Taylor, a graduate of
Hertford College, Oxon, went to Africa in the .service of the Church
Missionary Society, and remained there till 1S9G, when failing health
compelled him to leave. He afterwards worked in Egypt for two years
(1898-1900) and after an interval of clerical duty in England, returned
for a short time to Khartum in 1903. The rest of his life was passed
at home, the last few years as Rector of Halton Holgate. in Lincoln-
•shire. His linguistic ability was exceptional, and his ear for sounds
extraordinarily delicate and sensitive. While his terminology is
frequently inexact (the science of Phonetics was in its infancy when
he began his studies, inspired by the work of the late Henry Sweet),
his conclusions are almost invariably sound. His published work is
scarce!}' proportionate to the extent of his k'nowledge : it includes
translations (into the Mombasa dialect) of the Prayer Book. Gospels,
and Psalms and — most important from the linguistic point of view — ■
African A-phorisms (1891), Girijama Vacahuhrtj and Collections (1891)
— prefaced by some invaluable phonetic and grammatical notes on
this interesting language, and conveying, incidentally, much inq)oitant
information as to beliefs and customs — Grounxhrork of the Sicahih'
Language (1899) and the aimotated edition of the Inkishafi ijoem
included in the late Captain Stigand'.s Dialect in Sirahili. The
Aphorisms should never have been allowed to go out of j^rint. both for
the sake of the proverbs themselves and the notes, which besides
elucidating many obscure points in Bantu granunar are full of interest
from other points of view. Mr. Taylor was an enthusiast for the
Mombasa dialect, which he considered the purest — at anv rate, the
one best adapted for Swahili prose, as that of Lamu for poetrv and that
of Zanzibar for trade. (It has been, perhaps, somewhat unduly
depreciated of late.) Professor Meinhof has repeatedly called
attention to the value of 3Ir. Taylor's linguistic and more especiallv.
phonetic work, which, he thought, was insufficiently appreciated in
this country. After his retirement from work in Africa, he acted tor
many years as Examiner in Swahili to the War Office. I had not the
honour of being personally acquainted with Mr. Taylor, but found,

VOL. IV. e.vRT IV. .39

OBITUARY XOTICE

i»U4

in 1911-13. that ht- \va.s still held iu affectionate remeinhrance by the
natives of IMombasa ami other places on the Swahili Coast. Thii.',
Muhammad bin Mahdim, in relating the local tradition about the Portu-
guese prie.st. Dorn Miguel of Mombasa, .said : He was just like ‘Bwana
Tela — everyone knew him, men, women, and children— and thev ,ill
loved him.' Popular verses, still current in ray time, te.stified to
the respect which the Moslems felt for him, while repudiating his
theologj-. For instance —

Azingazinga na chm hcapani.

Atafiita mema, haoni ilada ya Mola :

Haiko sokoni, hatwetidi. Tela, ziivani !

A. \V.

INDEX TO VOLUME IV

Abu’l Fazl. portrait of, 721.

Adbhuta-ramdyatta, 11.

Adhyatma-raina yana, 11.

Africa, folk-lore of. 2-17 ; negro songs of,
827.

African languages, Chibemba, 839 ;
Kanuri, 139 ; Swahili, 247 ; work of
Prof. M. Delafosse. 67.7 ; work of
W. E. Tavlor. 903.

AynAyn. selection of Tamil Saivite
hymns, 761.

Ajanta frescoes, 493.

Akhar Xdmdh, portrait of Abu'l Fazl,
721.

Alatnkara, works on, 279.

Alexandre de Rhodes, Father, travels
of, 47.

American University, Bayrut, 750.

Amir JUiusrau, first Khari poet. 333.

Ananda K. Coomaraswamy. see Coomara-
swamy.

Arabic, contemporary literature, 747 :
infinitives in Urdu, 779 ; journalism.
751 ; poetry. Xaqqash’s version of
KnlV.n ira Dimna, -141.

Arabs, conquest of Persia by, 732.

,4ravamuthan, T. G., The Kneeru the
ilaukhnris. and the ,Saiiijam Aye. 171.

-Archbold. \V. A. .1.. Oidlineti of Indian
CnnAitutional History (Butfsh Period},
400.

-Architecture, Chinese treatise on, 473.

-Armenians, in Persia, 76.

-AkxoLD. T. W., -4 Portrait of Abii’l Pa:l.
721.

Ashur, cuneiform text found at. 70,

A.ssyriology, notes on the " -Assyrian
Tree 69.

Atiya Begum Fyzee Rahamin, The Music
of India, 379.

-Avestic literature, A'ama and Gandharva
legends in. 703.

Awemba. see Babemba.

Babemba, war song of the, 839.

Baburam Saksena, The 1 erb in the
Hdmdyan of Tutsi Has, 367.

Babu Svam Sundar Da.s, Bhdsd 1 igydn,
331. ■

Baikie, J.. The A mama Aye, 885.

Bailey, T. Gkahame, The Derelopment
of English t, d, in Xorth Indian
Languages, 325; English ]] urds in
Panjabi, 783 : The Gender of Arabic
Infinitives in Urdu, 779.

Bailed, F., The Volga Pompei, 197.

B-4NARSI Das J.aix, Stress-Accent in
Indo-Aryan, 315.

Bar.vett, L. D.. Jdnakiharana X\T, 285,
611 ; Yama, Gandharva, and Glaucus,
703 ; Reviews : Die Arisehe Feuerlehre
I. Tell, von J. Hertel, 174 ; The
Kaveri, the Maukharis, and the Sangam
Age, by T. G. Aravamuthan, 171 ; Die
Methode der Arischen Forschung, von
.1. Hertel, 355.

Bengali, ballads. 89 ; Ranutyanas, 580.

Benimadhab Barua and Kumar G. Sinha,
Barhut Inscriptions, 877.

Bennett, 0. J. C., The A mama Age, by
.1. Baikie, 885.

Benoytosh Bhattacharyya. The Indian
Buddhist Iconography, 181.

Bertram, Sir Anton, and J. AV. A.
A’oung, The Oitkodox Patriarchate of
Jerusalem, 655.

Bhagavadgita, commentaries, 59, 308,
543.

Bli.'isa, Srapnardsaradatta, 282-3.

Blidsa Viai/dii, bv Babu Svam Sundar
Das, 331.

Bilgrani, .Saved Husain, Obituary notice,
431.

Binode Behari Dutt, Tou'ii Planning in
Ancient India, 391.

Bl.agdex, C. 0.. Translation of Pater
1’. Schebosta’s Grammatical Sketch
of the. Jahai Dialect, 803, and of his
dniigle Tribes of the Malay PeHiiistihi.
269; Reviews: .4 Comparative Study
of the M'laiieslntt Island Langiiagt',
by S. H. Ray, 882 ; Sutural Man : a
lievord from Borneo, by C. Ho.se, 643 ;
,'irutplure in .'<iam. by A. Salmony,
194 : Die SpravhfunHlien und Sprachen-
kreise der Erde, von R. \\. Schmidt,
664.

Blochet, -A., Deux Residents Mongols
en Chine et en Asic Cenfrale, 2.57.

Bloch. Jules. Le Soiii du Biz, 366 ,

'■ Voir” en Indo-Aiijen, 366.

Brahui. geiider-ivords, 769.

Rrow'ne, Professor E. G.. Obituary
notice, 217 : -4 Year Amongst the

Persians, 648.

Bkuce, .j. Percy. .4 Selection from the
T’ling Shu by Chou Tzu, with Com-
mentary by I'hu Hsi, 97 ; Review :
-4 Phonograph Course in the Chinese
Xational Language, by 1 uen Ben
Chao, 197.

Buddhist, philosophy, 29 ; remains in
Eastern Turkestan, 493 ; tales, Chinese
translations of, 503.

INDEX

Budge, Sir E. A. Wallis, The of the
Cave of TreasureSy 858.

Burushaski, text in, 505.

Burzoe, autobiography, 441.

Caitya-symhol on Indian coins, 714.

CdkijarSy Hindu actors, 295.

Caland, W., Over het Vaikkanasasutroy
623 ; The ^ntapntha Brdhmana in Ike
Kdnvlya Becension, 615.

Calthorp, Lieut.-Col. E. F., Collection
of Japanese books, 679.

Campbell, Sir Duncan, Records of Clan
Campbell, in the Military Service of
the Honourable East India Company,
1600-58, 397.

Central Asia, Jataka pictures found in.
493 ; Mongols in, 257 ; original home
of the Indo-Europeans, 147.

Chakravarti, see Prabhat Chandra
Chakra varti.

Chalmers, Lord, Further Dialogues of the
Buddha, Voh, I~I1, 351, 633.

Ch'ao hsien kuan i yH, Chinese-Corean
vocabulary, 1.

Charpentier, Jabl, The Original Home
of the Indo-Europeans, 147 ; Remarks
on the Identification of some Jataka
Pictures, 493 : Reviews : Die Budd-
histische Spdtantike in Mittelasien, ron
A. von le Coq. Funfte Ted: Seue
Bildwerke, 348 : The Religion and
Philosophy of the Veda and Vpanishad-^,
by A. Berriedale Keith, 337.

Chibemba, war song in, 839.

China, Jesuit mission ‘in, 47 ; Mongols
in, 257.

Chinese, architecture, 473 ; Corean-
Chinese vocabulary, 1 ; Dsanglun,
503 ; philosophy, 97 ; translations
of Indian Buddhist tales, 503.

Chingiz Khan, 257.

Chou Tzu, T’iing Shu, 97.

Coomaraswamy, A. K., Catalogue of the
Indian Collections in the Museum of
Fine Arts, Bo'^ton, Pt. V, Rajput
Painting, 861.

Corean, obsolete words and dialects in,
9; vocabulary, 1.

Coudenhove, Hans, My African Neigh-
bours, 418.

Cripps, A. S., An Africa for the African-^,
892.

Crooke, W., Religion and Folk-lore of
Northern India, 661.

Cuneiform texts, 70.

Dardic, notes on, 533.

Davids, C. A. F. Rhys, Man as Wilier,
29 ; Review : Further Dialogues of
the Buddha, translated by Lord
Chalmers, Vols. I-IT, 351, 633.

De, SrsHiL Kuriar, Notes on some
Sanskrit Manuscripts on Alamkdra,
279 ; Some Readings of Jdnakl-
karana XVI, 611.

Delafosse, Prof. M., La Culture Moderne :
Civilisations Negro- Africaiiies, 193 ;
Obituary notice. 675.

Demieville, P., Review of the Ying tsao
fa Shih, 474.

Dhan Gopal Mukerji, Aly Brother's Face.
180.

Diez, Ernst, Die Kunst Indiens, 389.

Dineschandra, Sen, Eastern Bengal
ballads, 91 note.

Doderet, W., Government of “ Preposi-
tions ’’ in Gujarati, 65 ; The Grammar
of the Jhdnesvarl, 543 ; The Passive
Voice of the J hdnesvari, 59.

Dodwell, H., Chronicle of the East India
Company Trading to China, 1635-
1834, by H. B. Morse, 393 : A Sketch
of the History of India from 1858 to
1918. 177 ; Warren Hastings’ Letters to
Sir John Macpherson, 865.

Doke, C. M., The Pkoiieiics of the Zulu
Language, 670.

DralM i Asurik, Unvala's translation, 69.

Dravidian, gender-words in, 769 : phonO'
logy, 575.

Driver, G. R., A Grammar of the Colloquial
Arabic of Syria and Palestine, 880.

Dsanglun, 495, seq.

Du Jarric, Father Pierre, Akbnr and the
Jesuits, translated bv C. H. Payne,
639.

Dumcand, Pamjabi aur Hithdi kd
Bh^sd’V ijndn, 366.

Dutt, B. B., see Binode Behari Dutt.

Edaerton, Franklin, VikranvTs Adven-
tures, Harvard Oriental Series, Vols.
26-7, 346.

Egypt, literature of modem, 745.

Evans-Wentz, W. Y., The Tibetan
Book of the Dead, 845.

Folk-lore, beast-fables in cuneiform, 70 ;
common source of Yama, Gandharva
and Glaucus saga, 70.3 ; Khadir,
legends of, 715 ; Kurdish folk-lore,
122 : saga of Liongo Fumo, 247.

Forrest, Sir George, The State-Papers of
the Governors-General of India : Corn-
wallis, 401.

Foster, Sir William, The Embassy of Sir
Thomas Roe to India, 1615-19, 862 ;
The English Factories in India, 1668-9,
867.

Frazer, Sir James George, The Worship
of Nature, Vol. 7, 659.

INBEX

111

Oa^k'rnd' s Oriental Series, 63:2.

Gairdner, \V. H. T., The Phomticfi of
ArabiCt 402.

Gandharra-sa^a, 703.

Gaselee, S., The Difnnr of the Coptic
Church, edited by De Lacv OXearv,
406.

Gibb, H. A. R., Studies in Contemporary
Arabic Literutuie, 745. Reviews: An
Enghsh-Arabic Dictionary of Medicine,
Biology and Allied Sciences, by X)r-
Muhammad Sliaraf. 876 : (with A.
Lloyd- James) The Phonetics of Arabir^
by W. H. T. Gairdner. 402.

Giles, Lionel, Le Kou-u'en rkinois ■
Le "Foil" dans le W'en^siuan, par
G. Margolics, 640.

Giridhar Das, Jardsadh Vadh Mahu-
kdvya. Ft. I, 638.

Glaucus-saga, 703.

Godbole. K. V., see Keieo 'V'inayak
Godbole.

Gdndi, gender-words in, 769.

Greeks, domination of Persia by the, 727.

Greenshields. R. S., Dastur-i-' I shag
“ The Booh of Lovers,'* 654.

Gribble, J. D. B., -4 History of the Deccan,
Vol U, 401.

Gbiersojt, Sir George A., Bihar Peasant
Life, 376 ; On the Adbhufardmdyaria,
11 .

Grunwedel, Prof., AUbuddh>discke KuU-
statten in Chlnesisch-Turkidan, 493.

Gujarati, “ Prepositions ” in, 65.

Gutmann, Bruno, Das Bscht der Ihchaggn,
411.

Ibn MuejatTa’, Kalita ira Dimna, 441.

India, Persian invasion of, 224,

Indian coins, 714 ; drama, 295 ; musie,
105 ; painting, portrait of Abu’l
FazL 721-2 ; poetrv% 11, 59, 89, 305,
543. 579.

Imlo-Aryan phonolosy, 315, 325.

lii<Io-Europcans, original home of the,
147 : reliiiion of the. 158.

Indonesia, versions of Ra may ana current
in, 579.

Islam, sj’stem of taxation in Persia, 732.

IvENS, W. G., A Study of the Oroha
d^nnyuagp. Mahi. Solomon IdafuF, 587.

Ja<‘Ottet, E.. A (Iramninr of the Sauto
Language, 897.

Jagannath Das Ratnakar, Bihdrl Rat-
ndkar, 637.

Jahai dialect, 803.

Jakinl'n, of the .Malay Peninsula, 270.

Jal Dastur r’ursetji i^ivry, The Zoro-
astrian Dwtrinc of a Future. Life, S53.

J.AMEs. A. Lloyd and S. G. Kanherk,
The Pronunciation of Mfirdlhi, 791.

Jdnakikarana, sarga .xvi. 2S5, 611.

Japanese, collection of books in the
Library of the School of Oriental
Studios, 679 ; literature of the Yerlo
epoch, r>79.

.lanic. Path(*r Pierre Du. Du Jarric.

Jataka pictures, identification of, 493.

Javanese version of the Hdinnyana, 579.

Jesuit missions, 47.

.InanO'Vara, Marathi poet. 59, 308-9.

.) hdnf ^van, grammar of the, 59, .543.

Haie, Sir Wolselcy, -1 Year AmongM the
Persians, by E. G. Browne, 648.

Hdjjl ad-Dabir, story of Khawa*<'j Khan,

‘ 717.

Harvey, G. E., The Hidory of Burma
from the Earliest Times to lOM Mnrrh,
1824, 179.

Heepe, M., Jaunde-Worterbuch, 896.

Hemchandra Kaychaudhuri. FoUtmal
History of Ancient India. 855.

Hertel, J., Die Arische Feutrlehre, I. Ted,
174; Die Methode der Ari^chen
Forsekung, ^So.

Hickev, William. The Memoirs, I ol. 1\ ,

395 .^

Hindi, forms of, 331 ; phonology? 325.

Hose, C., Xatural Man : A Rsci>rd from
Borneo, 643,

Hultzsch. E., Inscriptions vf Asoka,
362; Mdgha’s Sisupdlaiadha, 630.

Hunza, language of, 505.

Husain, Saved Husain Bilgrani, sec
Biigrani,

Kala>ha. intervocalic dentals in, 533.

Kalila tea Dimnn, Aralhc and Persian
versions, 441.

Kanara, gendei-words. 769.

Kanhere, S. G., .4 Prayer of Sankara-
rhnrya, 30! ; Some Remark'^ on Indian
Music, 10.5; Wnman i‘andif, 305.

Kanheke, 8. G., and .\. Lloyd .James,
The Pronunciation ot Marathi, 791.

Kanuri, phonology, 13!L

Kats, .j.. The Rdmdyana xn Indonesia,
579.

Keith, A. Berricdale, The Religion and
philosophy of the Veda ami L' pamshads,
337 ; The Satapatha lirdhmana in the
Kdnnya Recension, edited by Ur.
Caland, 615.

Ke'^C'O Viiuiyak Godbole, Makardstra
Sdkuntala, 383.

Keysser, C., Worterbuch der Kdtt-
sprache, 184.

INDEX

Kha'iir. <»f, 7I”>.

Khari. ormiM 4)f, .

Khawii'':? Khan, 717.

Kjnrani, (’. A , and !>. B. l*ara^nis
.t <if the Mnrnthft ro/. ki,

178.

Kini:. Sir Kuoan Whitr. thr

Od»’« f>f ^'hntkh M u.-^hhu So ifi

Shirozt, d-'i'J.

Klink''’nhtd>«-ii. A.. />)•' Lottlr /*■■* '.MNi.

Kod.iirn. phoniili>i:\ , .■>7r».

Kowal^-w-iki’-^ Mont:<‘iian <’hr»''4tomath\ ,
traii*<latinn «>f tir^t chapter. liSlk

Kn*nkow, F. Ohituarv notnr of Saved
(luHjiin Hilirrani. 131.

Km. c^mder-wor*!-, 7t>5k

Knrdwh, text and tran^latmn of '^t»»ne''
in. 121

I^boiin't, H.. Lf I*rnf*-*^fnr Monrtrf
Obituary. ♦>7.*>.

I..a Vallec Bousfun. Louis d*'. .\'irftino. 3-'»7.

IjeOMp A. von, Ihf flU‘ldhi’‘tt’‘rhf Sft*iton-
tik'f »« 4. Futtfte T'-l

S^ur fiiliiu’trkf, 348,

Lt;k><»x, (i. E. fidhii Stftm Sundor

/}hd*d Fe^iyiin. 331.

Ix'xa, F.. f.o Motjif ion't I

if / ohrifn Fhtforf Ju^ffu'o

i ff.fjtf. b*d .

Li (’hu’h, Yimj tto’ij-i 'hih, 473.

Lindhlom, O., JoU->»'h Fono'tmf^l'i'i^'
hlond Af*‘tLon<i-o Fn!i. l’»2 ;

• rn th' h'lfhhi 413.

Lumtfi) Kumo. Swahili aa^a of. 247.

!>»H'RH.VhT, Iv . Iff I <Oiltnn < A'4»'*»/», 223

l^‘fVSniI^, S. H , F<>Hrl '*nturkf.ft.jytt,ifrn
3t>^

l>«*BIVr.R. I» !.. i: . .1 flurn^ho.-i^ T^jt
Jt' m ifunzo.

Ma.k*n7,-. ft A. 7^ /

6*1*1

Ma* phad. .1. A . .!« i'?, tvj''

MadaiT^s akara < 4 ritual *d}ti->n *{ th*'

J nri « I }ri^ '» 44.

t»'04’runu'nt itriontal
la br an. . 27l*

MaH^. th* Uama%aoa in. .'*7'»

Malay l*enm««U. 2b*».

Malayalam. trxt «*( .4^iw»/.i iru.ii#

pmhktingin^ 2^43.

Marathi, formn of th«» pA.*M>ivp. .“»<*, 372 .
srrammar of thr* .>43 .

poetry. 3*46; primnneiaiion. 7f4l.

' F‘>n " l4r ir^a

mmam. 64*> . Lr rAiaoM. 640.

Mayl^-w. ,A . rW FdmfnlM «/ /a^w. 402.
**. K.. TkA .VrwtVra TriVj *./

41 i

Mchtii, H X. and B. B.. The Mf>i>rn
fiujfirtiti'FfifjhMh Dirtinvnry, 1S2.
Melaneiian lan^^uaiies. Ornha» .787.
Miehel. B. ft le Cheikh Monstapha Abdel
lia/ik. L'heikh Mnhatumed Ahilou. sbb
MdN. L. A.. ]inti.'*h Molfiyn^ 1824 67.
647.

MiMfH. E H.. Obituary notice of K O
Browne. 217,

Mongolian, .703; tran^^latuiu

of texts in. 680,

M«ini:ols. m ('(‘iitral .V^ia and (.'hina. 2.77 .
in Persia. 742.

Mofet. A,, and O. Davy. From Tnh* t>
Ftnpire. 6.70,

.Mori^enstieriie. (i.. Rfpnrf on n Linqui-^t"
Mi<xf,,n in AJ'fhoni-iton, 367.

Morse, H. B.. ('hrmiicle* nf thf ho'f
/ioi>o i 'ni/tfxitnf Tni'itnrj to Chi/to,
I63.7-1H34, 303.

Mostafa Khan Fxteh. Toradon >n
Pfr*in, 723.

Muhammad Shah. 224.

-Muhammad Sharaf, .4« Ei}qh-ih‘A''nhn

!iirt,nt)or}i r,f }ftfiiruiK. Butlojy Ofni

Adtfii S<'ifnrfs, S76.

Mukunda Ganesh Mirajkar. Sama-doki
^dtfi, tk37.

>/b.4ftr/7r. MS, of the. 434.

Murray -.lardin*’, G.. Ahridy^d Su'ohAi
ftro/ntuor. .HOfV

•Musie. |k'n:;.\h Uillafls, 1 : necro soni:>',
h 27 : Veiio . 10.7

Mqfhfd'*<jq e>f AU Hieet, {of. mj. Afnr/in.
h% A. \Verner. 187.

X.idir '^h.*»h. 224.

Xajir, lanijuat:*' »»f. .707.

Xanal.ij ('hainai.Ul Mehta, .'studies m
Judion 663

\»'|4l\«4h. v»'rsi»*n of KoUia »ra Ihmno.
441

\».iv»n.i r*hx‘ta. o-rn/ili-i-proh-

I*' do. 2*<-7

\* Malav JtV.i.

'^1 K\

NewtiiPt. \ V, TfOt‘! on I TrO’fJlff-
j», fht \f,-ldU 1 1*^. 3‘»2.

Xh B. A . Thf \f:ithr,o i nj

J oi lit' ddln iitto,',. 2'**'

XlKtTlXF, BX"!! F. Fnrdi^h >tr,r>ff frmn
rt.y f inJfi }*f>n, 121 .

Numi^matir s. 714.

1 1

Ubiliiary Notu'T'A —

Bil*rani. Saye«i Husam. 431.
Hrowne. Prof. K <> , 217.
Ikr-Ufo^', Pr'tf M . 67-7
Taylor. Hev \V F'. . fl*»3.

IMU’A

f KKKALI.. H., .bi 0!<{ W 'if S »/}'/
liabftnbo, J531‘.

OgiK^. S.. a C'jrffiii \ 't> 'tbiihif}/, 1.

OMIuim. .1. \l . ,iini (; A. k, I'Kt

I ntf rwitionnl Hni-'tr <>J .)/<"*■*/.«

Afn^jt y limber, HT.

U'[yt‘arv. |h‘ Th I>fh-tr th>

i 'nptir i 'll un'h,

Kii.iyv.'un.

<)ri\rik: t tan. jun.'k •>( th.-

Pt'iiin-ni.G

Oroha jaiiL'ua.:.'. -tiiii\ -if ih«’. '.''7

PagK. W. Sf TT- -N. " l‘Ii li tll-l N'*

Pahlavi, "n th*- A'l-Nr.if) If*- ,

69.

I’ali. t« nil', it.gi'’ » ti..n --f.

I'anjAhi. Kiijli'li xM-r-i' in. T^■} .

loL'v,

I’axrv. .Ill h.i'tnr .1 ,|

Ihi'tiir < Uf'* tji (Ax I X .

IVr'-ia,

Arni.-TH

•iH' in.

.'»<» . -hX

}

In'iia

hv. 'Z.

j4.

■’lit nii-«, -n-

Ml,

47 .

Mnnu’"!

inx.i'i'i’

1 'A 71.' . t

1 \a

tn»n in. 7k'3

Penian

litnratnrr. XX'. rk

t.x I‘r,.f K

< ,

Hrtiw'nt*. -17 .

tfH-trx.

t •til ir Kh tx \

-tfn

4:t:t .

s VIT-I"

n -‘f k ■till 1

O'thh'i, 411,

rHIU.fTT. 1,1. ut.<**! !• <'. A t>-

Ohi •(.>.*< '-ih r

// 77

J’hih>i‘-jx . ■ <'rM‘ ir if ix . . ! |7

rh‘»n-'I' -.X , iMr-i. , ‘-VI. l»T»xj'}.f ,

.'.73 . HiT.'i:. :ij‘. In ! . \rx .• . 'tr*

.1 th -A <!* - t . •a'i'. K f f .

:,7'. . Mtr.-r.;. r,.

j'ti-;. .;j*. . }’ 1- '* . .5;-.

3!'. f. . ‘ . 1 ..

1 f i 5 ' ■*

i'jtr Kix. r- n H J ' n H J. .

I’ltt,

Ih.rtu,:’!. . I . ; r h I

22'i

(, ! •* I,t ^ .if- l,t X .

I, .h

I'rahh ‘ K^l,-lr * 1 n tkr tx f' / - ■ . /

-/ fA f{.„ , ,7».

I'rnftrjhiihjj, pj. .ifiir j . ‘ **-,• * *••• ,

J*rAkrit. ph< tj}. »j. . .i ( •

. xt r-i-.r. <.5 k /.'< ■

I'.

ktjmii.i i. *•--

m "7‘.* . *

t'nt ir\ Northf-rn ln*h-». 11

• ri ; ' -A

.atn.ik.u. .1 I
itii.trk It

• . '<

' .1 iLiann.ith | i.ik

»\ . ''i.lfii \ 1 1

. 1

( ■ ‘i; j! if ll , ! ' u-h;

• f th, M,h„.

mill

1 '1 1 >, I 1, 1 IHjlI'l')! ' ,

ssj . M ,t..‘

■!• r f\ 'll p' 'll hr ,

Xi.fi <■ K* X".

l-'l

IX ' h ni-lh-in.

li .

' • M. rti 1' fcir i

II t\ h iN-ihtiri

U* .. h t-l. \ .,1. 1 M K,,-G T- I i. .n. .,f /r.,

A.‘^ G ; . - i.«s

ll* \ 1* .t ^ k- 171.’". U7 i r» .

t.| . 71 NT. '*"1

!■ : I * t ». ^ till j jji- 1 < f ill' I ti tf X .t in t h' .
7"3

l»l*'l t , k ‘ I • ‘ I II J /'< "l h ‘t • t{ \?, N.l'j'jJ'll,

uj f .. r.i

lif-i-. G M I. iMt. 7A- / k; A

< n'.l.-l. • 1 •(,! f I,f'l f .( kl 11,

I I • <1. I- ll‘ inii ;!, /'< 'j II ' f tf, I [ ' .

ll-‘fri It, , '..i {

I »r . /.'■/'.;/»/!/ ;t. i'.i'i

I; ''.’1 ( G M' s. I .. ( . :j „ / I

U* ' i! \ / f 1 , I i llii^ j-
I </ ^ Il-hij k'li'i'} UfiA

h.i'.'.i u) }'i^h J.i'Aif ■ >1

h tu I A 7 t 7 . f tn4' 17 k b i ui/‘ I *'i.

i 'l {

ll'.h 1 , \ X 'tt, * f • ijUMf K t. *X \ .irri. I.l.l

(I •» K . ftr - . ' 't. , ( //(*/■»«'// y I II 'it/ ' J

tfil fir..., \f-lhi4IJ

I I. I fbf * \f .Kiyin'i I,,iri(ih>ii7fi,

S'.G

fc*.* I’ •_ 1 . al'*

P-**, X i . , . JT'4.

J ,! ; f. . . , I JH-. I.| J

/ . j 1 ' I-, . .G I

" i* t. «• - » i'x , { U lAn'l.t.

,,1! . - i' 1 , . JM‘,

*'• H I » » • » i v-7 • * r ' • ! rT.7f. it .

lit, ' iP.i J ih /•, { Tbi

In;,. /■.•'/ f tint \f I > Ilf / '* f.. fit' uhi

- t rr f /*f i.tf

i'h- ht ; U aUff ■ f-ifli ,fi

• ' I It . A/ /. I

ii ft 1* \\ . I fit ‘1 I h*i/r..ii*rt ar.d

^ ^ - 1 t.J f.t It .. ft f rit , ♦V.i

^ * t l'« T,.i.iuU.

.T.x,«t. . %i} t. T.*;tS» *' »

INDEX

Shuttleworth, H. Lee. The Tibetan Booh
of the Dead, bv W. Y. Evans-Wentz,
845.

Smith, Sidney, Sates on the “ Assyrian
Tree ”, 69.

Solomon Islands, Oroha language spoken
in the, 587.

S.P.C.K., Publications. 900.

Stcherbatsky, Th., The Conception of
Buddhist Sirvana^ 852 ; Sirvdnay by
L. De La Vallec Poussin, 357 ; La
Theorie de la Connaissance et la
Logique chez les Bouddhistes tardifs,
627.

Stephens, Father Thomas, S.J., 149.

Susa, inscriptions found at, 723.

Sushil Kumar De, see De, S. K,

Suto and Tato, tale of, 121.

Svapna-vdsaradatta, 282-3.

Swahili, Saga of Liongo Fumo, 247.

Syria, modern literature of, 745.

Syrian Protestant College. 750.

Taehibana, S.. The Ethics a/ Buddhism.
354.

Takakusu, Frof., History of theD5n«(;/Mw.
503.

Tamil, gender-words, 769 ; hymns, 761.

Tanganyika Territory. Report of the
Education Committee^ 1925, 416.

Tanghe, J., Chansons de Pagayeurs, 827.

Tawney, C. H., The Ocean of Story^
Penzer’s edition, 441.

Taxation, in Persia, 723.

Taylor, AV. E., Obituary notice, 903.

Telugu, gender-words, 769.

Tevaram, Tamil hymns, 761.

Thompson, ]VI. S. H., The Agasfya Selec-
tion of Tamil ^aivite HymnSy 761.

Tibetan, Dsangluny 503.

Tiling, M. von., Soinali-Texte und Vnter-
suchungen zur Lautlehre, 189.

Tocharian, 169, 503.

Torday, E., Causenes Congolaises, 191.

Toynbee, A. J., The Orthodox Patriarchate
of Jerusalem, by Sir Anton Bertram
and J. W. A. Young, 655; Survey
of International Affairs, 1925, vol. i, 872.

Tulu, phonology, 575.

T’ung Shu, selection from the, 97.

Turkestan, Jataka pictures found in
Eastern, 493.

Turner, R. L., Sotes on Dardic, 533 ;
Reviews : The Dialect of the Gypsies
of Wales, by J. Sampson, 371 ; In-
scriptions of Aioka, by E. Hultzsch,
362; Report on a Linguisitic Mission to
Afghanistan, by G. Morgenstieme, 367.

Tuttle, E. H., Dravidian Gender-words,
769 ; Kodagu “ peda ”, Tulu ” pudar ”,
575.

I’

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X, y, z

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